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Summary N°00 October 2004

4 EDITORIAL FOCUS

10 FROM ZIGUINCHOR TO ... 5 CHRONICLE

SURVEY

NIGER- BORDER : MARADI-- AXIS

7 " HAUSA LAND ", " BORDER LAND "

9 KANO THE LOCOMOTIVE

NIGER- BORDER : GAYA-MALANVILLE AXIS

27 MALANVILLE, A MARKET WITHOUT BORDERS IN A BORDER TOWN

30 GAYA, KEYSTONE OF REGIONAL EXCHANGE

31 MALANVILLE, A REGIONAL DESTINATION FOR FOOD

FILE CROSS-BORDER DIARIES

available on the site www.afriquefrontieres.org KANOLLYWOOD

produced by

SUD COMMUNICATION 12 HAUSA VIDEO MANIA BP.12952 - NIGER, Tél. +227 98 20 50 Fax. +227 75 50 92 E-mail : [email protected] OR THE "DAN DALIN SOYEYYA" CRAZE

In editorial and financial partnership 17 A BOOM IN ENDOGENOUS IMAGES with N EXPANSIONISM BITTERLY FELT the Sahel and West Africa Club 18 A Secretariat - OECD BY MOVIE THEATRE MANAGERS Contacts Laurent Bossard & Marie Trémolières 20 SAVED BY VIDEO 2, rue André Pascal 75775 Paris Cedex - France Tél. + 33 (0) 1 45 24 89 68 Fax : + 33 (0) 1 45 24 90 31 INTERVIEW E-mail : [email protected]

Editor Guy-Michel Bolouvi

Have participated in this issue : Marie Trèmolières, Mohamadou Abdoul, 24 Laurent Bossard, Karim Dahou, Eric Hazard, Jean-François Marquet. UMAR BANKAURA REINCARNATED THROUGH Printing : Drapeau-graphic 22 AMINA GARBA HOME VIDEO E-mail : [email protected] "I WAS BORN AN ACTRESS" BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 . 3 EDITORIAL de Guy-Michel Bolouvi

Local-regional realities in West Africa

"Another publication not worth the paper it is printed on ?" No, not another one. For many reasons, the main one being that information on cross-border cooperation is in demand. In its own region, today there is no regular media coverage on regional cons- truction seen through the local and institutional level and through cross-border dynamics.

In this context, where regional integration is once again on political agendas, this periodical strengthens the WABI (West African Borders and Integration) Initiative : an investigative device helping actors committed to promoting cross-border activities as an engine of regional integration, development and peace. The WABI network aims at establishing regular dialogue between local actors and officials of regional integration institutions around concrete cooperation experiences.

Among the facets of this dialogue, workshops, an internet site, regular publications, finally the last creation : "Cross-border diaries", a tool providing extensive and unexpected stories, playing off geographic scales and various themes, countouring the border areas, thanks to on the ground investigations.

Who are the "Cross-border diaries", for ? - local actors, elected officials, professional organisations and associations : to serve as a vehicle for and sharing experiences, constraints and proposals; - officials of West African regional integration institutions : allowing a wider vision of sectoral policies on the basis of daily information coming from cross-border areas; - cooperation agencies : abandoning a purely national perspective for a more regional approach, to set up a forum between interlocutors concerned by the common challenge of promoting integration through cross-border cooperation; - editorials : to learn about West Africa at the regional level other than through conflict, relaying West African cooperation lived by the people.

"Cross-border diaries" chooses a journalistic approach : studying the border areas, presenting initiatives that could be thought of as cross-cultural, -economic or -social.

A long time ago West African borders went beyond apparent barriers : roads, rivers, police-customs posts. These borders support an invaluable multidisciplinary dynamism. This magazine focuses on the Kano-Katsina-Maradi corridor : an economically and culturally rich developing between Nigeria and Niger and beyond, a basting stitch of informal trade. The border disappears with the exportation of the hausa video market which this first issue explores..

BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 4 . CHRONICLE... by Normand Lauzon, Director of the Sahel and West Africa Club

How to nourish information on local and regional realities in West Africa ?

The "intrusion" of the local cross-border concept into the thinking process relating to regional integration is gaining ground in political agendas. This is due, on the one hand, to a demand originating from the field, and, on the other, to a possible approach on regional governance :

! In the field, a densification of border regions: West Africa is going through an exponential population boost correlated with the development of urban markets. This densification of demand encourages exchanges and is well illustrated in border areas, in particular in the band between Sahelian and coastal countries, and consequently plays a role in the regional construction process; ! Demands from regional institutions as regards the integration process: whether these ques- tions be dealt with from NEPAD's perspective, in its willingness to entrust ECOWAS with the development of integration policies based on geographic, demographic and socioeconomic dynamics, or from the African Union's perspective in order to "re-energize the role of States via a participative action extended to the private sector and civil society", such demands require that local border experiences and institutional strategies work in synergy.

Being the foundation of the WABI initiative, the willingness to maintain a dialogue is shown with the fact that information on cross-border and regional dynamics is made available to each and everyone on a regular basis. The DLPIR unit of SWACS - an active entity of the WABI network - tends to encourage, with its financing and co-writing of Issue of "Border Chronicles", and as far as its mandate permits, a study on the common challenges facing border cooperation both at a local and regional level..

CROSS-BORDER DIARIES

Available on the site www.afriquefrontieres.org

The bulletin report that opens borders to you.

BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 . 5 SURVEY

The Kasar Hausa

The Kasar Hausa, neighbouring the coastal regions, is the main development

centre of the West African hinterland. Like the Dioula territory, it is both an

agricultural area and a mid-way point between the coastal and the arid zo- nes of West Africa.

Maradi Niamey

Katsina

Kano

Zaria

Jos

Kainji

Abuja

Oshogbo Hausa land Abeakouta

Ajaokuta Benin Industrial area Epe City Aladja Sapele Flow of final Umnhia products

Wari Oweri Aba Flow of hydrocarbons

Ikot Abasi Flow of raw materials

The Maradi-Katsina-Kano corridor, which passes the Hausa lands, is perhaps the most important and most historic development axis in West Africa, for

centuries a gateway to the Gulf of Guinea, North Africa and the Middle East.

Its population density and urbanisation rate represent significant development potential, although the inability of its production structures to

withstand international competition and an institutionalised smuggling

system still threaten its progress.

6 .BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 Niger-Nigeria border : Maradi-Katsina-Kano axis

ithin the territory covered by the Slight differences in accent may indicate that they belong W ECOWAS, there are, of to different communities, but the Hausa are a united peo- course, many other cross-border areas where solidarity and ple in every way : in their language, religion, traditions of exchanges thrive : southern Senegambia, with its comple- dress, matrimony, culture, their taste and aptitude for bu- mentary production systems, its border markets, its surrounding siness… The "Hausa land" is a "border land" : it areas ; or the Mopti-Ouahigouya area (Mali/Burkina), a develop- encompasses the border which is supposed to divide it. "Hausa land", "Border land" ment corridor stretching as far as widely during the 14th century, caliphate, Islam was to spread to Ouagadougou, with its associa- although the religion had been most of the Hausa lands. tions and joint projects for local taught from the 11th century development. In many cases onwards. Islam started out as the Today the Hausa kasar has a po- however, the territories are religion of the aristocracy, the pulation of 50 million spread over "Creole", shared by several urban elite and merchants. an area of 1,500 km along the bor- communities who value different But Islam and the traditional reli- der between Niger and Nigeria. aspects. gions continued to co-exist in this Hausa, which has very few dialec- region right up to the Jihad of tal variations, is the most They do not have the socio-cul- Usman Dan Fodio which began in commonly spoken language in tural homogeneity of the Hausa 1804. black Africa. lands, so reinforced by its popu- Here, more than in most other lation (although several peoples This marked the turning point in areas, the border is a flexible con- inhabit the territory, the Hausa the Islamisation and unification of cept, or rather promotes a highly are in the very large majority) the Hausa lands as people rose up functioning cross-border dynamic. and by Islam. against the local aristocracy - the Sarakunas. The complementarity of production The Bornou princes were the first systems between the north - most to spread the Islamic religion From the time of the Sokoto suited to livestock farming ...

...... BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 . 7 Niger-Nigeria border : Maradi-Katsina-Kano axis

- and the arable south of the Hausa Kasar has long spurred Road stories considerable trade flows between the two regions. Sokoto, Kano, Katsina, , Abuja and Kaduna have historically placed the centre of gravity of the Hausa Kasar - in urban, Crossing the border agricultural, political, religious and commercial terms - squarely in Ni- between Illéla-Sokoto geria.

From every point of view, Niger's t is 6 pm, and almost dark already. The thermometer has not moved below territories in general and Maradi in 40 degrees Celsius, it is May and we are on the road from Niamey to the particular have occupied only a I marginal position in relation to the Nigerian border. Good quality infrastructure and little traffic. We reach Birni'n- north of the Nigerian federation. Konni, the border point between Niger and Nigeria, after a 6-hour drive. A Indeed, until 1816, Maradi was part of the kingdom of Katsina. few stops, the time to change a burst tire due to potholes, tarmac heat and brake-slamming to avoid animals crossing the road in an attempt to join their Today, however, the Hausa Kasar herd. Population density is low, even though the region, attractive because is a kingdom of smuggling, fed by the disparities in economic policy of the dynamism of neighbouring lands, ranks among the most populated between Nigeria and its neigh- areas in Niger. bouring countries.

All kinds of things pass through The town is quite large, but with few permanent buildings. It seems its only here : herds of animals, role is to provide fresh supplies to lorry drivers travelling towards or agricultural products from the surrounding regions, textiles from . Everything has been planned with the motorised traveller in mind: Asia, motor vehicles form Europe, spare part shops, small stalls selling petrol and oil, many grocer's shops, as petroleum, plastics, cigarettes - a whole host of banned or permitted well as the unavoidable kebab, corn or mint tea salesmen. Document control goods travelling along established seems to be a mere formality - very few tourists venture into these towns, or improvised highways…. whose main purpose is to carry out various transit activities towards Nigerian urban centres. Meantime, we discover our burst tire was probably the trick of one of the many mechanical tool salesmen established along the road. The benevolent customs post officers, concerned about their reputation, are prepared to pay for the dismantling of the tire as well as for a tubeless tire (with no air chamber) which is better adapted to African roads, it would seem.

Despite recommendations from the Birni'n-Konni's post, according to which we would be better off waiting until daylight before entering Nigerian soil, the car departs, possibly being guided by the full moon which lights up Sokoto in the distance. There are many highwaymen ("coupeurs de route") along this stretch of road, where a major part of informal traders supplying Kano or Katsina markets converge, before going even further south. All sorts of goods are being traded here: as well as international goods banned by the Nigerian government, you can find second-hand cars from European markets. We stop for a second time at the Nigerian customs post of Ileja to get our passports stamped and to sort out the car documents. Forty minutes of bad road separate the two customs administrations. You have to pay 500 Nairas (3 Euros) to obtain a vehicle-related document in due and proper form. The night goes on close to the post after we're told for the second time about road safety issues on the way to Sokoto.. 8 .BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 Niger-Nigeria border : Maradi-Katsina-Kano axis

Kano the locomotive

History, geography and strong demographic growth have created an urban canvas at the heart of the Hausa lands with no equivalent in the hinterland of West Africa. Urbanisation in this region, centred around the town of Kano, is testament to the genuine and significant process of change in the West African economy.

ecause of its and Kano, Katsina today made up of rural dwellers a local economy historic status as is a medium-sized town who no longer had the absorbed by the mighty B a trading town, of around 400,000 inha- means to develop their city of Kano. Transactions Kano has long been a bitants. It is the capital land. which take place along dynamic place. But its po- of a state of six million The peasant economy is the border, and the pulation, as in other cities people which, when being monetized and "in hierarchy of urban in West Africa, expanded added to the population spite of the lack of a economies within this lo- most rapidly after 1960 of Kano state, forms a dense network of ban- cal economy, are testa- (at an annual average of populated area of almost king and financial institu- ment to de facto regional 6%). 15 million souls. tions, integration of the integration based upon As Nigeria's third city peasant environment is the exploitation of after Lagos and Ibadan, A little further north, speeding up thanks to economic opportunities Kano covered an area of Maradi, in Niger, is the dynamism of Hausa and specialisation within just 17 km2 at the smaller but rapidly traders and their net- a community - the Hausa beginning of the 20th growing. Located at the works of brokers and the community being the century but has now heart of a much less intra- and extra-regional case in point. spilled beyond the walls densely populated area ramifications which . of the old town to cover (around 60 inhabitants embrace all the region's *Direction des services d'ap- 60 km2, of which 48 km2 per km2), it has become circuits of economic pui au développement régional et local, Schéma directeur de are built up. a satellite of Kano. activity*". développement régional de The state of Kano, Maradi, " Dynamique régionale ranking 20th in the This hierarchical arrange- Maradi's economy is et problématique de développe- Nigerian federation in focused on trade ; ment ", Ministry of Finance and ment of rapidly expan- Planning, Republic of Niger, terms of area, is the se- ding towns creates new processing industries are UNDP, July 1997 cond most populated production networks, hardly developed and the state with more than six even around relatively old agri-food industrial million inhabitants in small towns like Maradi. units have closed. Today, 1996, a density of 500 Self-sufficient agriculture industry is concentrated inhabitants per square was the main agropas- in the larger towns of Ni- kilometre. toral activity (apart from geria, Katsina and above The development of a cash-crop production, all Kano are veritable network of secondary especially cashew) in the clusters with food towns along the border Sahelian part of Niger, processing businesses, between Niger and Nige- until the new type of a tanneries, textile, ria has been supported regional exchange metallurgical, plastics and by the existence of this economy did develop. packaging factories and large metropolis, the only Agricultural land has sugar refineries. inland city that can be gradually been bought compared to cities like up by traders or urban Maradi's position within Accra, Abidjan, etc. economic actors and a Niger is similar to that of new class of agricultural Katsina in Nigeria - part Half-way between Maradi workers has emerged, of an urban system and

BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 . 9 FOCUS From Ziguinchor to Abuja or the necessity of bringing together integration actors…

