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CEPIK (2019) Brazilian Politics APR 17
BRAZILIAN POLITICS MARCO CEPIK - 2019 A. BACKGROUND 1822 - Independence from Portugal (September 07th) 1888 – Abolition of Slavery 1889 – Military Coup establishes the Old Republic 1930 – Vargas’ Revolution and Estado Novo 1945 – Military Coup establishes the Second Republic 1960 – New capital city Brasilia inaugurated 1964 – Military Coup and Authoritarian Regime 1985 – Indirect election establishes the New Republic 1988 – Current Federal Constitution (7th, 99 EC, 3/5 votes, twice, two houses) 1994 – Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB) elected 1998 – Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB) reelected 2002 – Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT) elected, his 4th time running 2006 – Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT) reelected (60.8% in the runoff) 2010 – Dilma Rousseff (PT) elected (56.05% in the runoff) 2014 – Dilma Rousseff (PT) reelected (51.64% in the runoff) 2015 – Second Wave of Protests (160 cities, 26 states, 3.6 m people) 2016 – 36th President Rousseff ousted in controversial Impeachment 2017 – Michel Temer (PMDB) as president: 76% in favor of resignation 2018 – Lula da Silva (PT) jailed / barred from running (April-August) 2018 – Jair Bolsonaro (PSL) elected in November (55.13% runoff) https://www.bbc.com/reel/playlist/what-happened-to-brazil ▸Area: 8,515,767 km2 (5th largest in the world, 47.3% of South America) ▸Population: 210.68 million (2019) ▸Brasilia: 04.29 million (2017), São Paulo is 21.09 million (metro area) ▸Whites 47.7 % Pardos 43.13 Blacks 7,6 Asians 1.09 Indigenous 0.4 ▸Religion 2010: 64.6% Catholic, 24% Protestant, 8% No religion ▸GDP -
Apresentação Do Powerpoint
PLANNER REDWOOD ASSET MANAGEMENT MONTHLY COMMENTARY - OCTOBER 2018 Monthly Commentary – October 2018 Agenda Introduction Economic Outlook Fiscal Policy International Outlook Interest Rates Foreign Exchange Stock Market 2 Monthly Commentary – October 2018 Epigraph of the month... a propos of Brazil’s current predicament. “Economists may be more naïve about politics than politicians about the economy” Eduardo Giannetti – Brazilian Economist. 3 Monthly Commentary – October 2018 Introduction Brazil has a new president-elect: Jair Messias Bolsonaro. The election of Jair Bolsonaro is a milestone in Brazil's history, not only by breaking the decades-long polarization between PT and PSDB, but mainly because of his 10 million votes margin ahead of his opponent. A victory based on the campaign promises that result in a strong repositioning of Brazilian society. This is a shift towards the right-wing policies, a huge step regarding what we have experienced in the economy, domestic and foreign policy, education, culture, health and public safety. In fact, our society’s disgust comes from the various crises we are going through. The economic crisis that devastated the country, with consequences so harmful to both employment and income, accompanied by rampant corruption, also stirred up the yearning to recover the morale of our people. Jair Bolsonaro represents this sentiment, that is, an alternative path to our ills; a point off the curve in relation to the politically correct and a hope of realignment of forces toward order and progress. Its little explored platform of government contains the essence of what is expected: not a savior of the fatherland, but a technical and honest government.. -
Britain and the Sino-Indian War of 1962
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Repository@Nottingham The Long Shadow of Colonial Cartography: Britain and the Sino-Indian War of 1962 PAUL M. McGARR Department of American and Canadian Studies, University of Nottingham, UK ABSTRACT This article examines British responses to the Sino-Indian border war of 1962. It illustrates how, in the years leading up to the war, Britain’s colonial legacy in the Indian subcontinent saw it drawn reluctantly into a territorial dispute between Asia’s two largest and most powerful nations. It analyses disagreements in Whitehall between the Foreign Office and Commonwealth Relations Office over the relative strength of India and China’s border claims, and assesses how these debates reshaped British regional policy. It argues that the border war was instrumental in transforming