Targeted Hate Speech and the First Amendment: How the Supreme Court Should Have Decided Snyder
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Free, Hateful, and Posted: Rethinking First Amendment Protection of Hate Speech in a Social Media World
Boston College Law Review Volume 60 Issue 7 Article 6 10-30-2019 Free, Hateful, and Posted: Rethinking First Amendment Protection of Hate Speech in a Social Media World Lauren E. Beausoleil Boston College Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/bclr Part of the First Amendment Commons, and the Internet Law Commons Recommended Citation Lauren E. Beausoleil, Free, Hateful, and Posted: Rethinking First Amendment Protection of Hate Speech in a Social Media World, 60 B.C.L. Rev. 2100 (2019), https://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/bclr/vol60/iss7/6 This Notes is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Boston College Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FREE, HATEFUL, AND POSTED: RETHINKING FIRST AMENDMENT PROTECTION OF HATE SPEECH IN A SOCIAL MEDIA WORLD Abstract: Speech is meant to be heard, and social media allows for exaggeration of that fact by providing a powerful means of dissemination of speech while also dis- torting one’s perception of the reach and acceptance of that speech. Engagement in online “hate speech” can interact with the unique characteristics of the Internet to influence users’ psychological processing in ways that promote violence and rein- force hateful sentiments. Because hate speech does not squarely fall within any of the categories excluded from First Amendment protection, the United States’ stance on hate speech is unique in that it protects it. -
David Hamlin, the Nazi/Skokie Conflict
David Hamlin. The Nazi/Skokie Conflict: A Civil Liberties Battle. (Boston: Beacon Press, 1980) 184 pp., $12.95. David Hamlin, the Executive Director of the Illinois American Civil Liberties Union at the time, recounts in this book the story of the battle over attempts by the National Socialist Party of America, led by John Collin, to hold a demonstration in Skokie, Illinois, in 1977. To the ACLU, this was a "classic First Amendment case" (p. 53) of the sort it has regularly handled, but it developed into a cause celebre which eventually resulted in temporary damage to the ACLU in Illinois and the nation. A straightforward, factual account, unfortunately without footnotes, which tries to describe all aspects of the conflict, the book is written in a lucid style. The civil liberties position was vindicated in this instance; both the Illinois Supreme Court and a federal district court upheld freedom of speech, the ACLU suffered no permanent damage and, as Hamlin argues, "Only Frank Collin lost." (p. 176) Far from advancing the cause of neo-Nazi advocates of racial and religious hatred, the incident revealed how little support Collin and his tiny band actually had. The refusal of the Skokie city council to grant a routine permit guaranteed the Nazis much more publicity than they could have received otherwise, yet this greater notoriety produced rejection for their views, not support. When the "demonstrations" were finally held in Federal Plaza and Marquette Park in Chicago, the few Nazis were faced with thousands of counterdemonstrators and the police were there to protect them. -
Frederick Schauer*
+(,121/,1( Citation: 117 Harv. L. Rev. 1765 2003-2004 Content downloaded/printed from HeinOnline (http://heinonline.org) Mon Nov 15 16:02:42 2010 -- Your use of this HeinOnline PDF indicates your acceptance of HeinOnline's Terms and Conditions of the license agreement available at http://heinonline.org/HOL/License -- The search text of this PDF is generated from uncorrected OCR text. -- To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your HeinOnline license, please use: https://www.copyright.com/ccc/basicSearch.do? &operation=go&searchType=0 &lastSearch=simple&all=on&titleOrStdNo=0017-811X ARTICLES THE BOUNDARIES OF THE FIRST AMENDMENT: A PRELIMINARY EXPLORATION OF CONSTITUTIONAL SALIENCE Frederick Schauer* Although the First Amendment refers to freedom of "speech," much speech remains totally untouched by it. Antitrust law, securities regulation, the law of criminal solici- tation, and most of the law of evidence, for example, involve legal control of speech lying well beyond the boundaries of the First Amendment's concern. It is not that such regulation satisfies a higher burden of justification imposed by the First Amendment. Rather, the First Amendment does not even show up in the analysis. The explanation for lack of First Amendment coverage lies not in a theory of free speech or in legal doctrine, but instead in an often serendipitous array of political, cultural, and economic factors determining what makes the First Amendment salient in some instances of speech regulation but not in others. Because the First Amendment's cultural magnetism attracts a wide variety of claims, nonlegal factors, far more than legal ones, determine which opportunistic claims to First Amendment attention will succeed and which will not. -
