THE SAINT TERESA SERIES BY JOSÉ ESPINOSA DE LOS MONTEROS: ART AND AGENCY IN SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY CUSQUENIAN PAINTING

By

MACARENA M. DEIJ PRADO

A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

2016

© 2016 Macarena M. Deij Prado

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am deeply thankful to the people and institutions that have assisted me in the

process of research and writing this thesis. Research in Cusco, Peru, was generously

funded by the Center for Latin American Studies, and the School of Art and Art History,

both at the University of Florida.

Many people have assisted me with my research. I first want to thank my advisor,

Dr. Maya Stanfield Mazzi, for her unconditional support. If this thesis contributes

somehow to expand our knowledge on Andean art is because of her kind dedication to

my learning process. I also want to thank my committee members, Dr. Melissa Hyde

and Dr. Elizabeth Ross for their initial advice, as well as their feedback for my thesis’

final draft.

In Cusco, the staffs of the Archivo del Arzobispado de Cusco were very helpful. A

scholar who was particularly important during my field research was Elizabeth Kuon

Arce. Her intellectual advice for this project, and her willingness to walk me around

Cusco and its churches was of enormous significance.

I want to thank the community of the Monasterio de San Jose in Santiago Chile,

for sharing with me the images of the Saint Teresa Series in Cusco. I’m truly thankful for their generosity. The Barefoot Carmelites in Cusco allowed me to photograph the Saint

Teresa Church, which was instrumental in my research. Without their help my research would not have been possible.

3 TABLE OF CONTENTS

page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... 3

LIST OF FIGURES ...... 6

ABSTRACT ...... 9

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION ...... 10

2 THE INFLUENCE OF HAGIOGRAPHY AND PRINTS ON THE SAINT TERESA SERIES OF CUSCO ...... 19

Hagiographies as Written Sources for the Series of Saint Teresa ...... 21 The Vita B. Virginis Teresiae a Iesu by Adriaen Collaert and Cornelis Galle (1613)...... 24 Peter Paul Rubens and the Discalced Carmelites of Antwerp in the Counter Reformation ...... 27

3 CUSQUENIAN PAINTING AND ART PATRONAGE IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY ...... 33

Cusquenian Guilds during the Second Half of the Seventeenth Century ...... 34 Religious and Secular Patrons in Seventeenth-Century Cusco ...... 36 Art Patronage and Religious Communities in Seventeenth-Century Cusco: The Case of the Espinosa de los Monteros ...... 41

4 THE SAINT TERESA SERIES BY JOSÉ ESPINOSA DE LOS MONTEROS (1682) ...... 50

Scale and Display ...... 50 Materials and Techniques ...... 53 Narrative ...... 56 Variations ...... 59 Inclusions ...... 62 Style ...... 65

5 CONCLUSION ...... 82

LIST OF REFERENCES ...... 86

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ...... 90

4

LIST OF TABLES

Table page

4-1 Order of the Saint Teresa Series...... 74

5

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure page

2-1 Adriaen Collaert and Cornelis Galle, Saint Teresa and Her Brother Leave for Moorish Lands ...... 30

2-2 Adriaen Collaert and Cornelis Galle, Frontispiece ...... 31

2-3 Adriaen Collaert and Cornelis Galle, Portrait of Saint Teresa ...... 31

2-4 Peter Paul Rubens, The Transverberation ...... 32

2-5 Peter Paul Rubens, The Intercession of Saint Teresa ...... 32

3-1 Anonymous, The Lord of the Earthquakes ...... 46

3-2 Anonymous, Cusco during the Earthquake of 1650 with Donor Alonso Cortés de Monroy...... 46

3-3 Anonymous, Bishop Mollinedo Crossing the Plaza de Armas in Cusco in the Corpus Christi Procession ...... 47

3-4 Anonymous, Bishop Mollinedo Crossing the Plaza de Armas in Cusco in the Corpus Christi Procession. Detail ...... 47

3-5 Juan Espinosa de los Monteros, Genealogy of the Franciscan Orden ...... 48

3-6 Pieter de Jode I, Ecstasy of St. Catherine ...... 48

3-7 Juan Espinosa de los Monteros, Ecstasy of St. Catherine ...... 49

4-1 View (from the narthex) of the Church of Saint Teresa with The Saint Teresa Series and main altar...... 69

4-2 The arrangement of the Saint Teresa Series in the nave of the Church of Saint Teresa ...... 69

4-3 José Espinosa de los Monteros, Saint Teresa Series (left side of the nave)...... 70

4-4 José Espinosa de los Monteros, Saint Teresa Series (right side of the nave). ... 70

4-5 José Espinosa de los Monteros, The Apparition in Segovia and The Death of Saint Teresa (left side of the main altar) ...... 71

4-6 José Espinosa de los Monteros, Saints Peter and Paul Protectors of Saint Teresa and Apparition of the Two Trinities (right side of the main altar)...... 71