Britain’s post-colonial relationship with South Asia. Continuing to filter relations with India through an imperial prism proved unsatisfactory; what followed was a more pragmatic Indo-British association. KEY WORDS: India, China, Sino-Indian border, Foreign Office, Commonwealth Relations Office. If two giant countries, the biggest countries of Asia, are involved in conflict, it will shake Asia and shake the world. It is not just a little border issue, of course. But the issues surrounding it are so huge, vague, deep-seated and far-reaching, inter-twined even, that one has to think about this with all the clarity and strength at one’s command, and not be swept away by passion into action which may harm us instead of doing us good. -
Regime Legitimacy and Comparative Chinese Secession Movements
POSC 289: Nationalism, Secession, and the State. Spring 2009, Dr. Thomas Julian Lee, Research Paper Regime Legitimacy and Comparative Chinese Secession Movements (PHOTO: A tattered PRC flag waves above a Beijing restaurant in the Xizhimen Wai District, 2001.) ABSTRACT: Much of foreigners’ “misunderstanding” of China is a result of its own environment of restricted information. An undeniably ideographic case, the current regime of the People’s Republic of China faces an ongoing crisis of legitimacy in its post-totalitarian state, to which its primary response has been the instrumental tapping of any and all potential sources, including vestigial socialist ideology, economic development, traditional Chinese culture, and perhaps most of all, a self-proclaimed status as the protector of a civic Chinese nation which may not actually exist. While denying its imperial past and present, the PRC seeks to construct such a nation, while retaining the territories and nations in its periphery which, due largely to non-identification as members of the Chinese nation, would prefer autonomy or independence by means of “secession”. Secessionist movements based on nationalist conflicts with the central government are unlikely to “succeed”, and as Chinese power rises, the more important issues are transparency and the types of tactics the Chinese Communist Party employs in pursuit of national integration. What all concerned parties must be vigilant for, additionally, is any evidence of a long-term strategy to reconstruct a “Sinocentric world” which would begin with the revisionist construction of a “Greater China”. China itself faces a choice of what kind of state it would prefer to be, and a primary indicator of its decision, by which the international community has judged it harshly, has been the policies toward “minority nationalities”, effectively denying their rights to self-determination, in turn denying the regime its desired legitimacy. -
Apresentação Do Powerpoint
ESTRUTURA MINISTERIAL DO GOVERNO BOLSONARO PRESIDENTE DA REPÚBLICA Jair Bolsonaro VICE-PRESIDENTE DA REPÚBLICA Hamilton Mourão CIÊNCIA, TECNOLOGIA, DESENVOLVIMENTO SECRETARIA DE GABINETE DE AGRICULTURA, CIDADANIA DEFESA ECONOMIA CASA CIVIL ADVOGADO-GERAL INOVAÇÕES E REGIONAL SECRETARIA-GERAL SEGURANÇA PECUÁRIA E Onyx Lorenzoni Fernando Paulo GOVERNO DA UNIÃO COMUNICAÇÃO Rogério Marinho Walter Sousa INSTITUCIONAL ABASTECIMENTO Azevedo Guedes Luiz Eduardo Ramos Floriano Peixoto André Luiz Mendonça Marcos Pontes Braga Neto Augusto Heleno Tereza Cristina TURISMO BANCO MINAS E MULHER, DA CONTROLADORIA-GERAL EDUCAÇÃO INFRAESTRUTURA JUSTIÇA E MEIO RELAÇÕES SAÚDE Marcelo CENTRAL ENERGIA FAMÍLIA E DA UNIÃO Abraham Tarcísio Gomes de SEGURANÇA AMBIENTE EXTERIORES Luiz Henrique Álvaro Roberto Campos Bento Costa DOS DIREITOS Wagner Rosário Weintraub Freitas PÚBLICA Ricardo Salles Ernesto Araújo Mandetta Antônio Neto Sérgio Moro Lima Leite HUMANOS Damares Alves CASA CIVIL DA PRESIDÊNCIA DA REPÚBLICA Ministro - Walter Souza Braga Netto Entidade Órgãos de assistência direta e imediata ao ministro de Estado Órgãos específicos singulares vinculada Fonte: Decretos nº 9.679; nº 9.698; e nº 9.979, de Subchefia de 2019 Análise e Diretoria de Assessoria Diretoria de Acompanha Subchefia de Secretaria Gabinete do Governança, Especial de Secretaria ITI – Instituto Assessoria Secretário- Gestão e mento de Articulação e Secretaria Especial do Ministro - Inovação e Comunicaçã Especial de Nacional de Especial - Executivo - Informação - Políticas Monitoramen Especial -
