Introduction 1

NOTES Introduction 1. Notable exceptions, of course, are G. Shepperson and T. Price’s classic Independent African: John Chilembwe and the Origin, Setting and Significance of the Nyasaland Native Rising of 1915 (Edinburgh, 1958), and, more recently, T. Ranger, Are We Not Also Men? The Samkange Family and African Politics in Zimbabwe, 1920–64 (London, 1995). Sketchy biog- raphies of two early Zambian nationalists are M.C. Musambachime, “Dauti Yamba’s Contribution to the Rise and Growth of Nationalism in Zambia, 1941–1964,” African Affairs, 90 (1991), and M. Wright, “An Old Nationalist in New Nationalist Times: Donald Siwale and the State in Zambia: 1948–1963,” Journal of Southern African Studies, 23 (1997). See also J. McCracken, “ ‘Marginal Men’: The Colonial Experience in Malawi,” Journal of Southern African Studies, 15 (1989). 2. See, e.g., E. Brizuela- Garcia’s extended review article, “The Past Never Stays Behind: Biographical Narrative and African Colonial History,” Journal of Historical Biography, 2 (2007). 3. P. Chabal, Amilcar Cabral: Revolutionary Leadership and People’s War (Cambridge, 1983), 11. 4. Good cases in point are the following analyses of democratic transitions and electoral competitions: M. Bratton and N. van de Walle, Democratic Experiments in Africa: Regime Transitions in Comparative Perspective (Cambridge, 1997); L. Rakner, Political and Economic Liberalisation in Zambia, 1991–2001 (Uppsala, 2003); and D.N. Posner, Institutions and Ethnic Politics in Africa (Cambridge, 2005). 5. See, e.g., S. Geiger, TANU Women: Gender and Culture in the Making of Tanzanian Nationalism, 1955–1965 (Portsmouth, NH, 1997). 6. Early student of Zambian nationalism to author, e- mail of July 24, 2006. 7. Edward Mungoni Liso, deputy president of the African National Congress, in Official Verbatim Report of the Debates of the . National Assembly (hereafter National Assembly Debates), February 13, 1968, col. 220. 8. See, e.g., J. Murray- Brown, Kenyatta (London, 1972); P. Short, Banda (London and Boston, 1974); F. Macpherson, Kenneth Kaunda of 158 Notes Zambia: The Times and the Man (Lusaka, 1974); and J. Hatch, Two African Statesmen: Kaunda of Zambia and Nyerere of Tanzania (London, 1976). 9. See, especially, R.I. Rotberg, The Rise of Nationalism in Central Africa: The Making of Malawi and Zambia, 1873–1964 (Cambridge, MA, 1965), and D.C. Mulford, Zambia: The Politics of Independence, 1957–1964 (Oxford, 1967). 10. Similar considerations have been made with regard to the Asante’s National Liberation Movement in late- colonial Ghana; J.M. Allman, The Quills of the Porcupine: Asante Nationalism in an Emergent Ghana (Madison, 1993), 3–4. 11. The works of Miles Larmer (see bibliography) are a significant exception to the rule. 12. J. Lonsdale and E.S. Atieno Odhiambo, “Introduction,” in E.S. Atieno Odhiambo and J. Lonsdale (eds.), Mau Mau and Nationhood: Arms, Authority and Narration (Athens, OH, 2003), 5. 13. For a more detailed treatment of these themes, see J.-B. Gewald, M. Hinfelaar, and G. Macola, “Introduction,” in id. (eds.), One Zambia, Many Histories: Towards a History of Post- colonial Zambia (Leiden and Boston, 2008), and M. Larmer, “What Went Wrong? Zambian Political Biography and Post- colonial Discourses of Decline,” Historia (Pretoria), 51 (2006). 14. On Ghana, see Allman, Quills of the Porcupine, and R. Rathbone, Nkrumah and the Chiefs: The Politics of Chieftaincy in Ghana, 1951–60 (Oxford, 2000). The key work on Guinea is E. Schmidt, Mobilizing the Masses: Gender, Ethnicity, and Class in the Nationalist Movement in Guinea, 1939–1958 (Portsmouth, NH, 2005). For Kenya and Zimbabwe, see, e.g., T. Kanogo, Squatters and the Roots of Mau Mau (London, 1987); D. Throup, Economic and Social Origins of the Mau Mau, 1945–1953 (London, 1987); T. Ranger, Peasant Consciousness and Guerrilla War in Zimbabwe: A Comparative Study (Berkeley, 1985); and N.J. Kriger, Zimbabwe’s Guerrilla War: Peasant Voices (Cambridge, 1992). 15. “Tradition,” of course, is a loaded word. Here, I employ it in much the same way as Osei does when describing the survival in post- colonial Ghana of “filiations partisanes” whose ultimate origins are to be found in the nationalist period and the clash between Kofi Busia and J.B. Danquah’s UGCC, on the one hand, and Kwame Nkrumah’s CPP, on the other. A. Osei, “La connexion entre les par- tis et les électeurs en Afrique: le cas Ghanéen,” Politique Africaine, 104 (2006), 44–45. 16. Throughout this work, I use the term “liberalism” in a conven- tional sense (i.e., as a post- Enlightenment system of thought that stresses the primacy of individual rights and liberties and that expresses itself in the open advocacy of multiparty parliamentary Notes 159 democracy). Debates about multiculturalism and the “politics of recognition”—and the extent to which they might necessitate a reconceptualization of liberal individualism— fall outside the pur- view of this work. But see H. Englund’s stimulating “Introduction: Recognizing Identities, Imagining Alternatives,” in H. Englund and F.B. Nyamnjoh (eds.), Rights and the Politics of Recognition in Africa (London and New York, 2004). 