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4-7 Anonymous, Union of the Imperial Inca Descendants with the Houses of Loyola and Borgia ...... 72

4-8 José Espinosa de los Monteros, Saint Teresa Enters the Convent...... 72

4-9 José Espinosa de los Monteros, Ecstasy Before the Bishop of Ávila...... 73

4-10 José Espinosa de los Monteros, The Vision of the Nail...... 73

4-11 View of the nave of Saint Teresa Church from the sanctuary with choir on top...... 75

4-12 Choir of Saint Teresa Church with Our Lady of Mount Carmel Protector of the Order...... 75

4-13 Adriaen Collaert and Cornelis Galle, Our Lady of Mount Carmel Protector of the Order ...... 75

4-14 Anonymous, Our Lady of Mount Carmel Protector of the Order...... 76

4-15 Peter Paul Rubens, The Intercession of Saint Teresa...... 76

4-16 José Espinosa de los Monteros, The Intercession of Saint Teresa...... 76

4-17 José Espinosa de los Monteros, Our Lady of Mount Carmel Gives the Scapular to Saint Simon Stock...... 77

4-18 Anthony Wierix II, The Apparition of the Two Trinities...... 77

4-19 José Espinosa de los Monteros, The Apparition of the Two Trinities...... 77

4-20 José Espinosa de los Monteros, The Intercession of Saint Teresa...... 78

4-21 Possibly José Espinosa de los Monteros, The Intercession of Saint Teresa...... 78

4-22 José Espinosa de los Monteros, The Illumination of Saint Teresa and The Resurrection of the Nephew...... 78

4-23 Adriaen Collaert and Cornelis Galle, The Resurrection of the Nephew ...... 79

4-24 José Espinosa de los Monteros, The Resurrection of the Nephew ...... 79

4-25 Adriaen Collaert and Cornelis Galle, The Death of Saint Teresa ...... 79

4-26 José Espinosa de los Monteros, The Death of Saint Teresa...... 80

4-27 Saint Teresa Series. Detail of the frames on the left wall of the nave...... 80

4-28 Upper frame’s decoration. Detail...... 80

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4-29 José Espinosa de los Monteros, The Transverberation of Saint Teresa...... 81

4-30 José Espinosa de los Monteros, Escutcheon in The Coronation of Saint Teresa ...... 81

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Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts

THE SAINT TERESA SERIES BY JOSÉ ESPINOSA DE LOS MONTEROS: ART AND AGENCY IN SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY CUSQUENIAN PAINTING

By

Macarena M. Deij Prado

May 2016

Chair: Maya Stanfield-Mazzi Major: Art History

Series of paintings depicting the lives of saints dominated church art in Cusco,

Peru, during the late seventeenth century. This genre became more popular after an earthquake devastated the city in 1650, contributing to the decoration of churches with discrete programs of paintings. Although inspired by European series of prints, the creation of the painted series relied on innovations exclusive to the Cusquenian setting.

This thesis analyzes the 1682 Saint Teresa Series by José Espinosa de los Monteros as an example of such innovations. I offer four categories of analysis to understand the adaptation of the print images into painted scenes: scale and display, materials and techniques, narrative, and style. All of these categories convey the idea that in the transformation from prints to paintings, local artists made a series of complex choices that were far from routine reproduction. These choices are framed within the artist- patron relationships of the time, which might have especially determined the inclusion of new scenes in Espinosa de los Monteros’ series. The Cusco series came to stand as a new model that was replicated for other convents in South America.

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

By the second half of the seventeenth century Cusco, Peru was one of the most productive artistic centers in Latin America (Neumeyer 1948, Mesa and Gisbert 1982).

The arrival of European artists working in Italian Mannerist, Flemish, and Spanish styles determined the early instruction of native artists. In the context of Spanish evangelization in the Viceroyalty of Peru, paintings depicting Christian themes were the most commissioned works. A particular genre was by the mid seventeenth century one of the most popular in Cusco: series depicting the lives of saints. Each series is composed of a large group of paintings narrating the main moments in the life of a

Catholic saint, emphasizing those episodes related to visions and miracles. These series were commissioned mainly by religious orders to be displayed in public spaces such as convent churches, and in private spaces such as convent and monastery cloisters. In some cases, as occurs in the convent of Saint Teresa in Cusco, there are separate series in the church and in the cloister’s convent. Series in churches were meant to be seen by churchgoers, but those in cloisters were meant solely for the religious communities, to fulfill their spiritual needs. The Saint Teresa Series by Juan

Espinosa de los Monteros is an example of the former.