Informe Semanal Brasil Sul-Americano 16-2020
OBSERVATÓRIO SUL-AMERICANO DE DEFESA E FORÇAS ARMADAS INFORME BRASIL Nº 16/2020 Período: 16/05/2020 - 22/05/2020 GEDES GEDES – UNESP Grupo de Estudos de Defesa e Segurança Internacional 1 - Periódico analisou artigo publicado pelo vice-presidente Hamilton Mourão 2 - Bolsonaro promoveu diretor do Departamento de Segurança Presidencial 3 - Carlos Bolsonaro criticou os generais Braga Netto e Luiz Eduardo Ramos 4 - Jair Bolsonaro levou ministros militares a ato pró-governo 5 - Ex-ministros da Defesa assinaram nota em repúdio a golpe de Estado 6 - Bolsonaro indicou desistência em nomear militar para Ministério da Saúde 7 - Ministro interino, Pazuello nomeou coronel como número 2 na Saúde 8 - Jornalista e escritor, Ruy Castro, comentou em coluna sobre a pandemia e os militares 9 - Ministro da Educação, Abraham Weintraub, sofre pressão da ala militar e congressistas 10 - Chefe do Gabinete de Segurança Institucional, Augusto Heleno, falou sobre os militares na atual situação política 1- Periódico analisou artigo publicado pelo vice-presidente Hamilton Mourão Em coluna opinativa no periódico Folha de S. Paulo, o jornalista Jânio de Freitas comentou sobre o artigo de autoria do vice-presidente da República, Hamilton Mourão, publicado no jornal O Estado de S. Paulo. De acordo com o jornalista, o setor militar teria sido o único a não ser criticado pelo vice-presidente. Mourão afirmou que os militares não tiveram participação no “estrago institucional que está levando o país ao caos”. Segundo Freitas, a publicação deste artigo poderia induzir para os militares a imagem de Mourão como uma alternativa que reverta o desgaste das Forças Armadas. Conforme o colunista, o texto do vice- presidente mencionou a interferência do Judiciário no governo, “os militares nunca absorveram, ou nunca entenderam, a função do Supremo como verificador da adequação de atos governamentais e decisões parlamentares à Constituição e seu sentido”. -
SINO‐INDIAN BORDER DISPUTES R R I T O R I a L D I S Analysis
Analysis No. 181, June 2013 SINO‐INDIAN BORDER DISPUTES Hongzhou Zhang and Mingjiang Li Sino‐Indian relations have been marred by their territorial disputes in the past decades. Tensions and disputes in the border region are likely to continue to occur from time to time in the foreseeable future, but the two countries have demonstrated strong political will and incentives not to allow the disputes to hijack their bilateral ties. Hongzhou Zhang and Mingjiang Li are senior research analyst and associate professor at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University respectively ©ISPI2013 1 The opinions expressed herein are strictly personal and do not necessarily reflect the position of ISPI. The ISPI online papers are also published with the support of Cariplo Introduction In April 2013, tensions erupted between India and China over their Himalayan border. India accused Chinese troops of having crossed the Line of Actual Control (LAC) by setting up camp in Indian-claimed territory. In response, Indian forces set up their own camp 300 meters opposite the Chinese facility. Initially, China attempted to play down the tensions by denying the allegations. Beijing claimed that Chinese troops had observed the agreement between the two countries since they did not cross the LAC. Facing strong pressure from the opposition political parties and media, India’s ruling government insisted on settling the incident peacefully through diplomatic means. Eventually, the dispute was peacefully resolved when both sides withdrew their troops. The incident once again highlighted the volatility of Sino-Indian relations. Understanding its volatile nature requires an exploration of the interplay of various factors: geopolitical realities in Asia, the historical legacies in bilateral ties, trade and other economic interests, domestic politics in both countries, the pursuit of common global concerns, and of course, the border disputes. -
'Ghost Island' and the Enduring Legacy of Late President Lee Teng-Hui