17. P. Chabal and J.-P. Daloz, Culture Troubles: Politics and the Interpretation of Meaning (London, 2006), 289; id., Africa Works: Disorder as Political Instrument (Oxford and Bloomington, 1999), 51; J.-F. Bayart, the inventor of the metaphor of the “rhizome state,” speaks of “practices of sociability”; The State in Africa: The Politics of the Belly (Harlow, 1993; orig. ed., 1989), 216. 18. Bayart, State in Africa, 211. For a completely different take—one that stresses the long- term importance of the ideological choices and commitments of African post colonial leaders— see the recent spe- cial issue of Africa (76 [2006]) on “African Postsocialisms.” 19. The “cultural essentialist perspective [that] fuels Afro- pessimism” has been stressed by D.F. Bryceson, “Of Criminals and Clients: African Culture and Afro- pessimism in a Globalized World,” Canadian Journal of African Studies, 34 (2000), 426. 20. Chabal and Daloz, Africa Works, 55–56. See also B.J. Berman, “Ethnicity, Patronage and the African State: The Politics of Uncivil Nationalism,” African Affairs, 97 (1998), esp. 341. 21. “Bantu Botatwe” (i.e., three peoples) is here used as a convenient, if crude, synonym for Tonga, Ila, and Lenje, ethnic groups who spoke mutually intelligible dialects and who had indeed been con- ceived of by some missionaries and colonial administrators as form- ing one distinct linguistic and cultural entity. Unlike the Southern Province’s Tonga and Ila, the Lenje, another community of com- paratively successful rural producers, were mainly found within the borders of the Central Province. E. Colson, “The Bantu Botatwe: Changing Political Definitions in Southern Zambia,” in D. Parkin, L. Caplan, and H. Fisher (eds.), The Politics of Cultural Performance (Providence and Oxford, 1996), 62–63. 22. Chabal and Daloz, Culture Troubles, 262. 23. R. Werbner, Reasonable Radicals and Citizenship in Botswana: The Public Anthropology of Kalanga Elites (Bloomington and Indianapolis, 2004). 24. The most succinct and accessible of many formulations is proba- bly “Moral Ethnicity, Ethnic Nationalism and Political Tribalism: The Case of the Kikuyu,” in P. Meyns (ed.), Staat und Gesellschaft in Afrika: Erosions und Reformprozesse (Hamburg, 1996). 25. See, e.g., D.M.C. Bartlett, “Civil Society and Democracy: A Zambian Case Study,” Journal of Southern African Studies, 26 (2000); Rakner, Political and Economic Liberalization. 160 Notes 26. Bayart, State in Africa, xii–xiii. 27. Needless to say, to recognize the MMD’s historical origins is not the same as justifying or condoning the numerous failings of Zambia’s Third Republic, from 1991 to the present. For a balanced treatment of both the continuities and changes underpinning Malawian democratization, see H. Englund, “Introduction: The Culture of Chameleon Politics,” in id. (ed.), A Democracy of Chameleons: Politics and Culture in the New Malawi (Uppsala, 2002). 1 Imagining the Nation: Methodism, History, and Politics in Nkumbula’s Early Years 1. Identical (and undated) copies of “Life and customs of the Baila” are to be found in the archives of the Institute for Economic and Social Research (INESOR), Lusaka, the historical archives of the Livingstone Museum (TH 2/ 17, Box 3), Livingstone, and in the pos- session of Mrs. Ompie Nkumbula- Liebenthal, of Lusaka. An ear- lier copy, with some handwritten corrections and drawings, is also available at the INESOR. This is kept in a folder dated “1949.” All references in this chapter are to this latter version. 2. The above passage, of course, must be read alongside E.P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (London, 1991; 1st ed. 1963), 436–437. It also draws on Ranger’s acute discussion of Thompson Samkange’s Methodism in colonial Zimbabwe; Are We Not Also Men?, chapter 1. 3. A recent apology is W.J. Young, The Quiet Wise Spirit: Edwin W. Smith 1876–1957 and Africa (Peterborough, 2002). 4. E.W. Smith and A.D. Dale, The Ila- Speaking Peoples of Northern Rhodesia (London, 1920), vol. I, xiii. 5. Ibid. A.R. Radcliffe- Brown contrasted favorably Smith’s “liberal approach to native customs” with that of another flag-bearer of early twentieth- century missionary anthropology, Henri- Alexandre Junod. P. Harries, Butterflies and Barbarians: Swiss Missionaries and Systems of Knowledge in South- East Africa (Oxford, 2007), 250–251. 6. J.W. Price, “Quarterly report of the Kasenga station for the quarter ending December 1929,” Methodist Missionary Society’s Archives (MMSA), Primitive Methodist Missionary Society (PMMS), Archives of the School of Oriental and African Studies of the University of London (SOAS Archives), London, Fiches Box Number (FBN) 2. 7. Ibid. 8. R.M. Nabulyato (ed. G. Macola), African Realities: A Memoir (Lusaka, 2008), 11–12. 9. J.W. Price to J.H. Hirst, Kasenga, March 12, 1926, MMSA, PMMS, FBN 18.

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