Skokie, the Aclu and the Endurance of Democratic Theory
SKOKIE, THE ACLU AND THE ENDURANCE OF DEMOCRATIC THEORY IRVING Louis HOROWITZ* VICTORIA CURTIS BRAMSONt Not since the 1963 civil rights marches in Selma, Alabama, has a small city achieved such a high level of notoriety as Skokie, Illinois, where the American Nazi party proposed to hold a march some time in 1977. The circumstances surrounding each march can be said to illustrate the moral range of responses to the use of the march as a means of expressing political preference. Those who assert that civil rights and constitutional safeguards to free speech are in- alienable quite properly note that it is easy to defend protest movements that have a broad constituency and an even wider popular base. It is another mat- ter to defend the civil rights of a miniscule group of fascists lacking both a noble cause and popular support. Hence, it may be Skokie, not Selma, which turns out to be the touchstone of our faith in constitutional government. Let us not dwell on historical comparisons, but get directly to the heart of the le- gal and moral problems posed by 'affaire Skokie. Writing in The Christian Century, Jean Caffey Lyles, has feelingly and prop- erly put the Skokie issue in a fitting, paradoxical framework. Even before any march has taken place, Skokie has become a symbol. It is now one of those American place names that evokes an event. We need to be reminded how deeply and indelibly the horrors of Nazi Germany are burned into the consciousness and memories of Jewish people, how vulnerable they feel to the possibility of "another Holocaust." Skokie has done that. -
The Skokie Legacy: Reflections on an "Easy Case" and Free Speech Theory
Michigan Law Review Volume 80 Issue 4 1982 The Skokie Legacy: Reflections on an "Easy Case" and Free Speech Theory Lee C. Bollinger University of Michigan Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, and the First Amendment Commons Recommended Citation Lee C. Bollinger, The Skokie Legacy: Reflections on an "Easy Case" and Free Speech Theory, 80 MICH. L. REV. 617 (1982). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr/vol80/iss4/13 This Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Law Review at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Law Review by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE SKOKIE LEGACY: REFLECTIONS ON AN "EASY CASE" AND FREE SPEECH THEORY Lee C. Bollinger* DEFENDING MY ENEMY: AMERICAN NAZIS, THE SKOKIE CASE, AND THE RISKS OF FREEDOM. By Aryeh Neier. New York: E.P. Dutton. 1979. Pp. 182. $9.95. l Few legal disputes in the last decade captured public attention with such dramatic force as that involving a small band of Nazis and the village of Skokie. For well over a year, the case was seldom out of the news and often thought to merit front page coverage. It all began in the spring of 1977 when Frank Collin, the leader of the Chicago-based National Socialist Party of America, requested a per mit to march in front of the Skokie village hall. -
Surviving Skokie
Movies that Matter: Film Study & Social Justice “Surviving Skokie” Teacher Resources & Lesson Plans Acknowledgments The following curriculum materials were arranged by the Mizel Museum Education Department under the supervision of Georgina Kolber, Managing Director, and Penny Nisson, Director of Education. These resources were developed by Dr. Joie Norby Lê, Director of Curriculum & Instruction, and Josh Madrid, Education Associate, in partnership with the University of Denver. The Mizel Museum retains all rights to this material. Table of Contents Museum Introduction.................................................................................. 1 Miryam Brand Films..................................................................................... 1 Unit Background........................................................................................... 1 Film Summary: “Surviving Skokie”............................................................ 2 Implications for Unit Study......................................................................... 2 Key Terms & Definitions............................................................................. 2-3 Colorado Academic Unit Standards........................................................ 4-5 Lesson Plans Pre-Lesson: History in Context........................................................... 6-7 Post Lesson: Call to Action................................................................... 8-9 Additional Lessons What is Nationalism.............................................................................. -
Exceptions to the First Amendment
