Racist Extremist Fanatics in Their Own Words
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Mandatory Data Retention by the Backdoor
statewatch monitoring the state and civil liberties in the UK and Europe vol 12 no 6 November-December 2002 Mandatory data retention by the backdoor EU: The majority of member states are adopting mandatory data retention and favour an EU-wide measure UK: Telecommunications surveillance has more than doubled under the Labour government A special analysis on the surveillance of telecommunications by states have, or are planning to, introduce mandatory data Statewatch shows that: i) the authorised surveillance in England, retention (only two member states appear to be resisting this Wales and Scotland has more than doubled since the Labour move). In due course it can be expected that a "harmonising" EU government came to power in 1997; ii) mandatory data retention measure will follow. is so far being introduced at national level in 9 out of 15 EU members states and 10 out of 15 favour a binding EU Framework Terrorism pretext for mandatory data retention Decision; iii) the introduction in the EU of the mandatory Mandatory data retention had been demanded by EU law retention of telecommunications data (ie: keeping details of all enforcement agencies and discussed in the EU working parties phone-calls, mobile phone calls and location, faxes, e-mails and and international fora for several years prior to 11 September internet usage of the whole population of Europe for at least 12 2000. On 20 September 2001 the EU Justice and Home Affairs months) is intended to combat crime in general. Council put it to the top of the agenda as one of the measures to combat terrorism. -
Far-Right Anthology
COUNTERINGDEFENDING EUROPE: “GLOBAL BRITAIN” ANDTHE THEFAR FUTURE RIGHT: OFAN EUROPEAN ANTHOLOGY GEOPOLITICSEDITED BY DR RAKIB EHSAN AND DR PAUL STOTT BY JAMES ROGERS DEMOCRACY | FREEDOM | HUMAN RIGHTS ReportApril No 2020. 2018/1 Published in 2020 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society Millbank Tower 21-24 Millbank London SW1P 4QP Registered charity no. 1140489 Tel: +44 (0)20 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2020. All rights reserved. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its Trustees. Title: “COUNTERING THE FAR RIGHT: AN ANTHOLOGY” Edited by Dr Rakib Ehsan and Dr Paul Stott Front Cover: Edinburgh, Scotland, 23rd March 2019. Demonstration by the Scottish Defence League (SDL), with supporters of National Front and white pride, and a counter demonstration by Unite Against Facism demonstrators, outside the Scottish Parliament, in Edinburgh. The Scottish Defence League claim their protest was against the sexual abuse of minors, but the opposition claim the rally masks the SDL’s racist beliefs. Credit: Jeremy Sutton-Hibbert/Alamy Live News. COUNTERINGDEFENDING EUROPE: “GLOBAL BRITAIN” ANDTHE THEFAR FUTURE RIGHT: OFAN EUROPEAN ANTHOLOGY GEOPOLITICSEDITED BY DR RAKIB EHSAN AND DR PAUL STOTT BY JAMES ROGERS DEMOCRACY | FREEDOM | HUMAN RIGHTS ReportApril No 2020. 2018/1 Countering the Far Right: An Anthology About the Editors Dr Paul Stott joined the Henry Jackson Society’s Centre on Radicalisation and Terrorism as a Research Fellow in January 2019. An experienced academic, he received an MSc in Terrorism Studies (Distinction) from the University of East London in 2007, and his PhD in 2015 from the University of East Anglia for the research “British Jihadism: The Detail and the Denial”. -
Internal Brakes the British Extreme Right (Pdf
FEBRUARY 2019 The Internal Brakes on Violent Escalation The British extreme right in the 1990s ANNEX B Joel Busher, Coventry University Donald Holbrook, University College London Graham Macklin, Oslo University This report is the second empirical case study, produced out of The Internal Brakes on Violent Escalation: A Descriptive Typology programme, funded by CREST. You can read the other two case studies; The Trans-national and British Islamist Extremist Groups and The Animal Liberation Movement, plus the full report at: https://crestresearch.ac.uk/news/internal- brakes-violent-escalation-a-descriptive-typology/ To find out more information about this programme, and to see other outputs from the team, visit the CREST website at: www.crestresearch.ac.uk/projects/internal-brakes-violent-escalation/ About CREST The Centre for Research and Evidence on Security Threats (CREST) is a national hub for understanding, countering and mitigating security threats. It is an independent centre, commissioned by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) and funded in part by the UK security and intelligence agencies (ESRC Award: ES/N009614/1). www.crestresearch.ac.uk ©2019 CREST Creative Commons 4.0 BY-NC-SA licence. www.crestresearch.ac.uk/copyright TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................5 2. INTERNAL BRAKES ON VIOLENCE WITHIN THE BRITISH EXTREME RIGHT .................10 2.1 BRAKE 1: STRATEGIC LOGIC .......................................................................................................................................10 -