If integration marks emphasize that the various actors activities seems to represent the a notable "return" on intervening in the area experience next major threshold to be difficulties. When they have the crossed. development agendas tools and capacities necessary to Accomplishing this will require and if the actors favoring put their ideas into practice, they assisting stakeholders in the closer collaboration often run into trouble procuring cross-border project to more between local and funds that are earmarked for effectively confront national, institutional dynamics are strictly national projects. regional, and even international more and more numerous, Moreover, these actors often problems, by developing a large the obstacles to overcome confront problems associated with network that will facilitate the nonetheless remain norms and procedures that do not process of decompartmenta- formidable. yet take into account the regional lization. conditions established by the The cross-border approach thus A recent mission in Southern treaties between West African continues to respond to a social Senegambia organized by countries. The gap between theory reality, undistorted by the prism of Enda/Diapol illuminated and practice in the field of certain "developers," but it some of the steps to be integration thus persists. remains barely operational within In this context, it is not uncommon processes of formalization. The to see different actors, beginning necessary labor required for lunged for many years into a at the level of state represen- changing the approach so as to state of severe crisis, the Ca tatives, disregard certain regu- better incorporate the perspecti- Psamance region and its lations in order to resolve cross- ves of regional stakeholders, surrounding countries are border conflicts and issues, relying beginning with administrational currently witnessing the instead on local customs and ones, therefore remains not only emergence of a genuine will for authorities (as in the case of relevant but the substance of a peace, reconciliation, and recons- bamboo managament between long-term project. truction. Senegal and Guinea-Bissau, as One year after the launch of the Signs of this change can be most well as in the handling of livestock West African Borders and visibly observed in the repatriation theft and animal health…). Integration Initiative at WAEMU's of displaced persons to their villa- The numerous actors encountered headquarters in Burkina Faso, the ges of origin, and the rehabilitation by the mission also indicated that next workshop to be organized of these villages, all of which is the development of local agree- within ECOWAS in Abuja in October occuring with the help of former ments was the most efficient form of 2004, could therefore represent rebels attempting to reintegrate of regulation. a landmark opportunity for two themselves. Various forms of local mediation, major reasons: Beyond "conventional" national which are either being utilized on (1) First, because it should approaches, certain associational an ad hoc basis or are in the facilitate the opening of a dialogue actors have begun developing process of being institutionalized, between the local and institutional cross-border peace dynamics, both contribute to strengthening cross- actors behind the dynamics of autonomously and in collaboration border approaches, and to integration that will move towards with traditional authorities. attenuating tensions that are a more informed analysis of not This is the case, for example, with potential sources of conflict. only the stakes but also the pos- the negotiations transpiring At the same time, a number of con- sible misunderstandings of the between the King of Oussouye tact and exchange networks are integration process. and his counterpart on the Bissau- forming and enlarging our under- (2) Secondly, because this Guinean side of the border. All of standing of cross-border tensions change of scale is currently both these actors rely on different ty- and complementarities. desired and necessary for pes of cross-border exchanges: However, the utilization of this incorporating the vision of those some predating the conflict, such knowledge within the frameworks favoring a different approach to as productive dynamics (cashew, of exchanges, projects, programs… spaces and territories. This work sesame, livestock…), economic remains limited and thus consti- will not be possible without dynamics (transportation, cross- tutes a challenge to be met. Some "investing" in the places where the border trade of manufactured local organizations are in contact life of the community is goods…), and development with organizations on both sides determined: the political sphere. dynamics (vegetable cultivation, of the border. If the WABI Initiative and the horticultural…); and others This is the case, for example, with "Cross-border Chronicles" must resulting from the conflict, such as the Foddé NGO, which possesses have a reason for being, it is cultural dynamics (cross-border a cross-border program, and with certainly around these two main festivals…) and dynamics the Youth Movement for Peace and lines that they can continue to associated with the wartime Integration, which undertakes keep their originality and their economy, such as the cultivation some very specific cross-border reason for being. The Workshop's of Indian hemp and the illegal activities. But such examples summary record will be available trade in wood. remain few. Changing the scale on the afrique.frontieres.org site However, it is important to and scope of these various during 2004.. 10 .BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 Kanollywood

Silence, shooting !

" Dan Dalin Soyeyya "

BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 . FILE by Michel Bolouvi

Hausa video mania or the "Dan Dalin Soyeyya" craze

The stunning growth in home video in Nigeria has opened new doors for its

professionals, darkened the horizon for film buffs and caused dark clouds to hover

over cinema-video compatibility in neighbouring countries. Emerging from

Ghana, taken up and magnified by Nigeria, home videos are expanding their

reach irresistibly over the entire West African region.

They have caught up with Hollywood, , the Indian studios, Hong Kong

and all the others, and have now ousted them with their amateurism, bolstered

by the fact that they stick to local issues. Whatever critics may say, the only

quality that Nigerian home videos have is that of their sales. And there is no

doubt that the little stories canned by studios in Northern Nigeria are selling like

hot cakes. Hausa home videos are taking over the West African video market -

a rather incongruous example of regional integration of a kind.

12 .BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 Hausa video mania

required in women papers, critics, projec- is beauty and a tionists and, right at the Kano, the capital good figure, their top of the pyramid, those of Hausa video films, behaviour on the they call "marketers". sets. They must The latter dominate the has around 2,000 take the producer's market, often playing the or director's fancy. role of executive pro- actors and up to 150 The rest is just ducers. producers, including learning while In fact, the story goes doing, a modicum that it was to sell blank a handful of women. acting talent and cassette tapes from the ability to recite South-East Asia that omething that's dialogue and these "marketers" - consi-dered quite sparkle on the sets. always on the lookout for S banal else-where In one way, you could a good deal - started has taken on exponential say that producers are looking for outlets for dimensions in Nigeria for also trainers at the same video productions. its 120 million inhabitants time." Slowly, an entire industry : home video. The same holds true for developed, with no The result is an producers: "(…) There's regulatory system, no irrepressible craze that is no formal training as guild, no charter gover- attracting and providing such. You're either an ning distribution, and no a livelihood to increasing actor or interested in pro- government support. Nor numbers of people. duction - you just have to does it have any cultural Notwithstanding the re- have the logistics in background. liability of statistics, the place." The marketers are well home video and film in- versed in the promotional dustries support about The sector prides itself on methods they use : pos- 5,000 people. generating the highest ters, trailers, specialised Lagos, the economic ca- number of jobs in Nigeria magazines, media cove- pital, is home to most of them, as that is where most of the movies are The quality required in women shot, edited and dupli- is beauty and a good figure, cated. But Kano, the capital of their behaviour on the sets. Hausa video films, has They must take the producer's around 2,000 actors and or director's fancy. up to 150 producers, including a handful of women, with actors today. The "marketers" - rage on radio and TV, etc. turning into producers mere shopkeepers who The same holds true for after a few years of have turned into proper more original marketing experience. managers in this busi- methods that are closer It is very difficult to ness and operate at to the public : street-side establish correct figures either end of the produc- stands, auctions, sales in for all those involved in tion line - enjoy exclusive beauty parlours, adver- this industry, as most distribution rights. tising with a promotional production companies Having set up an Asso- team offering cassettes only have a few full-time ciation, they act as to passers-by, etc. This is employees and prefer agents for advertising followed by sponsorship picking and choosing and selling the films. They by various brands - cars, among intermittent then reinvest their profits soft drinks, hotels, etc. workers - all actors, in new productions. producers, choreo- This is how home videos There is not just a graphers and directors at are funded, with no sup- plethora of home video the same time. Multi- port other than the craftsmen - they are also tasking is becoming subsidies earned by prolific. "In the last two increasingly popular in those who distribute years", said a marketer, the home video field. them. Circuits are set up "two films have been You only need one thing fairly rapidly - with released per day - to be able to act in a producers, actors, direc- around fifteen per week. Hausa film : "The quality tors, resellers, news- A producer can ... BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 . 13 The borderless video

gners and make-up men. The city and its sur- Two films per day, roundings provide ample around fifteen per week. settings for shooting on location. A producer can make up The inhabitants, happy to to three films simultaneously. see their homes on the small screen, have even Moreover, Hausa videos are made not stopped renting out their just in Kano, but also in Katsina, houses and are perfectly Boshi, Putua, Lumfashi, Kaduna, happy merely lending them to crews for the Gusaw, Joss, Sokoto, etc... duration of a shoot.

