Chinese Engagement in Africa Drivers, Reactions, and Implications for U.S

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Chinese Engagement in Africa Drivers, Reactions, and Implications for U.S CHILDREN AND FAMILIES The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit institution that EDUCATION AND THE ARTS helps improve policy and decisionmaking through ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT research and analysis. HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE This electronic document was made available from INFRASTRUCTURE AND www.rand.org as a public service of the RAND TRANSPORTATION Corporation. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS LAW AND BUSINESS NATIONAL SECURITY Skip all front matter: Jump to Page 16 POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Support RAND Purchase this document Browse Reports & Bookstore Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND National Security Research Division View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND electronic documents to a non-RAND website is prohibited. RAND electronic documents are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This report is part of the RAND Corporation research report series. RAND reports present research findings and objective analysis that ad- dress the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND reports undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for re- search quality and objectivity. Chinese Engagement in Africa Drivers, Reactions, and Implications for U.S. Policy Larry Hanauer, Lyle J. Morris C O R P O R A T I O N NATIONAL SECURITY RESEARCH DIVISION Chinese Engagement in Africa Drivers, Reactions, and Implications for U.S. Policy Larry Hanauer, Lyle J. Morris Approved for public release; distribution unlimited This research was conducted within the International Security and Defense Policy Center of the RAND National Defense Research Institute, a federally funded research and development center sponsored by the Office of the Secretary of Defense, the Joint Staff, the Unified Combatant Commands, the Navy, the Marine Corps, the defense agencies, and the defense Intelligence Community. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 9780-0-8330-8411-8 The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit institution that helps improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND—make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute.html R® is a registered trademark. Cover image: China’s President Xi Jinping (left) walks with his Tanzanian counterpart Jakaya Kikwete upon his arrival in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, March 2013 (Reuters/Thomas Mukoya). © Copyright 2014 RAND Corporation This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND documents to a non-RAND website is prohibited. RAND documents are protected under copyright law. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see the RAND permissions page (www.rand.org/pubs/permissions.html). RAND OFFICES SANTA MONICA, CA • WASHINGTON, DC PITTSBURGH, PA • NEW ORLEANS, LA • JACKSON, MS • BOSTON, MA DOHA, QA • CAMBRIDGE, UK • BRUSSELS, BE www.rand.org Preface Most analyses of Chinese engagement with African nations focus on what China gets out of these partnerships—primarily natural resources and export markets to fuel its burgeoning economy, and agricultural products to feed its increasingly urbanized population. Some studies have described the impacts—both positive and negative— that China’s aid and investment policies have had on African countries. However, few analyses have approached Sino-African relations as a vibrant, two-way dynamic in which both sides adjust to policy initiatives and popular perceptions emanating from each other. In an effort to characterize the dynamic nature of Chinese-African relations, RAND comprehensively examined Chinese and African objectives in the political and economic spheres and the means by which they work to achieve their goals. RAND then examined the reactions of both African governments and populations to Chinese engagement and assessed the ways in which China adjusted its policies to accommo- date these often-hostile responses. RAND also considered whether the United States and China are competing for influence, access, and resources in Africa and whether opportunities might exist for the two powers to cooperate in ways that advance their mutual interests, as well as those of their African partners. This report should be of interest to analysts and policymakers concerned with U.S. policy in Africa, as well as those interested in understanding the ways in which China formulates its foreign policy. This research was conducted within the International Security and Defense Policy Center of the RAND National Defense Research Insti- tute, a federally funded research and development center sponsored by the Office of the Secretary of Defense, the Joint Staff, the Unified Combatant Commands, the Navy, the Marine Corps, the defense agencies, and the defense Intelligence Community. For more information on the International Security and Defense Policy Center, see http://www.rand.org/nsrd/ndri/centers/isdp.html or contact the director (contact information is provided on web page). iii Contents Preface ................................................................................................. iii Figures and Table .................................................................................... ix Summary .............................................................................................. xi Acknowledgments ...................................................................................xv Abbreviations ....................................................................................... xvii CHaptER ONE Introduction ...........................................................................................1 Scope