An inheritance of the Counter Reformation, series of saints’ lives were widely disseminated in prints. They were based on hagiographical sources written by historians and theologians who often had known the saints personally. The painted series narrated pictorially the most significant moments in a saint’s life, offering as complete a picture as possible of his or her holiness and service to the Church. With the increase of canonization processes during the early seventeenth century in Europe, the series

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communicated new saints’ fame and the reputations of the orders to which they belonged. Because of their low-cost production and easy transportation, prints on paper allowed the visualizations of saints’ lives to travel from Catholic centers to faraway lands. Due to the need for orthodoxy in the defense of the Catholic Church, printed series of saints’ lives were approved by the Inquisition before their distribution. Prints were the main visual references for series of saints’ lives created in Cusco. However,

Cusquenian artists did not receive these models passively. Rather, they rendered them using a new formal language adapted to their own means and taste. In this thesis I will analyze the appropriations and innovations in the Saint Teresa Series (1682) by José

Espinosa de los Monteros. The series is in its original location in the nave and narthex of the Saint Teresa Church in Cusco, Peru. Although the painter worked with his workshop, thus there were many hands involved in the series, Espinosa de los

Monteros was in charge of making major decisions on the project. To illustrate the agency exercised by both artists and patrons, the analysis of the Saint Teresa Series will take into account the conditions of art patronage during the second half of the seventeenth century in Cusco. I understand agency as a force exercised by individuals but also by institutions (i.e. Church) to exert their social power. This thesis excludes the notion of agency as a force exercised by the artworks, although they serve as vehicles of agentive force. Art patronage and its impact on seventeenth-century Cusquenian painting is more complex than what scholarship has addressed so far. It informs us about the restrictions imposed by patrons, who exercised power in overseeing the artists’ projects. As I expand in Chapter 3 the Barefoot Carmelites in Cusco and Bishop

Manuel de Mollinedo y Angulo commissioned the series from Espinosa de los

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Monteros. They probably selected the scenes to be represented, and also determined the display of the series in the Saint Teresa Church. But patronage also informs us about the painters’ freedom in the appropriation of Christian iconography. They did not just execute projects such as series of saints’ lives but rendered them as new narrative models through their own means and taste.

Whereas Cusquenian painting has been researched deeply especially in the last twenty years, not much has been said about series of saints’ lives. Less has been said about how these series worked as part of larger decorative and architectonic programs.

Field research in Cusco allowed me to identify the scope of Espinosa de los Monteros’ innovations in the Saint Teresa Series within that context. I organized these innovations in four categories: scale and display, materials and techniques, narrative, and style.

Chapter 4 is dedicated to all of these features. Thus my study will contribute to a deeper understanding of Cusquenian painting’s development in the second half of the seventeenth century through an approach that has not been explored before.

The popularity of series of saints’ lives in colonial Latin America relates closely to the establishment of Catholic religious orders in the New World. Although it was a new branch of the Carmelite Order founded by Saint Teresa of Ávila in 1562, the case of the

Discalced Carmelites is typical. Only twenty-two years after Teresa’s death in 1582, the

first Discalced Carmelite convent was founded in Puebla de los Ángeles, Mexico, in

1604. A total of twenty foundations are recorded during the seventeenth century in Latin

America. Within these convents there are eight series depicting the life of Saint Teresa,

all in South America (Schenone, 1992, 90). These include one in the Monastery of San

José de Bogotá, Colombia (founded in 1606), another in the Monastery of Santa Teresa

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de Córdoba, Argentina (founded in 1628), two series in the Monastery of San José de

Quito, Ecuador (founded in 1652), two series in the Monastery of Santa Teresa in

Cusco, Peru (founded in 1661), and two series in the Monastery of San José de

Santiago, Chile (founded in 1690). Analyzing the cases in which convents acquired two series of the life of Saint Teresa, it appears that by the second half of the seventeenth century depictions of the life of their founder constituted a fundamental preoccupation for the Discalced Carmelites. While the foundation of the Quito convent is earlier than

Cusco, the former has one series of oil on canvas while the second is a series of mural paintings (Mebold, 1987, 91). The Discalced Carmelites of Cusco are the first community where we observe the presence of two series of paintings on canvas, one in the convent church and another in the convent itself. The increase in demand for art in

Cusco by the second half of the seventeenth century may explain the presence of two series in the convent. An event that contributed to the success of the artistic enterprise at the time was a major earthquake that devastated the city in 1650. The earthquake brought the need, for both secular and religious patrons, to decorate reconstructed buildings. In this context series of saints’ lives were a resource that allowed for the decoration of an entire building with just one commission.