So what does a video make up to three films the video movie produc- movie cost ? "Hausa films simultaneously. tion business in Africa. aren't expensive, as they Moreover, Hausa videos focus on domestic pro- are made not just in Kano productions offer a blems. You can make a Kano, but also in Katsina, quality that is far from movie with just about F Boshi, Putua, Lumfashi, that of the traditional 500,000 - 1,000,000 (€ Kaduna, Gusaw, Joss, popular theatres from 764-1,527)." Sokoto, etc." which they are inspired, and from their romantic The budget is negotiated It's impossible to really image : "Theatre is not with the actors, because know how many films are real life ; the trees are except for the rare few made. The official ave- made of cardboard, who have become stars rage is around 200 houses of cloth, skies of and with whom lump Hausa video movies each rags, diamonds of glass, sums are negotiated, year. With approximately gold of false glitter, with their fee depends on the 300 companies specia- make-up on faces, rouge time they spend lising in production, the on the cheeks, and the shooting. annual national produc- sun rising from below the tion is around 650-700 floor" (V. Hugo). "Shooting time is films, with an average of calculated and paid once 15,000 copies of each Of all those involved in the film is released. They being sold. the art, Hausa play- get around 10,000 This consistent turnover wrights have only Nairas, i.e. about FCFA makes Nigeria a giant in retained costume desi- 50,000 (€ 77)." 2 3 4

1

5 6 1. Actor Bankaura when arriving on the shooting 7 place. 2. Make-up man getting ready his powders and brushes. 3. 4. 5. Make- up man working. 6. Bankaura maked-up once. 7. Another stay with the make-up man for a new play. 14 .BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 The " Dan Dalin Soyeyya " craze

Time is money !

Once his movie is ready and his cassette is in his pocket, the producer rushes to the editing stu- dio, then chooses a marketer for advertising and distribution. Not until all this has been done does he prepare the budget. In an environment where actors are often also producers, marketers and directors, the order to delivery time is fairly short, for commercial as- pects are considered more important than artistic compulsions. Movies are no longer produced on film but Once his movie is ready and his cassette is in his pocket, the producer rushes to the editing directly as VHS cassettes studio. Here the producer Yakubu Mohammed of «2 Effects Empire» company (in the or DVDs, which spells cer- foreground). tain death for the traditional movie circuit, all the more as celluloid federal board in Abuja - the land, certain images since 1997, over 2,000 film production costs the National Censorship or expressions are video productions have have become prohibitive. Board, along with 10,000 monitored, particularly flooded households. A copy is then submitted Nairas (FCFA 2,500, those to do with women. Up to 300,000 copies of to the local Kano State about € 4). The Nigerian Censor a movie can be ... Censorship Board, along Since the Sharia was Board informed us that with 6,500 Nairas in char- instituted as the law of ges (FCFA 1,625, about € 3) and a second to the

The inhabitants, happy to see their homes on the small screen, have even stopped renting out their houses and are perfectly happy merely lending them to crews for the duration of a shoot.

BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 . 15 The " Dan Dalin Soyeyya " craze

sold, through frenzied poster campaigns and in- ternational trade.

So this Hausa "fast-food" is turning into a major export product and even contributing to regional integration. The films are first distributed all over Nige- ria, then in Niger - the primary foreign market - from where they are re- exported to the entire Hausa-speaking West African region. Nigerian videos have also had an impact on neighbouring Cameroon, in whose markets they can be found. is besieged with them as well, although it too is a producer. The same holds true for and the Democratic Republic of Facing the camera, Bankaura and Amina as relatives in «Dan Gwal», and Ahmed as play Congo, although the director. authorities have banned them officially. Today, Nigerians are nised, in order to reach lower at 150 Nairas. Nairas, along with 200 organising themselves to the diaspora. Marketers only sell cassette or CD covers at control their sales in "originals" - one cassette 50 Nairas per piece. American territory and The sale price of a Hausa or VCD per buyer. Thus, It is then up to him to buy make business trips to film in Kano, on a VHS a shopkeeper wishing to as many blank cassettes Europe as well, while cassette or video CD, is purchase 200 copies for and/or CDs as he wants Internet sales are 200 Nairas per piece, the his clients gets just one and make copies, while becoming more orga- wholesale price being cassette or CD for 150 ensuring that he does not sell more copies than the number of covers he has purchased : "In Nigeria", people are convinced that "piracy takes place outside the country only. The discovery of a cas- sette without a cover in a shop, or one with a cover other than the one already made familiar by the movie's posters, immediately puts the dishonest seller in the hands of the police."

In fact, the real anti- piracy barrier is the high speed at which the mar- ket is supplied with new productions and the strength of the distribu- tion network beyond Nigeria's borders.. Ahmed and Fati, lovers in the film «Dan Gwal». 16 .BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 The borderless video

A boom in endogenous images a field that is expanding beyond its borders

No one today really remembers what

triggered the video mania

sweeping through Nigeria.

But the reference that

is considered authori-

tative is the release in

1992 of "Living in

Bondage", an Ibo

film, shot with a VHS The confirmed actress Amina Garba protection is a perfect pedestal for the begining of camera. the young Amsa Shehu in the profession.

he filmmaker Chris Obi Rapu made news in Nigeria, TV film producers mushroomed, attracted by 1992 under the pseudonym of "Vic Mordi", with the new, lucrative business. T "Living in Bondage", a video film that unleashed A marketer explained that in Kano, the birth of home local passions with its endogenous story - that of a video was "something uncontrollable. man who signs a pact with the devil in order to grow In the beginning, we never imagined that it would rich. work, but demand exploded all of a sudden, at the The film opened the floodgates for a video market in expense of American films. Everyone preferred movies which local tales about evil sects, falling under spells dealing with local traditions, demanding customary and black magic abounded. Improved upon by sets, shot in our language. Their success spread all computerised special effects, this new genre grew over Nigeria and even to Niger." rapidly in the circuit, so far devoid of any real attrac- tions. The explosion of professional home videos coincided In fact, only political messages, documentaries on the with the decline of Nigerian cinema. The end of the country's heritage or imported productions were 1980s was also marked by the end of the oil boom, being screened. which had kept Nigerian cinema and its international co-productions going. The sudden influx of reflections of Nigerian society, in Producing films on celluloid then became a rather risky a Nigeria that loved its local culture and had been enterprise. Just one option remained : to turn to brought up on a long tradition of street theatre and videos, which had already drawn the majority of storytelling, combined with the advent of VCRs, was moviegoers away from movie theatres. Another ma- a blessing for home videos. Even VCD players were jor advantage was that you could watch videos, affordable - they cost around FCFA 30,000 or 45 bought at a fairly low price, again and again, at home Euros. or in your neighbour's house.

Video mania therefore began in 1992, with this first Leaving the field of American action movies strictly to film, which sold about 300,000 copies. By bringing satellite channels, the new Nigerian home video pros people back to the small screen, home videos opened plucked local socio-emotional strings as hard as they up an unforeseen market. could, tickling cultural roots by updating legendary Whether in Ibo, Yoruba or Hausa, in every part of stories, exploring social and emotional issues ... BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 . 17 A boom in endogenous images

from a local perspective, and showing daily life and daily problems. Marked by the popular, travelling The flood of images of dubious quality has opened a theatre tradition, the characters were very clichéd breach for filmmakers, with the prospects of and the acting was along the lines of theatre narra- digitalisation providing the means to bring both fields tives. together - feature films and home videos.