of This Research ................................................................................1 Organization of This Report ..........................................................................2 CHaptER TWO Intertwined Interests of China and Africa .......................................................5 What China Wants from Africa ......................................................................5 Natural Resources and Chinese Exports ..........................................................6 International Legitimacy ............................................................................6 Security ................................................................................................8 What Africa Wants from China ......................................................................9 Political Stature .................................................................................... 10 Investment .......................................................................................... 10 Trade ................................................................................................ 15 Human Development ............................................................................. 16 Security Assistance ................................................................................. 16 CHaptER THREE How China-Africa Relations Have Developed ................................................ 19 A Brief History ....................................................................................... 19 Political Engagement ................................................................................ 21 Text Box: Chinese Government Agencies Involved in China’s Africa Policy ................. 24 Economic Engagement .............................................................................. 26 Trade ................................................................................................ 26 v vi Chinese Engagement in Africa: Drivers, Reactions, and Implications for U.S. Policy Chinese Investment ................................................................................ 32 Chinese Infrastructure Financing ................................................................ 34 Chinese Development Aid and Loans ........................................................... 35 Special Economic Zones and the China-Africa Development Fund ........................ 39 Security Engagement ................................................................................ 41 Arms Sales .......................................................................................... 41 Military Ties ........................................................................................ 42 UN Peacekeeping Operations .................................................................... 44 CHaptER FOUR The Impact of Chinese Engagement on African Countries ...............................
Recommended publications
  • Internet Surveillance in China
    The Architecture of Control: Internet Su rveillance in China James A. Lewis , Center for Strategic and International Studies July 200 6 Security concerns shape China’s official internet and information technology strateg ies . Th ese include concerns shared by many cou nt ries: promoting a strong and growing economy , providing information assurance , and defending against foreign intrusions into China’s information space . Most importantly for the Chinese, information security include s a political element not foun d in many other nations – c ontrol by the party and the state over communications and the flow of informa tion . The rapid spread of internet access and mobile communications pose a serious challenge to this goal. In response, China’s security apparatus is reorienting its informational defenses. In the past, the emphasi s was on blocking access - the “great firewall.” In the future, the emphasis will be on the monitoring and surveillance of online activities. China’s primary objective in internet securi ty is political – preventing IT from eroding the regime’s authority. Information security is defined in China as “a comprehensive concept understood in a broad sense, and it involves political, economic, cultural, ideological, media, social and military l evel or field. ” It includes “data, system, network, infrastructure .”1 Chin ese officials worry about the potential of the Internet to contribute to the loss of state secrets , offer new avenues for organizing dissent and opposition , and spread “harmful inf ormation. ” This makes controlling access to "harmful network information” and the ability to monitor and intercept communications top priorities .2 For China’s leadership, one particular set of event s demonstrated the risks of not securing networks.
    [Show full text]
  • Owner and Publisher/ Sahibi Ve Yayıncısı: Assoc.Prof.Dr./ Doç.Dr Fikret BİRDİŞLİ
    Volume: 2, Number: 4-2020 (Special Issue for China) / Cilt: 2 Sayı: 4-2020 Owner and Publisher/ Sahibi ve Yayıncısı: Assoc.Prof.Dr./ Doç.Dr Fikret BİRDİŞLİ EDITOR-IN-CHIEF/ EDİTOR Assoc. Prof.Dr. Fikret BİRDİŞLİ İnönü University, Center for Strategic Researches (INUSAM), 44280, Malatya-TURKEY Phone: +90 422 3774261/4383 E-mail [email protected] MANAGING EDITORS / ALAN EDİTÖRLERİ Political Science Editor/ Siyaset Bilimi Editörü Prof.Dr. Ahmet Karadağ İnönü University, Faculty of Economic and Administrative Sciences, Department of International Relations, 44280, Malatya-TURKEY Phone: +90 422 3774288 E-mail [email protected] International Relations and Security Studies Editor/ Uluslararası İlişkiler ve Güvenlik Çalışmaları Editörü Assoc.Prof.Dr. Fikret Birdişli İnönü University, Center for Strategic Researches (INUSAM), 44280, Malatya-TURKEY Phone: +90 422 3774261/4383 E-mail [email protected] CONTAC INFORMATION / İLETİŞİM BİLGİLERİ İnönü University, Center for Strategic Researches (INUSAM), 44280, Malatya-TURKEY Phone: +90 422 3774261 İnönü Üniversitesi, Stratejik Araştırmalar Merkezi, İİBF Ek Bina, Kat:3, 44280, Malatya-TÜRKİYE SPECIAL ISSUE FOR CHINA IJPS, 2019; 2(4) International Journal of Politics and Security, 2019: 2(4) 2020, 2 (4), / Volume: 2, Number: 4-2020 OWNER / SAHİBİ/ Assoc. Prof.Dr. Fikret BİRDİŞLİ Managing Editors / Editörler Political Science Editor: Ahmet Karadağ International Relations and Security Studies Editor: Fikret Birdişli Editorial Assistance / Editör Yardımcıları English Language