Chapter 2 of this thesis reflects on the influence of prints in the creation of the

Saint Teresa Series in Cusco. The prints arrived in the Spanish American colonies as loose sheets and as illustrations in books. Because of prints’ reproducibility and low cost of production, as mentioned earlier, this format strongly contributed to the spread of series of saints’ lives in the colonial Andes. I will especially address the twenty-five print series by Adriaen Collaert and Cornelis Galle known as Vita B. Virginis Teresiae a Iesu

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(Life of the Blessed Virgin Teresa of Jesus). It is conventionally accepted that all of the series of Saint Teresa in South America are based on this. Commissioned in 1613 by the Discalced Carmelites in Madrid, the Vita B. Virginis Teresiae a Iesu served as the main visual reference for the Cusco series. Chapter 2 also reflects on a commission from Rubens made by the Barefoot Carmelites in Antwerp around 1630, which is reflected in the painted series in Cusco and is an example of its divergence from

Collaert and Galle’s series. This commission also reveals significant aspects of the

Antwerp nuns’ agency that will inform the creation of the Saint Teresa Series in the

Cusquenian setting.

In order to represent the scenes of the life of Saint Teresa, Collaert and Galle used two main written sources. The first is The Life of the Mother Teresa of Jesus,

Founder of the Discalced Carmelites written by Francisco Ribera in 1587 (and printed for the first time in Salamanca, Spain, in 1590). The second is Life, Virtues and Miracles of the Blessed Virgin Teresa, Mother and Founder of the New Reformation of the

Discalced Carmelites Order of Our Lady of Carmel by Diego de Yepes, published in

Zaragoza, Spain, in 1606. The importance of Ribera’s and Yepes’ biographies is that both were confessors of Saint Teresa. For this reason their writings are considered among the most accurate in telling the story of the Spanish saint. The character of these works is not necessarily that of a chronological account of the life, although chapters are organized in this manner. They are rather narratives in which the biographers highlight various virtues of Saint Teresa by way of events, miracles, apparitions, and visions that marked her life. The biographers highlight episodes that from a spiritual and canonical perspective are relevant for the Order, and thus for the Church. The painted series in

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Cusco also focuses on events that have relevance to the Order. As I expand in Chapter

4, the narrative of the Saint Teresa Series was customized to stand as an updated

version of the life of the Spanish saint in the Andean environment, enhanced with the

distinctive mestizo style.

In Chapter 3 I explore the influence of art patronage by both secular and religious

patrons in the development of Cusquenian painting during the second half of the

seventeenth century. The innovations made by José Espinosa de los Monteros need to

be understood within the historical and religious context in which the series was

commissioned. A major event to consider will be the earthquake of 1650 that affected

the city of Cusco, after which devotees needed to rebuild and decorate the buildings that were destroyed. The demand for art increased considerably, fueling Cusquenian painters’ production. In this context an important figure was Bishop Manuel de Mollinedo y Angulo (in office 1673–1699). He personally oversaw most major commissions at the time, including the Saint Teresa Series by Espinosa de los Monteros. But, along with

Mollinedo, the nuns of Saint Teresa were probably also involved in commissioning the series. Therefore Chapter 3 also addresses aspects of agency on the part of the

religious community, in order to frame my visual analysis In Chapter 4.

Another historical event to be considered in Chapter 3 is the fact that in 1688 the

Cusquenian guild of painters divided into Spaniards and mestizos on one side and indigenous Andeans on the other. Even though the Saint Teresa Series was created before this rupture, the event helps characterize Espinosa de los Monteros’ workshop; he was of Spanish descent but in 1682 his workshop probably included several native artists. This is an important element for understanding the visual innovations in the

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paintings that compose the Saint Teresa Series. This chapter will also reflect on the influence that Juan Espinosa de los Monteros, José’s father, had on the style of his son.

It was common during colonial times that the office of painter was inherited, and

painters would usually have their first instruction in their fathers’ workshops, as occurred

in the case of José.

In Chapter 4 I analyze the Saint Teresa Series itself. In order to characterize the

different levels of José Espinosa de los Monteros’ innovations, I organize my analysis

into four sections: scale and display, materials and techniques, narrative, and style.

Most of my visual analysis appears in the section on narrative, since this aspect of the

series evidences the most innovations in relation to the Collaert and Galle series. Within

this section I identify two major elements of innovation: variation of continuing scenes,

and inclusion of new scenes.

The section on scale and display reveals one of the first challenges for painters

in transforming prints to paintings. The Saint Teresa Series is no longer a small pile of

portable prints or a book, but several oil paintings of around 8 x 5 ft. each, mounted high

on the walls of a stone church. Architecture is a mediating factor that makes the Saint

Teresa Series unique to the Cusquenian setting. It also reveals how well familiarized the

master of the workshop, in this case José Espinosa de los Monteros, had to be with the

space. But the decisions of scale and display also relate to the relationships between

artists and patrons, which are analyzed with some examples.

Materials and techniques are also fundamental to framing the agency of

Cusquenian painters. For instance, Andean artists created their own colors with

minerals they had access to, such as cinnabar, used to create red vermillion. They also

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made their supports with materials from the Andean environment. This section will also reflect on the symbolic meaning of distinctively Cusquenian techniques such as brocateado or gilding, applied to the frames and to some of the paintings of the series.

