Nazis and the Far Right Today
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David Hamlin, the Nazi/Skokie Conflict
David Hamlin. The Nazi/Skokie Conflict: A Civil Liberties Battle. (Boston: Beacon Press, 1980) 184 pp., $12.95. David Hamlin, the Executive Director of the Illinois American Civil Liberties Union at the time, recounts in this book the story of the battle over attempts by the National Socialist Party of America, led by John Collin, to hold a demonstration in Skokie, Illinois, in 1977. To the ACLU, this was a "classic First Amendment case" (p. 53) of the sort it has regularly handled, but it developed into a cause celebre which eventually resulted in temporary damage to the ACLU in Illinois and the nation. A straightforward, factual account, unfortunately without footnotes, which tries to describe all aspects of the conflict, the book is written in a lucid style. The civil liberties position was vindicated in this instance; both the Illinois Supreme Court and a federal district court upheld freedom of speech, the ACLU suffered no permanent damage and, as Hamlin argues, "Only Frank Collin lost." (p. 176) Far from advancing the cause of neo-Nazi advocates of racial and religious hatred, the incident revealed how little support Collin and his tiny band actually had. The refusal of the Skokie city council to grant a routine permit guaranteed the Nazis much more publicity than they could have received otherwise, yet this greater notoriety produced rejection for their views, not support. When the "demonstrations" were finally held in Federal Plaza and Marquette Park in Chicago, the few Nazis were faced with thousands of counterdemonstrators and the police were there to protect them. -
Frederick Schauer*
+(,121/,1( Citation: 117 Harv. L. Rev. 1765 2003-2004 Content downloaded/printed from HeinOnline (http://heinonline.org) Mon Nov 15 16:02:42 2010 -- Your use of this HeinOnline PDF indicates your acceptance of HeinOnline's Terms and Conditions of the license agreement available at http://heinonline.org/HOL/License -- The search text of this PDF is generated from uncorrected OCR text. -- To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your HeinOnline license, please use: https://www.copyright.com/ccc/basicSearch.do? &operation=go&searchType=0 &lastSearch=simple&all=on&titleOrStdNo=0017-811X ARTICLES THE BOUNDARIES OF THE FIRST AMENDMENT: A PRELIMINARY EXPLORATION OF CONSTITUTIONAL SALIENCE Frederick Schauer* Although the First Amendment refers to freedom of "speech," much speech remains totally untouched by it. Antitrust law, securities regulation, the law of criminal solici- tation, and most of the law of evidence, for example, involve legal control of speech lying well beyond the boundaries of the First Amendment's concern. It is not that such regulation satisfies a higher burden of justification imposed by the First Amendment. Rather, the First Amendment does not even show up in the analysis. The explanation for lack of First Amendment coverage lies not in a theory of free speech or in legal doctrine, but instead in an often serendipitous array of political, cultural, and economic factors determining what makes the First Amendment salient in some instances of speech regulation but not in others. Because the First Amendment's cultural magnetism attracts a wide variety of claims, nonlegal factors, far more than legal ones, determine which opportunistic claims to First Amendment attention will succeed and which will not. -
Skokie, the Aclu and the Endurance of Democratic Theory
SKOKIE, THE ACLU AND THE ENDURANCE OF DEMOCRATIC THEORY IRVING Louis HOROWITZ* VICTORIA CURTIS BRAMSONt Not since the 1963 civil rights marches in Selma, Alabama, has a small city achieved such a high level of notoriety as Skokie, Illinois, where the American Nazi party proposed to hold a march some time in 1977. The circumstances surrounding each march can be said to illustrate the moral range of responses to the use of the march as a means of expressing political preference. Those who assert that civil rights and constitutional safeguards to free speech are in- alienable quite properly note that it is easy to defend protest movements that have a broad constituency and an even wider popular base. It is another mat- ter to defend the civil rights of a miniscule group of fascists lacking both a noble cause and popular support. Hence, it may be Skokie, not Selma, which turns out to be the touchstone of our faith in constitutional government. Let us not dwell on historical comparisons, but get directly to the heart of the le- gal and moral problems posed by 'affaire Skokie. Writing in The Christian Century, Jean Caffey Lyles, has feelingly and prop- erly put the Skokie issue in a fitting, paradoxical framework. Even before any march has taken place, Skokie has become a symbol. It is now one of those American place names that evokes an event. We need to be reminded how deeply and indelibly the horrors of Nazi Germany are burned into the consciousness and memories of Jewish people, how vulnerable they feel to the possibility of "another Holocaust." Skokie has done that. -