    [Show full text]
  • China's Stadium Diplomacy and Its Determinants: a Typological
    Hugh Vondracek JCIR: Vol. 7, No. 1 (2019) China’s Stadium Diplomacy and its Determinants: A Typological Investigation of Soft Power Hugh Vondracek* Abstract Since 1958, China has constructed over 140 sports facilities around the world. Previous research into stadium diplomacy lacks definitional clarity, has not systematically investigated the phenomenon, and crucially, has failed to explain why China employs stadium diplomacy where it does. This article defines the phenomenon and locates all known cases without temporal or geographic restrictions. We create a classification system and typology, permitting a comparison of theoretically-like types to develop and test a multi-determinant theory. We find empirical evidence that China employs stadium diplomacy to secure natural resources and to secure diplomatic recognition in line with the One-China policy. These findings have important implications for scholarship into the use of soft power within interstate rivalry, and the methodology demonstrates that a clear typology of soft power which is mutually exclusive and logically exhaustive can be created and is informative. Keywords: China, stadium diplomacy, soft power, interstate rivalry Introduction1 Several dozen photographers and reporters hurried into position while onlookers jostled for view, dodging the earthmovers and dust of the construction site. The President’s limousine was pulling up, but no one had come to see him. Lionel Messi was here! The best player of the world’s most popular game was in Port-Gentil, Gabon, a world away from his home in Barcelona, to lay the cornerstone of China’s newest stadium (Djellit, 2015). Just the latest example of China’s stadium diplomacy, a soft-power push dating back to 1958, reaching from Antigua, to Vanuatu, to Dar es Salaam.
    [Show full text]
  • Blue Dots Red Roads
    JULY 2020 Blue Dots AND Red Roads Frictions and the Potential for Limited Cooperation Between Chinese and U.S. International Development Models AUTHORS Matt Geraci Asiana Cooper Mengze Li JULY 2020 Blue Dots and Red Roads Frictions and the Potential for Limited Cooperation Between Chinese and U.S. International Development Models AUTHORS Matt Geraci Asiana Cooper Mengze Li I About ICAS The Institute for China-America Studies is an independent think tank funded by the Hainan Freeport Research Foundation in China. Based in the heart of Washington D.C. ICAS is uniquely situated to facilitate the exchange of ideas and people between China and the United States. We achieve this through research and partnerships with institutions and scholars in both countries, in order to provide a window into their respective worldviews. ICAS focuses on key issue areas in the U.S.-China relationship in need of greater mutual understanding. We identify promising areas for strengthening bilateral cooperation in the spheres of maritime security, Asia-Pacific economics, trade, strategic stability, international relations as well as global governance issues, and explore avenues for improving this critical bilateral relationship. ICAS is a 501(c)3 nonprofit organization. ICAS takes no institutional positions on policy issues. The views expressed in this document are those of the author(s) alone. © 2020 by the Institute for China-America Studies. All rights reserved. Institute for China-America Studies 1919 M St. NW Suite 310 Washington, DC 20036 202 290 3087 | www.chinaus-icas.org
    [Show full text]
  • Who Set the Narrative? Assessing the Influence of Chinese Media in News Coverage of COVID-19 in 30 African Countries the Size Of
    Who Set the Narrative? Assessing the Influence of Chinese Media in News Coverage of COVID-19 in 30 African Countries The size of China’s State-owned media’s operations in Africa has grown significantly since the early 2000s. Previous research on the impact of increased Sino-African mediated engagements has been inconclusive. Some researchers hold that public opinion towards China in African nations has been improving because of the increased media presence. Others argue that the impact is rather limited, particularly when it comes to affecting how African media cover China- related stories. This paper seeks to contribute to this debate by exploring the extent to which news media in 30 African countries relied on Chinese news sources to cover China and the COVID-19 outbreak during the first half of 2020. By computationally analyzing a corpus of 500,000 news stories, I show that, compared to other major global players (e.g. Reuters, AFP), content distributed by Chinese media (e.g. Xinhua, China Daily, People’s Daily) is much less likely to be used by African news organizations, both in English and French speaking countries. The analysis also reveals a gap in the prevailing themes in Chinese and African media’s coverage of the pandemic. The implications of these findings for the sub-field of Sino-African media relations, and the study of global news flows is discussed. Keywords: China-Africa, Xinhua, news agencies, computational text analysis, big data, intermedia agenda setting Beginning in the mid-2010s, Chinese media began to substantially increase their presence in many African countries, as part of China’s ambitious going out strategy that covered a myriad of economic activities, including entertainment, telecommunications and news content (Keane, 2016).