The decoration with gold leaf relates to the significance of gold in the Andean past and reveals another aspect of the painters’ agency.

In terms of narrative, I focus on the distinctive selection of scenes in the Cusco series. I interpret these distinctions in relation to the social, religious, and artistic context of seventeenth-century Cusco. I compare some paintings to their models in the Collaert and Galle series, considering other visual sources used by José Espinosa de los

Monteros. Variations of continuing scenes and the inclusion of new scenes was one of the painter’s major contributions: the particular set of scenes used in the Cusco series

constituted a new narrative model that was later followed by other communities such as

the Discalced Carmelites in Santiago, Chile.

There are also several elements in the decoration of the Saint Teresa Series

that characterize what has been called the mestizo style: flowers, birds, cherubs, and a

preference for color red, among others. In this last section I will analyze different

elements of the style that reaffirm the idea that Cusquenian painting is far from being a

routine reproduction of European models. It evolved from a reflection of Catholic

ideology to a creative appropriation of Christian iconography directly relevant to its

unique setting. In this context, the demand for art was mediated by different factors,

among them individual patrons’ search for agency within the rigid socio-political

structure of the colony. The desire for agency also led Cusquenian artists to develop a

progressive freedom of expression and spontaneity, visual features that constitute a

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fundamental aesthetic innovation. By the second half of the seventeenth century this can be seen in innovations in scale and display, materials and techniques, narrative, and style. The Saint Teresa Series by José Espinosa de los Monteros is an example of such innovations.

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CHAPTER 2 THE INFLUENCE OF HAGIOGRAPHY AND PRINTS ON THE SAINT TERESA SERIES OF CUSCO

From the 1960s onwards scholars have noted that Cusquenian series of saints’ lives were strongly influenced by European prints (Mesa and Gisbert 1962, Gasparini

1978). As Ricardo Estabridis points out, some scholars have suggested that the painted series of saints’ lives in seventeenth-century Cusco were created by artists with provincial mentalities or craftsmen with no creative abilities, who were limited to copying foreign models (Estabridis, 2002, 15). An example of this perspective is that of Graziano

Gasparini, for whom Cusquenian painting is limited to the reproduction of European models with no creative contribution from the part of native painters (Gasparini, 1978).

This reflects on different aspects that challenge this interpretation of Cusquenian painting. Andean painters did not just copy the printed models they were asked by patrons to follow. They innovated in scale and display, materials and techniques, narrative, and style, making Cusquenian painting distinctive. I discuss some specific

innovations in Chapter 4. First it is important to understand the religious and political

context of Catholic Europe and the role of prints in the transmission of Church doctrine

to the New World.

Between 1545 and 1563 the Catholic Church held the Council of Trent in reaction to the Protestant Reformation, set in motion in 1517 by Martin Luther. With the aim of defending the orthodoxy of Roman Catholicism, the Church used the figures of saints as exemplary models to be followed. In the configuration of this ideal, the Church concentrated its efforts in two areas: the canonization of saints and the commissioning of printed series of their lives. The religious orders had a critical role in both of these aspects. The Spanish colonies in America felt the direct impact of the Council of Trent.

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In the era of the Habsburg Dynasty in Spain (1516–1700), rulers known as the Catholic

Monarchs assumed the flag of the evangelization process, controlling, among a wide range of things, the publication and the role of religious images on both sides of the

Atlantic. Images of the Virgin Mary and Christ were brought first to the Americas, followed by images of the founding saints of the first regular orders to arrive in the New

World: the Franciscans and the Dominicans. These orders led the “spiritual conquest” of the American continent.1

For Catholics, saints are figures whose lives of service and sacrifice have

rendered them worthy of veneration after their deaths, and are believed to be

efficacious as intercessors between individual believers and the divine (Greer and

Bilinkoff, 2003, 12). During the Middle Ages hagiographies written in vernacular

languages were read more than the Bible, by clerics and laypersons alike. By the end of

the fifteenth century the advent of the printing press in Europe enhanced the popularity

of this literary genre, at once biography, sacred history, and didactic guide for behavior

(Greer and Bilinkoff, 2003, 17).

Historically, the hagiographer in Europe (and later hagiographers in Spanish

America) pursued primarily four goals: to convince Church officials of the authenticity of

the saint’s holiness, to edify the faithful with inspirational stories of the saint, to bring

fame and honor to the religious community associated with the saint, and to convince its

1 Ricard (1974, p. 17) explains that a fundamental figure in this aspect was the Conqueror Hernán Cortés. The evangelization of Mexico was intimately tied to his religious preoccupations. He was strongly devoted to the Virgin Mary, and used to carry on his person an image of her. He could not admit the idea of ruling over pagans, and he always strove to pursue the religious conquest at the same time he pursued the political and military conquest. The Spaniards practiced then an indirect approach to the spiritual conquest, through the example of masses, ceremonies, and prayers in the presence of Indians. But Cortés expected Indians to renounce all at once and to practice Christian virtues, so he developed a more “efficacious” doctrine: fiery sermons, forced baptisms, and the destruction of temples and idols.