The Skokie Legacy: Reflections on an "Easy Case" and Free Speech Theory
Michigan Law Review Volume 80 Issue 4 1982 The Skokie Legacy: Reflections on an "Easy Case" and Free Speech Theory Lee C. Bollinger University of Michigan Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, and the First Amendment Commons Recommended Citation Lee C. Bollinger, The Skokie Legacy: Reflections on an "Easy Case" and Free Speech Theory, 80 MICH. L. REV. 617 (1982). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr/vol80/iss4/13 This Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Law Review at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Law Review by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE SKOKIE LEGACY: REFLECTIONS ON AN "EASY CASE" AND FREE SPEECH THEORY Lee C. Bollinger* DEFENDING MY ENEMY: AMERICAN NAZIS, THE SKOKIE CASE, AND THE RISKS OF FREEDOM. By Aryeh Neier. New York: E.P. Dutton. 1979. Pp. 182. $9.95. l Few legal disputes in the last decade captured public attention with such dramatic force as that involving a small band of Nazis and the village of Skokie. For well over a year, the case was seldom out of the news and often thought to merit front page coverage. It all began in the spring of 1977 when Frank Collin, the leader of the Chicago-based National Socialist Party of America, requested a per mit to march in front of the Skokie village hall. -
Violent Protest and Heterogeneous Diffusion
BRITAIN FIRST AND THE UK INDEPENDENCE PARTY: SOCIAL MEDIA AND MOVEMENT-PARTY DYNAMICS1 Thomas Davidson and Mabel Berezin2 FORTHCOMING IN DECEMBER 2018 ISSUE OF MOBILIZATION. PLEASE CITE THE PUBLISHED VERSION. Social movement scholars have recently turned their attention to the interactions between political parties and social movements, but little is known about how social media have impacted these relationships, despite widespread adoption of these technologies. We present a case study of the relationship between Britain First, a far-right anti-Muslim social movement, and the U.K. Independence Party, the Eurosceptic political party that spearheaded the Brexit campaign. The movement appeared marginal in the press but it dominated social media, using this presence to support to the party. We examine the dynamics of the relationship between these groups from 2013 until 2017, drawing upon data from social media, newspapers, and other online sources, and focusing on interactions between elites and rank-and-file supporters. Our findings illustrate how far-right groups have used new technologies to generate an unprecedented amount of popular support and to attempt to influence the political mainstream. A number of western democracies have recently experienced a resurgence of right-wing political activity in both the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary sphere (Akkerman, de Lange, and Rooduijn 2016; Mudde 2016; Muis and Immerzeel 2017). In Germany, the unprecedented electoral performance of the anti-immigrant Alternative for Germany (AfD) party -
Surviving Skokie
Movies that Matter: Film Study & Social Justice “Surviving Skokie” Teacher Resources & Lesson Plans Acknowledgments The following curriculum materials were arranged by the Mizel Museum Education Department under the supervision of Georgina Kolber, Managing Director, and Penny Nisson, Director of Education. These resources were developed by Dr. Joie Norby Lê, Director of Curriculum & Instruction, and Josh Madrid, Education Associate, in partnership with the University of Denver. The Mizel Museum retains all rights to this material. Table of Contents Museum Introduction.................................................................................. 1 Miryam Brand Films..................................................................................... 1 Unit Background........................................................................................... 1 Film Summary: “Surviving Skokie”............................................................ 2 Implications for Unit Study......................................................................... 2 Key Terms & Definitions............................................................................. 2-3 Colorado Academic Unit Standards........................................................ 4-5 Lesson Plans Pre-Lesson: History in Context........................................................... 6-7 Post Lesson: Call to Action................................................................... 8-9 Additional Lessons What is Nationalism.............................................................................. -
Post-Digital Cultures of the Far Right