Order Code 95-815 A CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Freedom of Speech and Press: Exceptions to the First Amendment Updated July 29, 2004 Henry Cohen Legislative Attorney American Law Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Freedom of Speech and Press: Exceptions to the First Amendment Summary The First Amendment to the United States Constitution provides that “Congress shall make no law ... abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press....” This language restricts government both more and less than it would if it were applied literally. It restricts government more in that it applies not only to Congress, but to all branches of the federal government, and to all branches of state and local government. It restricts government less in that it provides no protection to some types of speech and only limited protection to others. This report provides an overview of the major exceptions to the First Amendment — of the ways that the Supreme Court has interpreted the guarantee of freedom of speech and press to provide no protection or only limited protection for some types of speech. For example, the Court has decided that the First Amendment provides no protection to obscenity, child pornography, or speech that constitutes “advocacy of the use of force or of law violation ... where such advocacy is directed to inciting or producing imminent lawless action and is likely to incite or produce such action.” The Court has also decided that the First Amendment provides less than full protection to commercial speech, defamation (libel and slander), speech that may be harmful to children, speech broadcast on radio and television, and public employees’ speech. -
Hate Crime on the Internet Hearing Committee on The
S. HRG. 106–803 HATE CRIME ON THE INTERNET HEARING BEFORE THE COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED SIXTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION ON RAMIFICATIONS OF INTERNET TECHNOLOGY ON TODAY’S CHILDREN, FOCUSING ON THE PREVALENCE OF INTERNET HATE, AND REC- OMMENDATIONS ON HOW TO SHIELD CHILDREN FROM THE NEGA- TIVE IMPACT OF VIOLENT MEDIA SEPTEMBER 14, 1999 Serial No. J–106–48 Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary ( U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 67–653 CC WASHINGTON : 2001 VerDate 11-MAY-2000 09:22 Apr 24, 2001 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 SEPT14.TXT SJUD2 PsN: SJUD2 COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY ORRIN G. HATCH, Utah, Chairman STROM THURMOND, South Carolina PATRICK J. LEAHY, Vermont CHARLES E. GRASSLEY, Iowa EDWARD M. KENNEDY, Massachusetts ARLEN SPECTER, Pennsylvania JOSEPH R. BIDEN, JR., Delaware JON KYL, Arizona HERBERT KOHL, Wisconsin MIKE DEWINE, Ohio DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California JOHN ASHCROFT, Missouri RUSSELL D. FEINGOLD, Wisconsin SPENCER ABRAHAM, Michigan ROBERT G. TORRICELLI, New Jersey JEFF SESSIONS, Alabama CHARLES E. SCHUMER, New York BOB SMITH, New Hampshire MANUS COONEY, Chief Counsel and Staff Director BRUCE A. COHEN, Minority Chief Counsel (II) VerDate 11-MAY-2000 09:22 Apr 24, 2001 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 0486 Sfmt 0486 SEPT14.TXT SJUD2 PsN: SJUD2 C O N T E N T S STATEMENTS OF COMMITTEE MEMBERS Page Hatch, Hon. Orrin G., U.S. Senator from the State of Utah ................................ 1 Leahy, Hon. Patrick J., U.S. Senator from the State of Vermont ....................... 3 Kennedy, Hon. -
Racism and Hate Speech – a Critique of Scanlon's
1 Raphael Cohen-Almagor (2019) “Racism and hate speech – A critique of Scanlon’s Contractual Theory,” First Amendment Studies, DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2019.1601579 ABSTRACT The First Amendment is an important value in American liberal polity. Under this value, racism, hate speech and offensive speech are protected speech. This article scrutinizes one of the clear representatives of the American liberal polity - Thomas Scanlon. The paper tracks the developments in his theory over the years. It is argued that Scanlon’s arguments downplay tangible harm that speech might inflict on its target victim audience. Scanlon’s distinction between participant interests, audience interests, and the interests of bystanders is put under close scrutiny. The article criticizes viewpoint neutrality and suggests a balancing approach, further arguing that democracy is required to develop protective mechanisms against harm-facilitating speech as well as profound offences. Both should be taken most seriously. KEY WORDS: autonomy, contractualism, Freedom of Speech, hate speech, Meiklejohn, JS Mill, offence, Scanlon 2 Introduction This article takes issue with the popular liberal stance that the Free Speech Principle should protect even the most harmful and vile expression because such protection would promote individual self-government, enhance individual autonomy and promote critical thinking. Democracy depends on self-determining agents who take part in public deliberation.1 This article argues for striking a balance between these goods and the impact of the speech in question on its target group. The protection of free speech cannot be offered in isolation from its wider consequences, not only those that affect the speaker but also those that affect those whom the speaker intended to influence. -
Murder Media—Does Media Incite Violence and Lose First Amendment Protection?