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audience to venerate the potential saint as its own patron (Morgan, 2002, 25). As we will observe, these goals became more complex when related to female saints, as in the case of Saint Teresa. She claimed to have mystical experiences and be in direct communication with God. This declaration would find many detractors during the

Spanish Inquisition, although her advocates triumphed in 1622 when Saint Teresa was canonized.

This chapter is a reflection on the way in which hagiography and European prints influenced the creation of the Saint Teresa Series of Cusco. It will consider in the first place the impact of the biographies by Diego de Yepes and Francisco Ribera in the legitimation of Teresa’s sanctity. This will serve as a transition to a brief analysis of the first print series on the life of Saint Teresa, the Vita B. Virginis Teresiae a Iesu, created by Adriaen Collaert and Cornelis Galle in 1613. The significance of the Collaert and

Galle series is not just that it served as a model for the narrative and its modes of depiction. It also informs the relation between art and patronage within a religious community, an aspect that is relevant in Chapter 3 of this thesis.

Hagiographies as Written Sources for the Series of Saint Teresa

In the sixteenth century different elements of saints’ lives were marshaled to

establish their sainthood (Male, 2002, 32). In the case of the Spanish Saint Teresa

these were primarily her mystical ecstasies and her miracles. During Teresa’s lifetime

Spain was experiencing an explosion of the religious mystical experience. As a state of

religious perfection, mysticism claims a certain ineffable union of the soul with God by

love, accompanied incidentally by ecstasies and revelations. Therefore it claims an

immediate and direct communication between man (or woman) and the divine. Faced

with this situation, the Catholic Church began to manipulate the accounts of visionary

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experiences, underplaying the role of mysticism in saints’ lives in order to provide them with proper orthodoxy. For a nun or a priest, it was dangerous to affirm that they had direct communication with God, since this relationship thus placed in question the primacy of the Church as intermediary between God and the devotees. This was especially delicate in Spain under the Inquisition, established by the Catholic Monarchs

Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabelle I of Castile in 1478. The Inquisition remained as a force until the mid-seventeenth century, overlapping Saint Teresa’s life and her processes of beatification in 1614 and canonization in 1622.

Saint Teresa’s two most important biographers, Francisco Ribera and Diego de

Yepes, knew that they needed to provide her visions and miracles with the appropriate orthodoxy. They published their works in 1590 and 1606 respectively, in order to support Saint Teresa’s beatification and canonization processes. Both of them were confessors of the saint, a status that gave them the authority to defend Teresa’s mystical experiences. Reading the titles of the biographies we can observe how the authors put an orthodox spin on Saint Teresa’s life. Ribera’s title is The Life of the

Mother Teresa of Jesus, Founder of the Discalced Carmelites.2 Yepes entitled his book

Life, Virtues and Miracles of the Blessed Virgin Teresa, Mother and Founder of the New

Reformation of the Discalced Carmelites Order of Our Lady of Carmel.3 Both titles

highlight her role as a founder of the Discalced Carmelite Order but neither directly

2 Original title: La vida de la Madre Teresa de Jesús, fundadora de las Descalzas y Descalzos Carmelitas.

3 Original title: Vida, virtudes y milagros de la Bienaventurada Virgen Teresa de Jesús, Madre y Fundadora de la nueva Reformación de la Orden de los Descalzos y las Descalzas de Nuestra Señora del Carmen.

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mentions her visions.4 They do so in their books. Yepes mentions Teresa’s virtues and

miracles, which are exactly what the series by Collaert and Galle, as we will observe,

privileges. At the same time Yepes, with the phrase “Blessed Virgin Teresa,” suggests

the Virgin Mary, thus placing Teresa in the highest divine hierarchy. These “Lives"

sought to show that the mystical experiences actually occurred (such as the saint’s

visions of the divine, her ability to make miracles, to levitate, etc.), but without

mentioning the idea of vision in the titles. By referring to her visions as virtues, it seems

they were downplaying that aspect of her life.5

Saint Teresa did not only verbally assert that she had direct communication with

the divine. She also wrote, under the direction of her confessors, several books

dedicated especially to the Discalced Carmelite nuns and intended to support the

contemplative method of prayer that she proposed. Among these are Camino de

Perfección (The Way of Perfection, written before 1567) and Castillo Interior (Interior

Castle, 1577). She also wrote an autobiography before 1567, on which her biographers

commented. When Teresa died in 1582 her works were held by the Inquisition until

1595 because of suspicions that her visions could have been temptations of the devil.