Maik Fielitz, Nick Thurston (eds.) Post-Digital Cultures of the Far Right Political Science | Volume 71 Maik Fielitz, Nick Thurston (eds.) Post-Digital Cultures of the Far Right Online Actions and Offline Consequences in Europe and the US With kind support of Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Na- tionalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-No- Derivatives 4.0 (BY-NC-ND) which means that the text may be used for non-commer- cial purposes, provided credit is given to the author. For details go to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ To create an adaptation, translation, or derivative of the original work and for com- mercial use, further permission is required and can be obtained by contacting [email protected] Creative Commons license terms for re-use do not apply to any content (such as graphs, figures, photos, excerpts, etc.) not original to the Open Access publication and further permission may be required from the rights holder. The obligation to research and clear permission lies solely with the party re-using the material. © 2019 transcript Verlag, Bielefeld Cover layout: Kordula Röckenhaus, Bielefeld Typeset by Alexander Masch, Bielefeld Printed by Majuskel Medienproduktion GmbH, Wetzlar Print-ISBN 978-3-8376-4670-2 PDF-ISBN 978-3-8394-4670-6 https://doi.org/10.14361/9783839446706 Contents Introduction | 7 Stephen Albrecht, Maik Fielitz and Nick Thurston ANALYZING Understanding the Alt-Right. -
'Nationalist' Economic Policy John E. Richardson
The National Front, and the search for a ‘nationalist’ economic policy John E. Richardson (forthcoming 2017) To be included in Copsey, N. & Worley, M. (eds) 'Tomorrow Belongs to Us': The British Far- Right Since 1967 Summarizing the economic policies of the National Front (NF) is a little problematic. Compared to their copious discussion of race and nation, of immigration, culture, history and even the environment, British fascists since WWII have had little to say, in detail, on their political-economic ideology. In one of the first content analytic studies of the NF’s mouthpiece Spearhead, for example, Harris (1973) identified five themes which dominated the magazine’s all pervasive conspiracy thinking: authoritarianism, ethnocentrism, racism, biological naturalism and anti-intellectualism. The economy was barely discussed, other than in the context of imagined generosity of the welfare state. The topic is so under-developed that even Rees’ (1979) encyclopaedic bibliography on British fascism, covering over 800 publications on and by fascists (between 1923-1977) doesn’t include a section on political economy. Frequently, the closest fascists get to outlining their political-economic ideology is to identify ‘the problem’: the forces of ‘cosmopolitan internationalism’ (that is: the Jews) importing migrants, whose cheap labour threatens white livelihoods, and whose physical presence threatens the racial purity of the nation. ‘The solution’, on the other hand, is far less frequently spelled out. In essence, fascist parties, like the NF, are comparatively clear about what political economies they oppose – international capitalism and international communism – but are far less clear or consistent about the political economy they support. -
Hate Crime on the Internet Hearing Committee on The
S. HRG. 106–803 HATE CRIME ON THE INTERNET HEARING BEFORE THE COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED SIXTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION ON RAMIFICATIONS OF INTERNET TECHNOLOGY ON TODAY’S CHILDREN, FOCUSING ON THE PREVALENCE OF INTERNET HATE, AND REC- OMMENDATIONS ON HOW TO SHIELD CHILDREN FROM THE NEGA- TIVE IMPACT OF VIOLENT MEDIA SEPTEMBER 14, 1999 Serial No. J–106–48 Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary ( U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 67–653 CC WASHINGTON : 2001 VerDate 11-MAY-2000 09:22 Apr 24, 2001 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 SEPT14.TXT SJUD2 PsN: SJUD2 COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY ORRIN G. HATCH, Utah, Chairman STROM THURMOND, South Carolina PATRICK J. LEAHY, Vermont CHARLES E. GRASSLEY, Iowa EDWARD M. KENNEDY, Massachusetts ARLEN SPECTER, Pennsylvania JOSEPH R. BIDEN, JR., Delaware JON KYL, Arizona HERBERT KOHL, Wisconsin MIKE DEWINE, Ohio DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California JOHN ASHCROFT, Missouri RUSSELL D. FEINGOLD, Wisconsin SPENCER ABRAHAM, Michigan ROBERT G. TORRICELLI, New Jersey JEFF SESSIONS, Alabama CHARLES E. SCHUMER, New York BOB SMITH, New Hampshire MANUS COONEY, Chief Counsel and Staff Director BRUCE A. COHEN, Minority Chief Counsel (II) VerDate 11-MAY-2000 09:22 Apr 24, 2001 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 0486 Sfmt 0486 SEPT14.TXT SJUD2 PsN: SJUD2 C O N T E N T S STATEMENTS OF COMMITTEE MEMBERS Page Hatch, Hon. Orrin G., U.S. Senator from the State of Utah ................................ 1 Leahy, Hon. Patrick J., U.S. Senator from the State of Vermont ....................... 3 Kennedy, Hon. -
Pedlars of Hate: the Violent Impact of the European Far Right