    [Show full text]
  • China Engages Asia David Shambaugh Reshaping the Regional Order
    China Engages Asia China Engages Asia David Shambaugh Reshaping the Regional Order The traditional under- pinnings of international relations in Asia are undergoing profound change, and the rise of China is a principal cause. Other causes include the relative de- cline of U.S. inºuence and authority in Asia, the expanding normative inºuence of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the growth of regional multilateral institutions, increased technological and eco- nomic interdependence throughout the region, and the amelioration of several formerly antagonistic bilateral relationships. As a result of these processes, the structure of power and the nature of the regional system are being fundamen- tally altered. China’s growing economic and military power, expanding political in- ºuence, distinctive diplomatic voice, and increasing involvement in regional multilateral institutions are key developments in Asian affairs. China’s new proactive regional posture is reºected in virtually all policy spheres— economic, diplomatic, and military—and this parallels China’s increased activ- ism on the global stage.1 Bilaterally and multilaterally, Beijing’s diplomacy has been remarkably adept and nuanced, earning praise around the region. As a result, most nations in the region now see China as a good neighbor, a con- structive partner, a careful listener, and a nonthreatening regional power. This regional perspective is striking, given that just a few years ago, many of China’s neighbors voiced growing concerns about the possibility of China be- coming a domineering regional hegemon and powerful military threat. Today these views are muted. China’s new conªdence is also reºected in how it per- ceives itself, as it gradually sheds its dual identity of historical victim and ob- ject of great power manipulation.
    [Show full text]
  • What to Expect from Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's U.S. Visit
    What to Expect from Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s U.S. Visit By Caroline Wadhams and Aarthi Gunasekaran September 25, 2013 Despite ongoing turmoil in the Middle East, the Obama administration continues its steady pursuit of a foreign policy makeover, reorienting its attention and resources to the Asia-Pacific—specifically India. Following a number of high-level visits by American officials to India, including Vice President Joe Biden’s trip in July and Secretary of State John Kerry’s trip in June, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh will meet with President Barack Obama tomorrow during his second official trip to Washington as prime minister.1 During the meeting, President Obama and Prime Minister Singh will likely focus on the following six issues in the U.S.-India relationship: • Trade and investment • Defense cooperation • The U.S.-India civil nuclear deal • Climate change and clean energy • Immigration reform • Security issues and the strategic partnership 1 Center for American Progress | What to Expect from Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s U.S. Visit For the Obama administration, underlying these discussions will be the unmet expecta- tions of the U.S.-India relationship, a relationship envisioned as the cornerstone of the U.S. rebalance to the Asia-Pacific. While there were high hopes following the U.S.-India civil nuclear deal in 2008 and Prime Minister Singh’s 2009 visit to Washington, many U.S. policymakers have been disappointed by the Indian government’s failure to deepen the partnership by implementing the civil nuclear deal, making India more open to investment opportunities for U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Xi Jinping's Address to the Central Conference On
    Xi Jinping’s Address to the Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs: Assessing and Advancing Major- Power Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics Michael D. Swaine* Xi Jinping’s speech before the Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs—held November 28–29, 2014, in Beijing—marks the most comprehensive expression yet of the current Chinese leadership’s more activist and security-oriented approach to PRC diplomacy. Through this speech and others, Xi has taken many long-standing Chinese assessments of the international and regional order, as well as the increased influence on and exposure of China to that order, and redefined and expanded the function of Chinese diplomacy. Xi, along with many authoritative and non-authoritative Chinese observers, presents diplomacy as an instrument for the effective application of Chinese power in support of an ambitious, long-term, and more strategic foreign policy agenda. Ultimately, this