British National Party: the Roots of Its Appeal Contents Contents About the Authors 4 TABLES and FIGURES
The BNP: the roots of its appeal Peter John, Helen Margetts, David Rowland and Stuart Weir Democratic Audit, Human Rights Centre, University of Essex Published by Democratic Audit, Human Rights Centre, University of Essex, Colchester, Essex CO4 3SQ, and based on research carried out at the School of Public Policy, University College London, The Rubin Building, 29-30 Tavistock Square, London WC1H 9QU.The research was sponsored by the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust, The Garden House, Water End, York YO30 6WQ. Copies of the report may be obtained for £10 from the Trust office. Democratic Audit is a research organisation attached to the Human Rights Centre at the University of Essex. The Audit specialises in auditing democracy and human rights in the UK and abroad and has developed a robust and flexible framework for democracy assessment in cooperation with the inter-governmental International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), Stockholm. The Audit carries out periodic research projects as part of its longitudinal studies of British democracy. The latest audit of the UK, Democracy under Blair, is published by Politico’s. University College London’s Department of Political Science and School of Public Policy is focused on graduate teaching and research, and offers an environment for the study of all fields of politics, including international relations, political theory and public policy- making and administration 2 The British National Party: the roots of its appeal Contents Contents About the Authors 4 TABLES AND FIGURES -
Violent Protest and Heterogeneous Diffusion
BRITAIN FIRST AND THE UK INDEPENDENCE PARTY: SOCIAL MEDIA AND MOVEMENT-PARTY DYNAMICS1 Thomas Davidson and Mabel Berezin2 FORTHCOMING IN DECEMBER 2018 ISSUE OF MOBILIZATION. PLEASE CITE THE PUBLISHED VERSION. Social movement scholars have recently turned their attention to the interactions between political parties and social movements, but little is known about how social media have impacted these relationships, despite widespread adoption of these technologies. We present a case study of the relationship between Britain First, a far-right anti-Muslim social movement, and the U.K. Independence Party, the Eurosceptic political party that spearheaded the Brexit campaign. The movement appeared marginal in the press but it dominated social media, using this presence to support to the party. We examine the dynamics of the relationship between these groups from 2013 until 2017, drawing upon data from social media, newspapers, and other online sources, and focusing on interactions between elites and rank-and-file supporters. Our findings illustrate how far-right groups have used new technologies to generate an unprecedented amount of popular support and to attempt to influence the political mainstream. A number of western democracies have recently experienced a resurgence of right-wing political activity in both the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary sphere (Akkerman, de Lange, and Rooduijn 2016; Mudde 2016; Muis and Immerzeel 2017). In Germany, the unprecedented electoral performance of the anti-immigrant Alternative for Germany (AfD) party -
BNP ––– the Ugly Truth
BNP ––– The ugly truth By Charles Walker MP A Cornerstone Paper Despite a disastrous performance in terms of new seats gained (early analysis of results suggests a net gain of one has already been cancelled out by a defection in Stoke) at the recent May 3 rd Poll in England and Wales, the BNP continues to retain a toehold in British politics. Of course, we should not over play the importance of a political movement that struggles to hold its deposit at general elections and still only has a handful of councillors. However, having polled over 300,000 votes in the English local elections and 42,000 votes in the Welsh Assembly poll, the night was not a total washout for Mr Griffin and his colleagues. Such is the creeping malevolence of the BNP, it would be grossly negligent of mainstream political parties if they did not take the threat it poses seriously. One only has to look across the Channel towards mainland Europe to realise that wishing fascists away does not work. The BNP had been emboldened by its November 2006 courtroom success that saw its Leader Nick Griffin cleared of preaching and promoting racial hatred. The prosecution of Griffin was wholly misconceived and looked likely to end in failure from the moment charges were laid. It can only be hoped that lessons have been learnt by the “establishment” and such cack-handedness will be avoided in the future. Despite the continued efforts of Griffin to reposition his party away from its thuggish past, the BNP remains a deeply flawed and racist organisation. -