Pedlars of hate: the violent impact of the European far Right Liz Fekete Published by the Institute of Race Relations 2-6 Leeke Street London WC1X 9HS Tel: +44 (0) 20 7837 0041 Fax: +44 (0) 20 7278 0623 Web: www.irr.org.uk Email: [email protected] ©Institute of Race Relations 2012 ISBN 978-0-85001-071-9 Acknowledgements We would like to acknowledge the support of the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust and the Open Society Foundations in the researching, production and dissemination of this report. Many of the articles cited in this document have been translated into English by over twenty volunteers who assist the IRR’s European Research Programme. We would especially like to thank Sibille Merz and Dagmar Schatz (who translate from German into English), Joanna Tegnerowicz (who translates from Polish into English) and Kate Harre, Frances Webber and Norberto Laguía Casaus (who translate from Spanish into English). A particular debt is due to Frank Kopperschläger and Andrei Stavila for their generosity in allowing us to use their photographs. In compiling this report the websites of the Internet Centre Against Racism in Europe (www.icare.to) and Romea (www.romea.cz) proved invaluable. Liz Fekete is Executive Director of the Institute of Race Relations and head of its European research programme. Cover photo by Frank Kopperschläger is of the ‘Silence Against Silence’ memorial rally in Berlin on 26 November 2011 to commemorate the victims of the National Socialist Underground. (In Germany, white roses symbolise the resistance movement to the Nazi -
Kick Ukip out of Our Towns
KICK UKIP OUT OF OUR TOWNS UKIP’s manifesto blames immigrants for “crippling local services”. THIS IS A LIE. Government cuts and all round “austerity” are crippling local services. But the Tories and their more extreme stalking horse UKIP would prefer you blamed foreigners. As sure as night follows day, when a society is in the midst of an economic crisis, those that helped cause it try to get off the hook by finding an easy scapegoat. UKIP, formed by ex-stockbroker Nigel Farage and fellow former Conservatives, is using the same tried and tested blame tactics that led to the Holocaust and World War II. The super-rich, using the media they control, create a tide of exaggerated half- truths which demonise a minority, promoting divisions among the population. The rich get richer – the richest 150 people’s incomes are rising at the fastest rate ever – as they wage war on the poor with heartless austerity measures, brutal cuts in vital public services and rising food costs. Instead of targeting their oppressors, embattled people are persuaded to turn on each other. A similar scenario happened in the 1930s when Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists launched attacks on Jews, in parallel with Hitler in Germany – with the Daily Mail cheering him on. In the late 1960s, Tory politician Enoch Powell’s racist “rivers of blood” speech spurred the rise of the National Front. The main difference between these two prior occasions and now is that this time a much greater proportion of people in Britain are sleepwalking into the realm of fascism – wrapped up in a cloak of respectability, given front-page coverage by the Sun, Mail, and most of the mainstream media – like a wolf in sheep’s clothing. -
European Parliament Information Office in the Uk Media Guide 2011
EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT INFORMATION OFFICE IN THE UK MEDIA GUIDE 2011 www.europarl.org.uk 2011 01 02 03 52 1 2 3 4 5 5 6 7 8 9 9 10 11 12 13 1 3 10 17 24 31 7 14 21 28 7 14 21 28 2 4 11 18 25 1 8 15 22 1 8 15 22 29 3 5 12 19 26 2 9 16 23 2 9 16 23 30 4 6 13 20 27 3 10 17 24 3 10 17 24 31 5 7 14 21 28 4 11 18 25 4 11 18 25 6 1 8 15 22 29 5 12 19 26 5 12 19 26 7 2 9 16 23 30 6 13 20 27 6 13 20 27 04 05 06 13 14 15 16 17 17 18 19 20 21 22 22 23 24 25 26 1 4 11 18 25 2 9 16 23 30 6 13 20 27 2 5 12 19 26 3 10 17 24 31 7 14 21 28 3 6 13 20 27 4 11 18 25 1 8 15 22 29 4 7 14 21 28 5 12 19 26 2 9 16 23 30 5 1 8 15 22 29 6 13 20 27 3 10 17 24 6 2 9 16 23 30 7 14 21 28 4 11 18 25 7 3 10 17 24 1 8 15 22 29 5 12 19 26 07 08 09 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 35 36 37 38 39 1 4 11 18 25 1 8 15 22 29 5 12 19 26 2 5 12 19 26 2 9 16 23 30 6 13 20 27 3 6 13 20 27 3 10 17 24 31 7 14 21 28 4 7 14 21 28 4 11 18 25 1 8 15 22 29 5 1 8 15 22 29 5 12 19 26 2 9 16 23 30 6 2 9 16 23 30 6 13 20 27 3 10 17 24 7 3 10 17 24 31 7 14 21 28 4 11 18 25 10 11 12 39 40 41 42 43 44 44 45 46 47 48 48 49 50 51 52 1 3 10 17 24 31 7 14 21 28 5 12 19 26 2 4 11 18 25 1 8 15 22 29 6 13 20 27 3 5 12 19 26 2 9 16 23 30 7 14 21 28 4 6 13 20 27 3 10 17 24 1 8 15 22 29 5 7 14 21 28 4 11 18 25 2 9 16 23 30 6 1 8 15 22 29 5 12 19 26 3 10 17 24 31 7 2 9 16 23 30 6 13 20 27 4 11 18 25 Неделя / Domingo / Nedĕle / Søndag / Sonntag / pühapäev / Κυριακή / Sunday / Dimanche / Domhnach / Domenica / svētdiena / sekmadienis / 7 Vasárnap / II-Ħadd / Zondag / Niedziela / Domingo / duminică / nedeľa / nedelja