suggests that Beijing will increasingly attempt to alter some of the foreign policy processes and power relationships that have defined the political, military, and economic environment in the Asia- Pacific region. How the United States chooses to respond to this challenge will determine the Asian strategic landscape for decades to come. On November 28 and 29, 2014, the Central Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leadership convened its fourth Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs (中央外事工作会)—the first since August 2006.1 The meeting, presided over by Premier Li Keqiang, included the entire Politburo Standing Committee, an unprecedented number of central and local Chinese civilian and military officials, nearly every Chinese ambassador and consul-general with ambassadorial rank posted overseas, and commissioners of the Foreign Ministry to the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and the Macao Special Administrative Region.
    [Show full text]
  • Police Increase Crackdown to Prevent Human Trafficking
    4 | Thursday, May 6, 2021 HONG KONG EDITION | CHINA DAILY CHINA Grow together Courier service ZTO Farmers lay out rice slammed for inhumane seedling beds to raise them collectively in Lujiang county, Hefei, Anhui prov- delivery of dogs, cats ince, on Wednesday. The practice can By LI LEI save labor costs and [email protected] reduce pests and other crop diseases. The courier giant ZTO Express The healthy ZUO XUEZHANG / was recently put under fire after development of FOR CHINA DAILY one of its business outlets in Chengdu, Sichuan province, was courier companies is found to have transported puppies reliant on … a proper and kittens as part of the contro- versial pet blind box sales on value toward life.” e-commerce sites. A statement from courier com- In a statement late on Tuesday, pany ZTO Express ZTO apologized for collecting live animals from e-retailers for ship- ment, which it said breached rules. postal services, and courier com- The New York listed firm said it panies shall not violate the rules has shut the outlet in question for knowingly,” it said on its Weibo rectification. account. A worker overseeing safety The online crusade came after affairs in the province has also volunteers from Chengdu Aizhijia been suspended from work with Animal Rescue Center, a local ani- the year’s performance-based sala- mal welfare group, late on Monday ry deducted, it added. intercepted about 160 packages “The healthy development of containing such pets at the ZTO courier companies is reliant on the outlet. Police increase crackdown strict application of industrial Videos posted on the group’s standards and safety manage- Weibo account showed cube cages ment, as well as a proper value muffled with braided cloth being toward life,” the statement said.
    [Show full text]
  • Framing International Education in Global Times
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Scholarship@Western Western University Scholarship@Western Education Publications Education Faculty 2019 Framing International Education in Global Times Paul Tarc Western University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/edupub Part of the Education Commons Citation of this paper: Tarc, P. (2019). Internationalization of Education as an Emerging Field of Study? A Conceptualization of International Education for Cross-domain Analyses. Policy Futures in Education, 17(6), 732-744. Framing International Education in Global Times – WORKING PAPER by Paul Tarc, PhD [email protected] International education (IE) is a complex and historically-inflected term, which means that its meanings and uses shift in relation to larger geopolitical, economic and social conditions. Indeed, the ebb and flow of IE somewhat mirrors or follows the larger historical conditions of conflict, war, resolution, nationalisms, internationalisms and protectionisms as energized by the most powerful nation-states and blocs. In the 20th Century, in parallel with internationalist and peace movements, IE gained traction in the aftermath of large-scale war. One of the most radical institutional expressions of internationalism for its time—the League of Nations—emerged in the 1920s in the wake of the devastation and unresolved animosities of the First World War. The creation of the League of Nations and the International Labour Organization in Geneva Switzerland, produced the conditions for the birth of what is now considered the longest-running international school, the International School of Geneva. The next period where internationalism and international education peaked in the 1960s and early 1970s occurred, again, in the decades following a ‘world war’ with the reconstruction of Europe and the decolonization of European empires.