Post-Digital Cultures of the Far Right
Maik Fielitz, Nick Thurston (eds.) Post-Digital Cultures of the Far Right Political Science | Volume 71 Maik Fielitz, Nick Thurston (eds.) Post-Digital Cultures of the Far Right Online Actions and Offline Consequences in Europe and the US With kind support of Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Na- tionalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-No- Derivatives 4.0 (BY-NC-ND) which means that the text may be used for non-commer- cial purposes, provided credit is given to the author. For details go to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ To create an adaptation, translation, or derivative of the original work and for com- mercial use, further permission is required and can be obtained by contacting [email protected] Creative Commons license terms for re-use do not apply to any content (such as graphs, figures, photos, excerpts, etc.) not original to the Open Access publication and further permission may be required from the rights holder. The obligation to research and clear permission lies solely with the party re-using the material. © 2019 transcript Verlag, Bielefeld Cover layout: Kordula Röckenhaus, Bielefeld Typeset by Alexander Masch, Bielefeld Printed by Majuskel Medienproduktion GmbH, Wetzlar Print-ISBN 978-3-8376-4670-2 PDF-ISBN 978-3-8394-4670-6 https://doi.org/10.14361/9783839446706 Contents Introduction | 7 Stephen Albrecht, Maik Fielitz and Nick Thurston ANALYZING Understanding the Alt-Right. -
Stamp 'Em Out!
“SAVE THE PLANET - GET RID OF THE RICH” £1 OR €1.50, ISSUE 93 WINTER 2007 ISSN 1754-2804 How’s this for a carbon footprint? STAMp ‘em out! 2 CLASS WAR Winter 2007 being comforted in the arms of Jesse Jackson. Editorial: Now Class War is sure that Ken was genuinely moved to tears at the plight of the millions who were ripped from their homes to work themselves to death in order to enrich the City of London and that his actions HAD priced out NOTHING WHATSOEVER to do with his upcoming re- election campaign and his need to rebuild his support among black Londoners. Interestingly one of the key players at the start of of the market the British involvement in the slave trade was Queen Elizabeth I, as a shareholder and then, when she realised the money to be made, as ship owner. She lent her ship, the Jesus of Lubeck, to slave trader Sir The Bash the Rich demonstration on 3 November John Hawkins. He proudly flew the royal standard above his cargo of slaves. Does anyone think we will isn’t an end, but a beginning. It is the launch of see Queen Elizabeth II blubbing her way through an apology in this years Queens Speech? a new campaign about affordable housing for the working class, and against gentrification and the PC Plod Caught Porking On people who make gentrification possible. From The Job Limehouse to Leeds working class areas are “TAINTED LOVE” MASOOD KHAN, 41, a senior British Transport being invaded by yuppies, amenities sold off for Police inspector responsible for passenger safety across southeast England, has admitted meeting peanuts and communities ripped apart. -
Introduction
Notes Introduction 1 Labour History Archive and Study Centre: Labour Party National Executive Committee Minutes, 1 March 1934. 2 See N. Copsey, Anti-Fascism in Britain (Basingstoke: Macmillan-Palgrave, 2000), p. 76. 3 See J. Bean, Many Shades of Black: Inside Britain’s Far Right (London: New Millennium, 1999). 4 See Searchlight, no. 128, Feb. 1986, p. 15. 5 See for example, C.T. Husbands, ‘Following the “Continental Model”?: Implications of the Recent Electoral Performance of the British National Party’, New Community, vol. 20, no. 4 (1994), pp. 563–79. 6 For discussion of legitimacy as a social-scientific concept, see D. Beetham, The Legitimation of Power (Basingstoke: Macmillan-Palgrave, 1991). 7 For earlier work on the BNP by this author, see N. Copsey, ‘Fascism: The Ideology of the British National Party’, Politics, vol. 14, no. 3 (1994), pp. 101–8 and ‘Contemporary Fascism in the Local Arena: The British National Party and “Rights for Whites”’, in M. Cronin (ed.) The Failure of British Fascism: The Far Right and the Fight for Political Recognition (Basingstoke: Macmillan- Palgrave, 1996), pp. 118–40. For earlier work by others, see for example C.T. Husbands, ‘Following the “Continental Model”?: Implications of the Recent Electoral Performance of the British National Party’; R. Eatwell, ‘Britain: The BNP and the Problem of Legitimacy’, in H.-G. Betz and S. Immerfall (eds), The New Politics of the Right: Neo-Populist Parties and Movements in Estab- lished Democracies (Basingstoke: Macmillan-Palgrave, 1998), pp. 143–55; and D. Renton, ‘Examining the Success of the British National Party, 1999–2003’, Race and Class, vol. -
Overview of the Far Right