December 14, 2020 The future of ‘Ghost Island’ and the enduring legacy of late President Lee Teng-hui Edition 5, 2020 Dr Roger Lee Huang DOI: In one of Taiwan’s most popular songs of this year, Ghost Island (鬼島), alongside Taiwanese rapper Dwagie, Malaysian singer-songwriter Namewee satirises the excesses of ‘democracy and human rights’ as ‘gross impropriety,’ welcoming listeners to a land where freedom of speech is ‘blasphemy to the leaders.’ The song plays on the endearing yet self-depreciating slang for Taiwan, ‘Ghost Island’, which adeptly captures its wonderful contradictions: rowdy and confident which regularly punches above its weight internationally in the face of hostility from People’s Republic of China (PRC, China), while consistently dejected for its exclusion from the international community. The song exudes pride in Taiwan’s uniquely ‘chaotic’ democracy, but implicit is a sense of both despair and fear of an aggressively nationalistic China. What Taiwan’s democracy means today is deeply connected to the actions of the late President Lee Teng-hui, who died on July 30, 2020. As both the first Taiwanese president of the Republic of China (ROC, Taiwan), and the first president to be directly elected via universal suffrage, Lee was instrumental in leading Taiwan to a peaceful democratic transition. Under his presidency, open discussions about Taiwanese identity, and the island’s complicated relationship with China became possible. 1 December 14, 2020 In 1998, during a campaign speech in support of Ma Ying-jeou’s Taipei mayoral campaign, President Lee publicly spoke of the New‘ Taiwanese’ an idea rooted in civic-nationalist terms and deeply embedded as an essential part of Taiwanese democracy. -
The Grand Strategies of Middle Powers: Organizational Determinants and Constraints
Title Page The Grand Strategies of Middle Powers: Organizational Determinants and Constraints by Stephen M. Worman Bachelor of Arts, Quinnipiac University, 2005 Master of Arts, Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, 2010 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Graduate School of Public and International Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2021 Committee Membership Page UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH GRADUATE SCHOOL OF PUBLIC AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS This dissertation was presented by Stephen M. Worman It was defended on March 12, 2021 and approved by Hal Brands, PhD, Professor, Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies Michael Kenney, PhD, Professor, Graduate School of Public and International Affairs, University of Pittsburgh Phil Williams, PhD, Professor, Graduate School of Public and International Affairs, University of Pittsburgh Ryan Grauer, PhD Associate Professor, Graduate School of Public and International Affairs, University of Pittsburgh ii Copyright © by Stephen M. Worman 2021 iii Abstract The Grand Strategies of Middle Powers: Organizational Determinants and Constraints Stephen M. Worman, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2021 What exactly is grand strategy? Is it a phenomenon that can be observed in practice, and in real time? What causes states to adopt the grand strategies they do? This dissertation tackles these questions head on, by proposing a novel theory which explains the form a state’s grand strategy might take. The “organizational determinants of grand strategy” theory posits that disparities in state and organizational-level resources (in the form of money, manpower, and elite attention) influence the form a state’s grand strategy takes, and governs the rate of change. -
Dissertation Final Aug 31 Formatted
Identity Gerrymandering: How the Armenian State Constructs and Controls “Its” Diaspora by Kristin Talinn Rebecca Cavoukian A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Kristin Cavoukian 2016 Identity Gerrymandering: How the Armenian State Constructs and Controls “Its” Diaspora Kristin Talinn Rebecca Cavoukian Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science University of Toronto 2016 Abstract This dissertation examines the Republic of Armenia (RA) and its elites’ attempts to reframe state-diaspora relations in ways that served state interests. After 17 years of relatively rocky relations, in 2008, a new Ministry of Diaspora was created that offered little in the way of policy output. Instead, it engaged in “identity gerrymandering,” broadening the category of diaspora from its accepted reference to post-1915 genocide refugees and their descendants, to include Armenians living throughout the post-Soviet region who had never identified as