So Nigeria is now among a handful of countries in The proven success of the sector has given Africa the world, such as the USA and India, with a majority the opportunity to generate its own productions and consumption of purely local video products. its own images, and take over the regional market.. Piracy and unfair competition are fiercely opposed. Just one marketer (representing a distribution company) and just one cover per film: "This movie is strictly reserved for home use. Any unauthorised re- production, edition or distribution of this video, in part or in full, is strictly prohibited. Offenders will be prosecuted; renting Hausa films is prohibited in Kano and even considered an offence that can lead to prosecution." Even screening videos in video clubs is prohibited. In Kano, video clubs are limited to video games and to showing football matches retransmitted by satellite channels. Showing home videos on television is also prohibited: "If the movies were shown on TV it would kill the market for the producers and directors who invested in them." While this may be the case in Nigeria, in Niger, local television stations do not deprive their viewers and show Hausa movies.

The only places, apart from homes, where these videos can be shown, are movie theatres, which are considered as partners : "When a movie is released, the premiere takes place in a movie theatre, so that Example of hausa movie cassette or CD cover. the money invested in production can be recouped. All other earnings are profits."

While their technical defects make them a model that's difficult to export, on the other hand, Nigerian and especially Hausa home videos have turned into commodities that have succeeded in flirting with regional borders.

espite flickering pictures, changeable colours, uneven and uncontrolled lighting and sound, Dand actors with awkward gestures, Hausa films are reigning triumphant. Nigerian home videos are growing rapidly, at the expense of other markets, and invading neighbouring countries as well (Niger, Ghana, Cameroon, Benin and, generally, the entire African market). Their low costs and practices like dumping and aggressive marketing have also played Emmanuel Ekaba is inconsolable. a role in their growth. Nigerian home videos are not only making a name for themselves across borders but are also An expansionism establishing themselves as the only viable models for film products, forcing movie theatres to project bitterly felt by movie only video films. Thus, in Niger, Hausa films are flooding all film screening establishments: video clubs, TV channels and even movie theatres. theatre managers Emmanuel Ekaba, who runs the biggest movie theatre complex in Niamey, called Jangorzo, is inconsolable. 18 .BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 The borderless video

Earlier, his complex had a theatre 60,000. We had to convert to digi- The programmes altered between with 1,500 seats for limited bud- tal, to video, and cut our ticket Hausa, Indian and American films, gets and a 560-seat studio for prices from F 1,000 down to 300." with three shows a day during the those with bigger budgets. But he So now, just the 560-seat studio week (5 PM, 8:30 PM and 10:30 says that in less than ten years, remains, and screens video films. PM) and four on weekends.Then feature films have had to face two Then, Nigerian producers started came the time when TV also got challenges : the emergence of sa- shuttling between Kano and Nia- on to the Hausa film bandwagon. tellite broadcasts and the birth of mey to promote new releases and Suddenly, producers stopped private television channels, whose their distribution. After "radio and shuttling around, as they couldn't programmes are mostly filled with TV advertisements, they got a full recover their costs. video film broadcasts. house", as the competition from From then on, purchases were the small, neighbourhood video made "directly from the market, Upset, he remarked : "Theoreti- clubs was negligible. from cassette and CD shops, as cally, there are films reserved there were no exclusively for movie theatres. But certified Hausa when the very same films are movie distributors broadcast on television before in Niamey, and if being screened in movie theatres, there were, they very few people are ready to go would not resist out and spend money on transport pirating videos and on buying a ticket. And that's and CDs, as piracy without taking account of piracy. has become an institution here, in (…) Niamey's biggest movie Niger, due to an theatre now houses Aïr Transport. excessively rapid It can no longer afford to hire regional expan- 35mm films that cost FCFA 500,000 sion". for maximum returns of just FCFA The studio remains but screens video films. . BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 . 19 The borderless video

Saved by video

La salle de projection, un abri de fortune qui fait fortune.

They have spent so much time haunting videoclubs that they have been inspired by them. The boom of the Hausa film industry did the rest.

n the district of Karadjé in Niamey's Commune III, at the I end of primary school, Issouf Abdou and Issa Idrissa stopped going to school, at an age that is so important to many young peo- ple living in Niger's capital. Having become unemployed very early on, with no qualifications whatsoever, both friends managed to escape idleness by opening one of the seven videoclubs to which people from their good old district enjoy going in their free time. They were 'saved' by home videos Tableau d’affichage de vidéoclub and by the boom of Hausa soaps, 20 .BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 Saved by video

which cross boundaries and as a shed, they bought ten 5-6- the school holidays, their small stretch out to the suburbs of seater benches and, more room, which can accommodate Niger's capital. importantly, a 21-inch TV, a video- about sixty "video lovers", was player, a DVD player and a first constantly full, and with ten shows A shed of around 10m², in the cor- batch of American and Hausa video per day on average, our young ner of Issouf's father's courtyard, tapes and compact disc videos. entrepreneurs' daily takings are with walls and roof made of millet They went round all the stalls that about F 15,000 (€23). stalks strengthened with secco sell or rent tapes in order to And that's without counting the (straw mats), this is a modest diversify their very successful club, tape and CD rental side of the bu- shelter which generates very high open "24/7" as they proudly claim, siness. revenues. explaining that their room is Apart from the 10% commission on This type of projection room, which operational all day long until the projection room takings which costs about CFA Francs 15,000 midnight or 1 in the morning, every they pay to the cashier, they pay (€23), abounds in the lower dis- day. no taxes. And anyway, public main- tricts of the city, enjoyed by those tenance tax is no more than F 25 who cannot afford a television, nor They gathered a stock of produc- or 50 per day, so their profit isn't even a TV/VCR/DVD set - that is, tions and widened their services greatly affected by it. in fact, the majority of Niamey's to include video rentals, priced F population, the capital of one of the 250 (€.38 €) for 24 hours per tape Issouf Abdou and Issa Idrissa are world's poorest countries. and F 300 (€0.46) per CD. Because overjoyed. Yesterday, they were tapes are sold F 2,000 FCFA big clients of the city's videoclubs, In 2002, Issouf Abdou managed to (€3.05) on the market and CDs and today, they are proud to have convince his father, an agent for 2,500 (€3.80), their business is moved to the other side of the the national electricity company, to extremely attractive to people in "video world". lend him and his lifelong friend, the area. A clever combination of America- Issa Idrissa, enough money to set Those who do not have any made action movies and plenty of up a videoclub. equipment come in and get an Nigerian Hausa films ensures that Video-clubs had become very eyeful for F 25 (€0.038) per show, their club is full all day long. popular in Niamey, particularly in while others save themselves a "Children and young people of our their district, on the right bank of trip into town by using the rental age love action, while adults and the river, where no-one could service. mainly women cannot resist 'Dan remember when the only cinema's dali Soyeya' films from Nigeria", last ticket had been sold. As well At the end of last August, during which have replaced Bollywood films, which were true block- busters in videoclubs and even in cinemas until not so long ago..

Issouf Abdou (à gauche) et Issa Idrissa sur le seuil de leur salle video. Hier, grands clients des vidéoclubs de la ville, ils savourent aujourd'hui leur passage de l'autre côté de la "vidéo".

BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 . 21 The borderless video

mina Garba is one of Nigeria's best- father from Tillaberi and her mother from known actresses. Indeed, there's no Loga, in the west of the country. About AHausa film fan of the vast Kasar fifty years old today, she still has the Hausa who doesn't know her - that's how same charming and captivating fawn-like vital she is to the Dan Dalin Soyeyya th- eyes. Braids that highlight her mulatto rillers, for instance. But it was purely by skin colour halo her regular features and chance that she was born in Kano, she has a sweet, melodious voice. It was although her parents came from Niger - her 22 years ago that Amina, a health worker, succumbed to the charms of theatre. At first, she played small parts in plays produced and broadcast on the State television network. Then she met Umar Amina Garba Yahaya "Bankaura", another Hausa film star, and her career took off. Ever since, they have become a vital element in most depictions of various slices of life in Nige- ria. Despite her popularity, Amina lives in a flat of just 4 sq. m. a star or so, in Kofan Kabuga, one of Kano's poorer neighbourhoods. Like any other star, Amina is among stars recognised on the streets and greeted with respect by the people in her in Hausa home neighbourhood. The children inevitably run and gather around her video whenever she makes a pu- blic appearance, all the more so as both adults and children have benefited from her financial lar- gesse. Today, whether she plays a mother or even a grand- mother's role, she plays them with great convic- tion..

22 .BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 A star among stars in Hausa home video

Interview

touch upon almost everything: marriage, cohabitation, divorce, unfaithfulness, love…

C.F. : What's the story of the film you're shooting right now, "Dan "I was born an actress" Gwal" ?

Chroniques Frontalières : How some rudiments of how to behave A.G. : A boy meets a girl and pro- are actors and actresses on the sets, and so on. mises her marriage. Ecstatic, the recruited ? girl thinks she's lucky and decides C.F. : How much work does a to make her future husband Amina Garba : To get work as an confirmed actress like you get? happy. actor, some minimum requirements She offers him a trip to Europe. He have to be fulfilled. When young A.G. : My schedule depends on the makes his fortune there and men or women introduce means available to producers and returns to the country. Then he themselves - and you see directors. Shooting for a film can meets a girl who is more beautiful newcomers every day anywhere a take two to three weeks, than his fiancée and goes back on film is being shot, they have to sometimes a full month. his promise of marriage. audition. When funds are slow in coming, His friends try in vain to reason with If any candidates are selected, shooting slows down too and can him and make him stand by his they have to fill out an information take up to two months or more, commitment. But he remains sheet and then the potential with the risk of actors leaving the adamant. employers meet their parents or sets to shoot somewhere else, Unfortunately for him, the woman guardians to check their origins although that happens fairly rarely. he wants this time is really and matrimonial status, particularly "frightful". in the case of young women. C.F. : What is the command Often, women claim that they're structure while producing a C.F. : Since when have you been single when they are actually film? an actress? What are your plans married and want to become for the end of your career ? actresses without their husband's A.G. : Scriptwriters order scenes consent. to be shot. As soon as the order A.G. : I can't give you any specific After that, potential actors or comes in, the crew meets to date, because I've always been actresses receive an actor's discuss the subject and settle the mad about movies, ever since my identity card and the authorisation date and modalities for shooting. childhood. I only watched movies to spend the day on the sets. on TV. C.F. : What are the main stories I was born an actress and even C.F : Aren't they asked whether and subjects of the films in after I got married, I knew that I they have any background or which you work ? would carry on, and my husband experience ? had no objections. I'd find it difficult A.G. : The subjects always have to live without the sets. So I've A.G. : Kano has no special training to do with social problems and we been an actress ever since I learnt institute for actors. how to express my fee- Actors and actresses lings, but it's TV that threw learn while they work, me into the deep end, basically through ob- about 22 years ago. servation, that's why As for my future, I will real talent is vital. stick to life as an actress, But that doesn't mean that will never change. that there's no improvi- sation or training exer- C.F. : Do you have any cises. other occupation ? For instance, making young people practice A.G. : In fact, I am a nurse in order to improve their and have been working in work in front of a a medical centre in Kano camera, teaching them for the last 17 years.. Amina and her children, Zainab, Aïssa and Ashiru (from left to right). BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 . 23 The borderless video

Umar Yahaya Malumfashi alias " Bankaura " Reincarnated through home video

How many Hausa home video aficionados know that their idol is a customs officer - away from the cameras? For everyone in Kano, big or small, but also in Kaduna and the entire Hausa territory, he is simply Umar Bankaura, a Hausa film actor. The artist's pseudonym has replaced his surname, confirming that the man no longer belongs to himself, nor can he lay claim to any family. Reincarnated through home video, he has become part of Hausa cultural heritage and been decorated several times for ser- vices rendered to his culture. Umar Bankaura must be the only celebrity with no telephone contact in Kano. Is that because he doesn't want to be disturbed? Not at all! "Everyone knows me. All you have to do is ask for me anywhere in the city and I'll be informed in minutes, wherever I am. Who doesn't know Umar Bankaura ?".

Interview

Chroniques Frontalières : What does your nickname, "Bankaura", mean and how did you get it ?

Umar Bankaura : One day, I had been invited to play a role in an entertainment programme on State television and, as I have the gift of being able to make people laugh, I was given the nickname of "Bankaura", which means 'comedian' in Hausa. That happened 22 years ago - I was rechristened that day. The term "Bankaura" refers to jokes, gags, something that makes you laugh, relax, get rid of stress. My professional career, if I may describe it as such, began in 1982 on NTA Television (Nigerian Television Asurety) in Kaduna, under one of the doyens of the field who's sill working and who used to host a pro- gramme called "Tambari" (The Royal Drum) at the time.

24 .BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 Reincarnated through home video

C.F. : How was Hausa home video born ? So the backer knows the financial and logistical means required to make his film in advance. U.B. : It's a recent phenomenon. Earlier, we had popular neighbourhood theatre. Cameras and video C.F. : What's the average budget for a produc- broadcasts only emerged in 1997. That's when we tion? shot a movie called "Al Haki Kuyu kuyu", which played a role in really launching Hausa productions. Since U.B. : It's like when you build a house. It all depends then, very few movies have been as successful, on what you want to build. It's linked to the con- especially because with the surfeit of films being made tents, which themselves determine the means to be now, much less time is spent on each film. made available to achieve the desired objective. So it's difficult to suggest a figure, because the same C.F. : Have you received any formal training as film could be made for 1 million or 2 million (Nairas) an actor ? by two different people.

U.B. : Like most others, I received no training other C.F. : On average, how long does shooting take than the popular theatre stage. I didn't start out with and how long are the movies ? any degree, but now, I have received a number of honours and certificates. My greatest award was U.B. : Most movies now on the market are one and a given by Bayero University (Kano) for my contribu- half to two hours long. Audiences tend to get bored tion to the development of the and after that. The length of shooting depends on the traditions. nature and subject of the film. For instance, for a subject linked to chieftainship, special costumes are C.F. : Does the profession provide a livelihood to needed: huge boubous or turbans, complicated its followers ? hairstyles, etc. The investments needed in both money and time are quite high. So some films take U.B. : I have been able to buy a car and a over a month to be shot, while others can be piece of land, and to build completed in just three weeks. a house. But it's true that in the beginning, C.F. : How would you explain the success of Hausa the fees were really low. home videos ? But now, each producer decides on the sala- U.B. : They reflect everyday life, they're familiar, and ries and other they express and share common social problems. practical details Everyone wants their culture to be appreciated by pertaining to a film in others, to go beyond their borders once it has taken advance. root locally. Hausa video films have managed to oust For instance, for the all other genres because, above all, they focus on movie "Dan Gwal', local concerns. In fact, they are so successful that which is being shot the Indians can no longer sell their movies. People now, once the actors are no longer crazy about movies whose language are selected, the itself they can't understand, which is the case with producer gets the Indian films. One last remark that bodes well for crew together to draft the future success of Hausa the film's budget, productions: 50 million peo- including our ple across Africa speak remuneration. Hausa!.

BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 . 25 Nia mey aradi ds M Dosso towar

Birnin Kebbi

Niger

Nigeria

Karimama

Gaya Benin Malanville Kamba

N ig er u o n to o C 02550 km

Border Main road

Niamey Maradi Zinder Secondary road Dosso Kastina Railway

Kano Town Abuja

Lagos River

u o o v n o o N t Possible Flood area o . 0 1000 km P C Niger-Benin border : Gaya-Malanville axis

Malanville in Benin and Gaya in Niger. Two towns, one community of languages, denominations and traditions. Two towns which would have been one, situated on both banks of the , like Niamey, or Paris, cut in half by the Seine but forming just one territory. But the colonisers came here with their branding iron and turned the river into a natural demarcation line, allocating one piece to Niger and the other to Benin: Gaya, part of Niger, on the left bank, and Malanville, within Benin, on the right bank. They have, however, always evolved symbiotically. Two Siamese towns linked by a bridge - Malanville becoming a regional trading centre and Gaya a corridor linking the coast and the Sahelian lands, along which goods and people flow. These two towns contribute to regional cross-border dynamism which extends beyond their own borders, and their distinctive but complementary features are the foundation of continued development.

A market without borders in a border town

Cereal stalls to the north, its back to the river, smells and colours, is the only way to to the east the cacophony of penned animals, understand how cosmopolitan this market is, to the west the Benin-Niger road, to the south in spite of its guise as a shanty town of the first few houses : the market in Malanville corrugated iron, planks and umbrellas. The is a rectangle hemmed in by the river and the Malanville market has kept the traditional in- international highway, and with housing along frastructure of any other village market but two sides. Getting right to the middle of it, head embraces modernism in its ability to cater to first into the successive waves of languages, any demand.... BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 . 27 A market without borders in a border town

ven if Malanville were home now regional in scale, and ensure banisation. to all the greediest mouths that the most visible aspect of the The market invaded the river's Eon the planet, it is difficult to town is its market. Malanville is not edge, attracted new populations, see how they could consume the a border town, it is first and gave rise to permanent jobs and quantity of food displayed at the foremost a border market. a permanent administration and town's market. created a border town, the The town has fewer than 200,000 The market at Malanville has taken physical body of which it is the soul. inhabitants and yet, every week, on such significance and is on such its market sells on average 2,000 a scale that one must search the From Ghana to Niger, to Nigeria via tonnes of cereals, tubers, fruits municipal archives to discover that, Togo, and for all other areas of and vegetables. There can be only at the beginning of the 20th Benin, when someone says "I'm one explanation : the market feeds century, only a group of fishing going to Malanville", they mean people beyond its own huts stood on the same spot. "I'm going to Malanville market". boundaries. It must be assumed that, with The feature of the border market Sellers from Niger, Nigeria, Togo time, bartering with fish alone was is its ability to supply goods at low and Ghana mingle with the not enough, and that those who prices. Beninese here and they do not made their living from the river Malanville benefits from its come just to make up the crowds. turned initially to agricultural strategic location between the They contribute to the dynamism products then to other goods coastal and the Sahelian countries of a commercial centre which is necessitated by the process of ur- in being able to offer goods from

A market without borders

Of course, the local authority gets its cut by levying fees for trading, the agents circulating daily between the stalls and booths to collect their monies, but it seems paltry gain in comparison with what could be collected by a watertight customs authority. Given the context, any money is better than none, some may say.

Ridiculously under-staffed and with no financial support, the border authorities in Benin and Niger are unable to monitor the bridge effectively and are resigned to the border leaking like a sieve. But they too benefit from this market, which is so well patronised with tact, expertise and intelligence by the networks of wholesalers in their 'boubous' and three-piece suits. The system enables the market never to be out of stock, to prosper whilst keeping its down- at-heel appearance, and above he market is reached by a maze of tracks all to make a new class of traders richer, who are crossing fields and river. Goods arrive here duty now integral to the urbanisation of this town. T free and leave in the same way. The networks of traders do good business here, some acting as The only metalled road in Malanville is a stretch of suppliers, others as re-exporters, in an environ highway linking in the south with Gaya, the ment of mutual support and neighbourliness. first town over the Niger border, in the north. Its 28 .BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 Niger-Benin border : Gaya-Malanville axis

two major agro-climatic areas: the agricultural trade show. Scattered This is but to name the most visi- dry Sahel and the humid coast. around it, in the chaotic order ble sellers at the Malanville mar- Malanville market is an umbilical common to African markets, one ket, a veritable powerhouse of cord, attached to a mighty finds Benin, displaying its typical buying and negotiating for two waterway - the natural border agricultural products : tubers huge geographic zones and for between Benin and Niger - but also (yams, manioc and its derivative regions beyond Africa's shores. linking the countries of the Atlan- products, e.g. gari and tapioca), . tic coast and the Sahelian vegetables (okra and tomatoes), countries. fruits (pineapples, mangoes, oran- ges), corn and Sahelian grains from To the producers of Benin, Niger North Benin (millet, cashew and and northwest Nigeria, it acts as sorghum); Niger supplies beans, the trading post for grain and is nut-grass, Bambara ground-nut, the point of access to a three-way tomatoes, natron, mandarins, and trading system based on the has the monopoly on livestock ancient socio-economic links products; finally, Nigeria, famous in between three states with their the region for "running a complementary agricultural pro- prosperous business" in most duction. manufactured goods, also supplies garlic, ginger and pepper. Malanville market is a kind of

neighbourhoods are spreading and schools can hardly By 1910, a village had been created, consisting of a cope with the increase in numbers, motorbike and group of tatas or fishermen's huts along the river car ownership is booming and fuel smuggling is so valley. It was a shelter in the sand, at the time simply widespread that service stations struggle to survive. called Tassi, which means "sand" in the Djerma and Malanville is thriving and radiates its vitality beyond Dendi languages. its boundaries. The future town of Malanville had been born and was It hums to the oscillating rhythm of its big to evolve gradually with the arrival of new inhabitants shareholders and vibrates to the sensations that its from areas either side of the river, mainly the Djerma- market, its back streets and bars offer so affordably Dendi of Niger (the Gaya-Dosso region) and the Dendi and without discrimination to the different nationalities and Fulani from northern Benin. which tirelessly solicit its charms. Tassi became Malan Ville, taking its name from "Ma- Thrills are for the asking here, both traditional and lan", one of the governors of the former colony of modern, skilfully manipulated by the socio-cultural Dahomey. networks which have supplanted nationalism. The Even today, there are still strong links with the first demographic development of the town reflects the inhabitants. dazzling dynamism of its market - the engine which These ties have outlived the drawing of the border drives progress at a speed which the authorities and promote the atmosphere of harmony and colla- apparently have trouble keeping up with. boration which has always existed between these communities, Nigerian and Beninese in origin but However, Malanville only came into being in the mid- actually from an identical civilisation with shared 1900s. Until then, it was merely a river bank dotted existential priorities. with fishing huts and Fulani herdsmen. The fishing Malanville exemplifies the hatching and expansion of huts filled the dual role of home and office and the an urban centre from the dynamism characteristic of herdsmen lived in the immediate neighbourhood of a market positioned on the border between nations. their animals. The town sprang up one roof at a time . upon the sand banks created by the flooding Niger River. It is a natural holiday resort caressed by the munificent Sahelian sun. But the people that settled here came to find food rather than to sunbathe. Instead of providing a haven for tan-seeking tourists, the site grew into a trading centre, a commercial cross-road between the Atlan- tic and the Sahel.

BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 . 29 Niger-Benin border : Gaya-Malanville axis

Gaya, keystone of regional exchange

Gaya is not just "a small town in Niger"; it is "a keystone of regionalisation", the junction through which products from the coast pass on their way to inland Niger and the Sahelian countries, even to the Maghreb and the Middle East. Goods are also transported from here to the coast and to Nigeria and Cameroon.

he most important role Gaya plays is in the tran sit fees, levied at 10% of the vehicle's value in Fran- sit and re-export of goods towards inland Ni cophone countries and 13% of their value in Anglo- Tger, Chad, Mali and Nigeria. The taxes levied by phone countries are, according to transit agents, the Niger on such movements account for the major por- reason that false customs declarations are made. An tion of customs revenues on the Benin-Niger trunk agent declares, for example, that his vehicles are for road. Chad, a Francophone country, he then takes them to Here formal and informal systems collide, official and Maradi or Zinder in order to get them into Nigeria on smuggling activities are pursued in parallel with one the back roads. another. Goods in transit are mainly rice, sugar, To try and stop these false declarations, Niger's noodles, vehicles, hydrocarbons, cloth and second- customs authorities have initiated a system of hand clothes, cigarettes, alcoholic liquor and building customs escorts, whereby vehicles are accompanied materials. as far as the border of the destination country. But For some of these items their destination is already the stumbling block for this well-intentioned service established. Thus, second-hand clothes reach the end is the availability of personnel at the Gaya customs of the line at the markets of Niger and Nigeria; ciga- post. rettes and liquor end up in Libya, Algeria, and even Also, the customs fees have to be calculated on the Iraq. Vehicles are for selling on in Niger, Mali, Chad, value of the vehicle as it arrives at Gaya (taking into Nigeria and Cameroon. Niger's customs cannot deal account the purchase price, freight from Antwerp to with this traffic and the changing regulations in the Cotonou, road tolls en route from Cotonou to Gaya, destination countries - prohibition in Cameroon and insurance, etc). In reality, only the purchase price of Nigeria, embargoes in Libya and Iraq - and the vehicle in Belgium is used as the taxable value, concentrate instead on revenue from transit which constitutes a considerable loss of potential operations. income. These false declarations are not only the The trade in vehicles is a long-standing one. For a prerogative of the car market. Significant quantities decade now vehicle ownership in Niger has mainly of second-hand clothing are officially declared as involved models which would be considered "worn being for re-export, in order to avoid paying all but out" in Europe, "useable" elsewhere, and which are transit fees. Once safely past the customs post, and therefore scrapped and redirected to Africa. beyond the reach of anyone monitoring that goods Niger has become the number-one destination for are going to their declared declaration, cargoes are these wrecks, which seem to have an unerring at- taken to be traded on the Niger market. traction for anyone drawing an average salary. Most The system for passing through border controls has of Niger's new vehicle dealers are consequently being prompted importers, forwarding agents and some driven to debt. Second-hand vehicles cross the bor- customs officials to organise themselves into der at Malanville-Gaya at a rate of 200-300 per day, networks, all of which "feed" on this sales chain, or an average 1,000 vehicles each week, and are which has its source in Europe and links at every stage destined solely for Niger's roads. The people of Chad along the way in Benin (or Togo) and Niger. The chain and Mali also have a fondness for second-hand cars, thrives upon the ineffectiveness of the customs mo- as do Cameroonians and Nigerians, whose countries nitoring systems as much as it does upon cultural have, however, banned the import of vehicles over a solidarity. In addition to this, it is accepted that the specified age (between 2 and 5 years). The aim, larger traders can exercise a certain power over therefore, is to bypass legislation, a goal successfully authorities at both central and local levels. met in regard to almost all the vehicles arriving from In many respects, Gaya is the symbol of regional Belgium. The cargo goes through the initial export integration which still has some way to go. Why are formalities on leaving Belgium, further re-export the regulations which define a "roadworthy car" formalities on arrival at Cotonou or Lomé and again different from country to country ? Why is something at Gaya, the point of entry to Niger. The transit or banned in one place yet perfectly legal a few "travel" time once in Niger is generally no more than kilometres down the road ? Why has Africa, ordinarily a week. so reinforced by solidarity, become so divided by an With the exception of vehicles destined for Niger, which equal measure of territorial regulation ? are issued with transit documentation (a "carnet de Gaya, for all this, is testament to the incredible tire", in the jargon of the transit agents) to get them dynamism of the networks of African traders. through customs and to the place where they are Clutching their mobile telephones, these traders are sold and put on the road, all vehicles coming into positioned at the very heart of the world market and Gaya are subject to formal re-export procedures. Tran- highly expert in the regulations which govern it. 30 .BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 . Niger-Benin border : Gaya-Malanville axis

Malanville, a regional destination for food

The market at Malanville has emerged as a melting pot of tastes and spices, the point in the region where the flavours of the north and the south converge.

ue to its pivotal position, Malanville also dominates Das a redistribution centre for food commodities. A tour of the market would provide all necessary ingredients for the perfect meal blending the flavours of the coast with the aroma of the Sahel. To delight the palates of a host of countries in this region, huge quantities of food pour into the market each day.

Malanville is not typical, however, and counters the accepted plan for the sale of goods whereby mar- kets in the capital city are the biggest sales outlets and there- fore see the greatest convergence of goods, as is the case in most of West-African countries. Wedged Malanville, the Beninese town at East. against Benin's northerly border, it the northern frontier of the coastal The Malanville-Gaya corridor is steals the limelight from the mar- countries, and Gaya, its engaging cross-border dynamics at kets at Cotonou. counterpart at the southernmost regional and local level. It is nota- point of the Sahelian and Saharan ble for the huge volumes It has become Benin's foremost countries, is a centre made rich by transacted here and for its role in destination for local agricultural the complementarity of the developing a relatively dense output. Unprocessed commodities systems of production of northern network of secondary corridors (millet, corn and rice) grown in Benin, which favours cereal between the three countries north Benin and much sought after growing ; southern Benin, which which border one another here. by the Sahelians are in great producers tubers and their The three locations (Malanville, demand, competing with products derivatives, and Niger, a country Gaya and their Nigerian counter- from further south, primarily tubers which specialises in livestock part Kamba) form the cross-border - yams and manioc and their rearing. hub which, thanks to its dynamism, products, e.g. gari (manioc flour) is central to the economic logic and tapioca. Malanville is also the The links which have long which has given rise to it and which destination for the housewives of influenced the cross-country is propelling it towards a regional southwest Niger looking to stock exchange flows in this region, are future. up on goods from Nigeria and many. This axis is structured as a other products from Togo and development corridor around the Malanville has become the focus of Ghana. market at Malanville, a regional regional convergence with regard It is also where people from the trade fair for essential to food. It is the key regional grain coast come to buy Sahelian commodities, and as a road corri- market for farmers of Benin, Niger commodities in order to enrich their dor through Gaya, the main tran- and northwest Nigeria, and has everyday diet. sit route between Benin and Niger, meant that the town supports a i.e. between the coast and the cross-border dynamic in this region The town is situated on a trading inland markets. based on long-standing socio- axis which superseded the old It is, moreover, a diversion which economic links between three na- trans-Saharan route linking the is increasingly used to access Ni- tions with complementary systems coastal countries with those of the geria and destinations in central of production. Sahel and the Sahara. and North Africa and the Middle . BORDER CHRONICLES OCTOBER 2004 . 31

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