    [Show full text]
  • Chinabrief in a Fortnight
    ChinaBrief Volume XIV s Issue 13 s July 3, 2014 VOLUME XIV s ISSUE 13 s JULY 3, 2014 In This Issue: IN A FORTNIGHT Brief by David Cohen 1 WITH ZHOU’S CIRCLE DOWN, XI’S PURGE MAY TURN TO HU By Willy Lam 3 CHINA’S STRATEGIC ROCKET FORCE: SHARPENING THE SWORD (PART 1 OF 2) By Andrew S. Erickson and Michael S. Chase 6 China’s PLA Second Artillery appears more confident, having made progress CHINESE HIGH SPEED RAIL LEAPFROG DEVELOPMENT on the “conventionalization of deter- By Clark Edward Barrett 10 rence” (Source: China Military Online) INDONESIA AVOIDS OPEN TERRITORIAL DISPUTE WITH CHINA, DESPITE CONCERNS China Brief is a bi-weekly jour- By Prashanth Parameswaran 13 nal of information and analysis CORRECTIONS 16 covering Greater China in Eur- asia. China Brief is a publication of In a Fortnight The Jamestown Foundation, a private non-profit organization ON PARTY’S BIRTHDAY, PROMISES OF A CONTINUED PURGE based in Washington D.C. and is edited by David Cohen. By David Cohen The opinions expressed in China Brief are solely those On the 93rd anniversary of the founding of the Chinese Communist Party of the authors, and do not (CCP), General Secretary Xi Jinping highlighted his campaign to fight corruption necessarily reflect the views of and improve cadres’ “work style,” making it the focus of a speech delivered at The Jamestown Foundation. a Politboro meeting the day before the anniversary (Xinhua, June 30). Official commentary surrounding top-level arrests approved at the same meeting makes it clear that this purge is intended to continue indefinitely.
    [Show full text]
  • Chinese Foreign Aid and the Unga Voting Patterns of the Recipients
    CHINESE FOREIGN AID AND THE UNGA VOTING PATTERNS OF THE RECIPIENTS by ABULAITI ABUDULA Submitted to the Graduate School of Social Sciences in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Sabancı University December 2018 ABULAITI ABUDULA 2018 © All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT CHINESE FOREIGN AID AND THE UNGA VOTING PATTERNS OF THE RECIPIENTS ABULAITI ABUDULA M.A. THESIS in POLITICAL SCIENCE, DECEMBER 2018 Thesis Supervisor: Asst. Prof. Kerem Yıldırım Keywords: Chinese aid, Voting patterns, UN General Assembly Using panel data for 120 countries over the period 2000-2014, this paper imperially analyzes the impact of Chinese aid on the voting patterns of countries in the UN General Assembly. I utilize the disaggregated Chinese aid data for the fact that distinct forms of aid flows may differ in their capability to induce recipients to vote for China’s favor. The results suggest that only Chinese grants are the aid category by which recipients have been induced to vote in line with China. iv ÖZET ÇİN DIŞ YARDIMLARI VE ALICININ BM GENEL KURULU OY VERME BİÇİMLERİ ABULAITI ABUDULA SİYASET BİLİMİ YÜKSEK LİSANS TEZİ, ARALIK 2018 Tez Danışmanı: Dr. Öğr. Üyesi Kerem Yıldırım Anahtar Kelimeler: Çin yardımı, Oy verme biçimleri, BM Genel Kurulu 2000-2014 döneminde 120 ülke için panel verilerini kullanan bu tez, Çin yardımının BM Genel Kurulunda ülkelerin oy kullanma düzenleri üzerindeki etkisini ampirik olarak incelemektedir. Farklı yardım kategorileri, alıcıları Çin’in lehine oy kullanmaya teşvik etmede farklılık yaratabileceği için ayrıştırılmış Çin yardım verileri kullanılmıştır. Sonuçlar, yalnızca Çin hibelerinin, alıcıların Çin lehine oy kullanmaya teşvik edildiği bir yardım kategorisi olduğunu göstermektedir.
    [Show full text]