such. This diluted the pool of critical, oppositional diasporans with culturally closer and more compliant emigrants. The new ministry also favoured geographically based, hierarchical diaspora organizations, and “quiet” strategies of dissent. Since these were ultimately attempts to define membership in the nation, and informal, affective ties to the state, the Ministry of Diaspora acted as a “discursive power ministry,” with boundary-defining and maintenance functions reminiscent of the physical border policing functions of traditional power ministries. These efforts were directed at three different “diasporas:” the Armenians of Russia, whom RA elites wished to mold into the new “model” diaspora, the Armenians of Georgia, whose indigeneity claims they sought to discourage, and the “established” western diaspora, whose contentious public ii critique they sought to disarm. -
Maryland Series in Contemporary Asian Studies Number 3
Maryland Series in Contemporary Asian Studies Number 3 - 2009 0 98) Maryland Series in Contemporary Asian Studies General Editor: Hungdah CHIU Executive Editor: Chih-Yu T. WU Associate Editor: Matthew Lyon Managing Editor: Chih-Yu T. WU Assistant Editor: Timothy A. Costello Jinho SUH Editorial Advisory Board Professor Robert A. Scalapino, University of California at Berkeley Professor Bih-jaw LIN, National Chengchi University Dr. Ying-jeou MA, Chinese Society of International Law Professor Toshio SAWADA, Sophia University, Japan All contributions (in English only) and communications should be sent to: Chih-Yu T. WU University of Maryland School of Law 500 West Baltimore Street Baltimore, Maryland 21201-1786, USA All publications in this series reflect only the views of the authors. While the editor accepts responsibility for the selection of materials to be published, the individual author is responsible for statements of facts and expressions of opinion contained therein. Subscription is US $40.00 per year for 4 issues (regardless of the price of individual issues) in the United States and $45.00 for Canada or overseas. Checks should be addressed to MSCAS. Tel.: (410) 706-3870 Fax: (410) 706-1516 Price for single copy of this issue: US $15.00 ISSN 0730-0107 ISBN 1-932330-28-3 © Maryland Series in Contemporary Asian Studies, Inc. "ALL THAT GLITTERS IS NOT GOLD": TIBET AS A PSEUDO-STATE Barry Sautman* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION: THE CONTINUING CLAIM OF TIBETAN STATEHOOD ........................ 3 II. IS INTERNATIONAL LAW RELEVANT TO THE QUESTION OF TIBETAN STATEHOOD? ......... 12 III. "OLD TIBET" AS FIT TO BE INDEPENDENT .. -
Assessing Russia's Role in Cross-Taiwan Strait Relations
“Russia and Cross Strait Relations” SHAOHUA HU Associate Professor and Chair Department of Government and Politics Wagner College [email protected] Scholars have scrutinized the role of the United States and even Japan in cross-Strait relations, but have downplayed, if not ignored, the role of Russia.1 Given the extensive studies that have been carried out on Russia’s China policy, the lack of attention given to this subject is woeful and even puzzling. Such deficiency may be attributed to Moscow’s seemingly unequivocal pro-Beijing policy, Russia’s loss of superpower status, and the lack of close ties between Russia and Taiwan. Whatever the reasons, the deficiency should be addressed, because Russia is both a global and a regional power, and because the policy differences between Russia and all other major powers demand explanation. This article attempts a systematic study of the Russian factor in cross-Strait relations. What form has Russia’s Taiwan policy taken in different eras? How important is Russia to Beijing’s Taiwan policy? What options might Russia have in the event of a cross-Strait conflict? These are the questions I seek to answer. The Evolution of Russia’s Taiwan Policy A review of Russian foreign policy helps us understand the present and anticipate the future. Russian leaders have not created their foreign policy out of the blue, but rather formulated it under given geographical and historical circumstances. No matter how changeable and complex history is, we may still be able to identify some key historical patterns. That scholars find much continuity in Russian foreign policy makes it even more important to familiarize ourselves with the past.