Chicago-Kent Law Review Volume 76 Issue 1 Symposium on the Second Amendment: Article 13 Fresh Looks October 2000 Murder Media—Does Media Incite Violence and Lose First Amendment Protection? Christopher E. Campbell Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cklawreview Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Christopher E. Campbell, Murder Media—Does Media Incite Violence and Lose First Amendment Protection?, 76 Chi.-Kent L. Rev. 637 (2000). Available at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cklawreview/vol76/iss1/13 This Notes is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chicago-Kent Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. MURDER MEDIA-DOES MEDIA INCITE VIOLENCE AND LOSE FIRST AMENDMENT PROTECTION? CHRISTOPHER E. CAMPBELL* INTRODUCTION Should we allow First Amendment protection to a publisher who "intended and had knowledge that [its] publications would be used, upon receipt, by criminals and would-be criminals to plan and execute the crime of murder for hire, in the manner set forth in the publications?"' Should First Amendment protection preclude liability where movie producers "intended to incite viewers of the film [Natural Born Killers] to begin, shortly after viewing the film, crime sprees such as the one that led to the shooting of Patsy Byers?"2 Although the defendants in these lawsuits stipulated to these facts in their motions for summary judgment, they fully expected to win their motions. -
Nazis and the Far Right Today
NAZIS AND THE FAR RIGHT TODAY Compiled by Campbell M Gold (2010) CMG Archives http://campbellmgold.com --()-- American Nazi Party (1959 - 1967) - USA The American Nazi Party was an American Neo-Nazi political party formed in February 1959 by George Lincoln Rockwell. The organization was headquartered in Arlington, Virginia and maintained a visitor's centre at 2507 North Franklin Road (now a coffeehouse). The organization was based largely upon the ideals and policies of the NSDAP in Germany during the Third Reich. Following the assassination of Rockwell in 1967 by a disgruntled party member, the group was taken over by Matt Koehl who renamed it the National Socialist White People's Party. --()-- National Socialist White People's Party (1967 - ?) - USA The National Socialist White People's Party was originally founded in 1958 by the late U.S. Navy Commander George Lincoln Rockwell (1918-1967) as the American Nazi Party. The name was changed to the National Socialist White People's Party in 1967, in order to better reflect the true nature and purpose of the organization. Commander Rockwell's subsequent assassination in August of that year led to a lengthy period of confusion and dormancy for the Party, but in the 1990's it has revived and is gaining ground steadily in numbers and influence among racially conscious White Americans. --()-- National Socialist Party of America (1970 - Date (2010)) The National Socialist Party of America was an extremist Chicago-based organization founded in 1970 by Frank Collin shortly after he left the National Socialist White People's Party. The NSWPP had been the American Nazi Party until shortly after the assassination of leader George Lincoln Rockwell in 1967. -
Ku Klux Klan
If you have issues viewing or accessing this file contact us at NCJRS.gov. KU \ , I, KLUX KLAN A REPORT TO THE ILLINOIS GENERAL ASSEMBLY t;J ~ . ~t ., E J : li,:( {.:.<~ ~,' i .,i i " ,.~ i 1 , .. ,p~~ ; £~C(, .:~.~} ... t <.) ~ '":~~:~ ,~ \ BYTHE ILLINOIS LEGISLATIVE INVESTIGATING COMMISSION 300 West Washington Street, Chicago, Illinois 60606 Telephone (312) 793-2606 ,= OCTOBER 1976 I. Printed bv the Authoritv of the State of Illinois Twenty-Five Hundred Copies TABLE OF CONTENTS HOUSE RESOLUTION 146.................................. iii LETTER TO HONORABLE MEMBERS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY... v INTRODUCTION. • . • . 1 Chapter 1 HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF THE KU KLUX KLAN A. Introduction.............................. 3 B. Origin of the Ku Klux Klan................ 3 C. Transformation and Growth of the Ku Klux Klan. ... 5 D. Decline of the Klan....................... 10 E. Romanticizing the Klan.................... 11 F. Resurrection of the Ku Klux Klan.......... 16 G. 1950's Klan Revival....................... 23 H. F.B.I. Investigation Breaks the Klan...... 27 I. Present Klan Organizations................ 29 Chapter 2 ORGANIZATION OF THE KU KLUX KLAN A. Introduction.............................. 31 B. Invi sible Empire ......................... It 32 C. Adminis'trative and Command Structure...... 32 D. Purposes of the KKK....................... 35 E. Functions of Local Klans .............. ,... 37 F. A Final Comment on Klan Organization...... 38 Chapter 3 BRIEF HIS~ORY OF THE KLAN IN ILLINOIS A. Introduction.............................. 39 B. The Klan in Illinois during the 1920s..... 39 C. Later Klan Activity....................... 41 Chapter 4 ILLINOIS KLAN'S INITIAL ORGANIZATIONAL ACTIVITY A. Background. 43 B. The Illinois Klan's Early Organizational Efforts.................................... 44 C. Initial Infiltration of the Illinois Klan ...................... ~ . .. .. 45 D. Split in the Illinois Klan Leadership....