Overview of the Far-Right Dr Benjamin Lee Centre for Research and Evidence on Security Threats (CREST) Lancaster University, UK This work was funded by the Centre for Research and Evidence on Security Threats (CREST). CREST is commissioned by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC Award: ES/N009614/1) with funding from the UK Intelligence Community. 1 Introduction This paper considers the ‘far-right’, an overarching term that includes a range of ideologies encompassing both the radical right (democratic) and extreme right (anti- democratic) (Ravndal & Bjørgo 2018). The defining characteristic of the far-right for this paper is: A narrative of racial and/or cultural threat to a ‘native’ group arising from perceived alien groups within a society. This is considered a working definition intended to bound this paper only, this should not be treated as comprehensive.1 This paper focuses on the far-right in the United Kingdom. However, far-right activism is transnational, and so it has not been possible to limit this research exclusively to the UK, nor can the UK far-right be considered in isolation from the wider far-right (Zúquete 2015). The far-right is not composed only of discrete and easily identifiable groups. While various organisations are components of the far-right, including gangs, protest movements, pressure groups, and political parties, the far-right as a whole is amorphous. Its messiness is inherent, stemming from a diverse range of ideologies and narratives enacted over a wide range of geographic contexts by multiple actors. Adding to this, digital technology has allowed an already complex patchwork of groups, influencers and activists to diffuse further through multiple and sometimes overlapping presences on an array of digital platforms. -
Pedlars of Hate: the Violent Impact of the European Far Right
Pedlars of hate: the violent impact of the European far Right Liz Fekete Published by the Institute of Race Relations 2-6 Leeke Street London WC1X 9HS Tel: +44 (0) 20 7837 0041 Fax: +44 (0) 20 7278 0623 Web: www.irr.org.uk Email: [email protected] ©Institute of Race Relations 2012 ISBN 978-0-85001-071-9 Acknowledgements We would like to acknowledge the support of the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust and the Open Society Foundations in the researching, production and dissemination of this report. Many of the articles cited in this document have been translated into English by over twenty volunteers who assist the IRR’s European Research Programme. We would especially like to thank Sibille Merz and Dagmar Schatz (who translate from German into English), Joanna Tegnerowicz (who translates from Polish into English) and Kate Harre, Frances Webber and Norberto Laguía Casaus (who translate from Spanish into English). A particular debt is due to Frank Kopperschläger and Andrei Stavila for their generosity in allowing us to use their photographs. In compiling this report the websites of the Internet Centre Against Racism in Europe (www.icare.to) and Romea (www.romea.cz) proved invaluable. Liz Fekete is Executive Director of the Institute of Race Relations and head of its European research programme. Cover photo by Frank Kopperschläger is of the ‘Silence Against Silence’ memorial rally in Berlin on 26 November 2011 to commemorate the victims of the National Socialist Underground. (In Germany, white roses symbolise the resistance movement to the Nazi -
UKIP: the Model Right Movement
www.CofCC.orq Citizens Informer Tea Party has gelded itself to a small sector of society that IRS scandal but all it needs is proper direction. will be displaced by demographic trends within ten years. If American nationalists decided to show up at Tea Party America can still "be taken back" from the Manchurians rallies and meetings and push for white working class UKIP: The Model Right Movement that rule it, but will require a massive mobilization and advocacy, the debate and structure would change in the by Taylor Rose leading to’tl"r’eir rise. organization of the proper demographics. As Pat Buchanan favor the American Right. Over a very short period of time the This is what the American Right, in whatever vadety, in his latest book Suicide of a Superpower correctly identifies national debate could change from amnesty to deportation, European nationalism is reemerging in Europe again in a should be doing to achieve success. the Republican Party as "the white party" based upon from free trade agreements to protectionism, and from variety of forms. Some groups such as Jobbik and Golden UKIP leader Nigel Farage has strategically placed UKIP in demographic voting blocs, the Republican Party and the Tea multiculturalism to nationalism. Dawn are without a doubt ned-fascist and others such as the position to be the bridge between the white collar middle Party are dooming themselves to the perpetual opposition Lastly, a quick note about the BNP. In 2009, in the France’s Front National and Flanders’ Vlaams Belang are class and the blue collar labor class.