However, the campaign for the recognition of her sanctity started shortly after her

death and was supported by the Spanish King Philip II (Thofner, 2008, 63). One of her

main critics was the Dominican priest Alonso de la Fuente, who accused Teresa of

denying the importance of the Church and its administration of the sacraments as the

4 The titles in Spanish (which specify gender) indicate that Teresa was the founder of both the female and male branches of the reformed order and that she returned it to its original religious ideals: poverty, chastity and cloister.

5 Not all Christian visionaries were approved by the church. Others, especially within the Franciscan and Dominican orders, were in fact condemned as heretics or simply ignored.

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only connection between God and the faithful. De la Fuente in particular considered her visions of the divine to be manifestations of the devil. For the Church, as mentioned earlier, the risk of the visionary experience lay precisely in its immediacy and with the possibility of canceling the mediating role of the Church between God and the faithful

(Thofner, 2008, 59). This was an issue of major concern during the Counter

Reformation, and hagiographers faced a difficult task in representing saints’ extraordinary virtues without overstepping the Church’s authority. Despite detractors,

Teresa’s advocates exercised a significant amount of agency and triumphed in 1622 with her canonization. This seems to parallel the agency of the nuns in Antwerp and

Cusco who commissioned works on the life of Saint Teresa, a point that I will expand on below. The religious communities also worked with artists within the hierarchies of orthodoxy in the representation of saints’ lives.

The Vita B. Virginis Teresiae a Iesu by Adriaen Collaert and Cornelis Galle (1613).

A print is essentially a pictorial image produced by a process that enables it to be multiplied. It requires the previous design and manufacture of a printing surface, onto which a print medium such as paper can be applied multiple times (Griffiths, 1996, 9).

The technique used in the Collaert and Galle series is engraving, in which an image, incised into a plate, is filled with ink and then pressure is used to force the paper into the inked lines, creating a slightly raised line. Printmaking flourished in the late sixteenth century in the Low Countries, under Spanish control since 1519. The city of Antwerp became the most important center of printmaking during the seventeenth century.

Religious prints, executed in a naturalistic northern Renaissance style, used a clear and simple language in order to provide precise visual messages of the saints’ lives.

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The Vita B. Virginis Teresiae a Iesu is an example of such language. Published in Antwerp in 1613, it was the most widely disseminated series illustrating the life of

Saint Teresa in both Europe and the New World. The Collaert and Galle series was published in the form of a landscape-oriented book with one image per page [Figure 2-

1], and surely José Espinosa de los Monteros saw a copy of it. The dimensions of each

printed image are 27.4 x 27.7 cm (10 13/16 x 10 7/8 in.) This is an important element

that I elaborate on in Chapter 4; the Andean painters increased the size of the scenes

more than fivefold, creating canvases of 150 x 170 cm on average (59.5 x 67 in.).

The Collaert and Galle series is composed of 25 prints narrating the most

significant episodes in the life of Saint Teresa. The prints are numbered and some of

them are signed by the authors: fourteen by Adriaen Collaert and one by Cornelis Galle,

with nine remaining unsigned. On the frontispiece [Figure 2-2] we read that the series is

dedicated to Rodrigo Lasso Niño, head of the Spanish Habsburg court in Brussels. The

following plate is a portrait of Saint Teresa [Figure 2-3]. She appears surrounded by an

oval frame, as a symbol of prestige and heroic exaltation (Estabridis, 2002, 35). It has

been established that Anne of Jesus, Mother Superior of the Discalced Carmelite nuns

in Madrid, commissioned the series from the artists in 1613 (Gutiérrez, 2008, 45). She

ordered the series to be based on the extraordinary experiences narrated by Saint

Teresa’s biographers (Thofner, 2008, 70). In 1622, the year of Teresa’s canonization,

the ecclesiastical authorities officially ratified the orthodoxy of the Collaert and Galle’s

series. For that reason it was reprinted twice in 1630, leading to its wide distribution in

Spain and its American colonies. The series has been considered the germinal point for

the iconography of Saint Teresa in colonial Latin America (Moreno, 2014, 30).

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Collaert and Galle series can be divided in two parts. The first refers to Saint

Teresa’s childhood, while the second is a mixture of the visions, miracles, and extraordinary experiences that manifest her sainthood. This second part represents a shift in the narrative logic of the series. It symbolizes the path of Teresa’s soul in her struggle to overcome worldly temptations and obstacles to be closer to God. Rather than following a chronological order (more evident in the first part), this part of the series refers to the different ways in which the divine was manifested in Teresa’s life from a perspective of predestination. In other words, the series presents different extraordinary experiences that prove her sainthood, while suggesting that these events were meant to

happen to Teresa since she was chosen by Christ as a privileged bride.

The artists used text in the prints to give authority and orthodoxy to Teresa’s

experiences. The inscriptions in Latin, located at the base of each plate [Figure 2-1],

were based on hagiographical sources and were meant to explain what was happening

in each scene. In José Espinosa de los Monteros series the texts remain, but in

Spanish. They seem to be loose translations of the Latin text, which were probably

made by priests in Cusco. The inscriptions in the Cusco series are no longer at the

bottom of the scenes as in the prints but arranged in escutcheons at the left or right

bottom corners of the paintings.

There are interesting parallels to be considered between the Collaert and Galle

series and the Cusco series in the next chapters. From the perspective of patronage I

would like to note that the Flemish artists were among the most recognized engravers in

the Low Countries at the time. This reveals an important aspect of the nuns’ agency that

can be compared with the Cusco series. The series was commissioned from José

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Espinosa de los Monteros, who was also a high-profile painter in Cusco. The fact that the Mother Superior of the Madrid’s convent commissioned the series also reveals that the series was informed by the needs and interests of the Order. Similarly, the Cusco series was commissioned by Bishop Manuel de Mollinedo y Angulo and, surely, the

Discalced Carmelites of Cusco.

In Chapter 4 I compare specific scenes from the Collaert and Galle series with the Cusco paintings to expand on these parallels, as well as to show the ways in which

Cusquenian painters appropriated the narrative. In doing so I will particularly reflect on the variations of continuing scenes and inclusion of new scenes of the Cusco series in relation to the Vita B. Virginis Teresiae a Iesu. This will also help us understand how

José Espinosa de los Monteros developed a new narrative model in telling the life of

Saint Teresa in a series.

Peter Paul Rubens and the Discalced Carmelites of Antwerp in the Counter Reformation

The Discalced Carmelites settled in the Low Countries soon after 1600. By 1610 they were in Brussels, and in Antwerp by 1618. In order to decorate their new convents they commissioned two paintings from Rubens. The first was ordered in 1614 to be part of their convent church altarpiece in Brussels, and depicts Saint Teresa’s ecstatic experience known as The Transverberation [Figure 2-4]. This is the same episode famously represented in marble by Gian Lorenzo Bernini in 1652, 30 years after

Teresa’s canonization. The second painting by Rubens is The Intercession of Saint

Teresa [Figure 2-5] (Sauerländer, 2014, 105). This second commission is the one that interests us the most. Commissioned in 1630 for their convent in Antwerp, the nuns asked Rubens for this painting to be conceived as a variation of The Transverberation,

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despite the thematic differences between both. It refers to the redemption of Bernardino de Mendoza through the intercession of Saint Teresa. This event is also based on the hagiographers’ accounts. Rubens’ painting gives expression to the hope that praying to the Spanish saint could lead to the freeing of souls from purgatory. After the Council of

Trent the Catholic Church promoted the belief in purgatory as a cleansing agent that filled the spirits of the faithful with fear and hope (Sauerländer, 2014, 110). In this context Rubens shows the now-canonized Saint Teresa above the poor souls suffering in purgatory and hoping for relief. The figure depicted in the bottom left corner represents Bernardino de Mendoza, who reaches up from purgatory, his hand held by a winged putto behind Jesus. In this scene Saint Teresa stands as the intercessor between the faithful and Christ.

In commissioning these paintings the Discalced Carmelites were also associating themselves with the most important painter in the country at the time. Rubens wanted to have good print renderings of his paintings. To do so around 1620 he formed his own school of engraving, inviting artists from different parts of the Low Countries to work with him (Hind, 1963, 126). Among many others, Cornelis Galle, one of the authors of the

Vita B. Virginis Teresiae a Iesu, is associated with the Rubens’ school. Rubens’ popularity and the wide distribution of prints of his paintings reached the eyes of the

Discalced Carmelites in Antwerp.

The fact that a version of The Intercession of Saint Teresa is included in the

Cusco series (while it does not appear in the Collaert and Galle series) confirms the importance of this episode in Teresa’s life for the Discalced Carmelites. We do not know if Espinosa de los Monteros had access to a color copy of this paining or to a print

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version. However, due to the similarities in the use of color and in the composition, it is

likely that he saw a reproduction of the painting. In any case what is significant is that

the Cusco series serves as an updated version of Saint Teresa’s life, bringing together

a group of scenes that would ultimately constitute a new narrative model.

In the context of Spanish colonization new religious forms emerged in colonial

Latin America. The cult of saints and other holy figures, and the art involved in its promotion, provides a lens with which to examine the agency exercised by religious orders in colonial Cusco. In Chapter 3 I reflect on the social, religious, and artistic aspects that determined the development of art patronage during the second half of the seventeenth century in Cusco. This will lead us to an understanding of the context in which the Saint Teresa Series was created, before the analysis of the series itself in

Chapter 4.

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Figure 2-1. Adriaen Collaert and Cornelis Galle, Saint Teresa and Her Brother Leave for Moorish Lands. From the Vita B. Virginis Teresiae a Iesu. Published in Antwerp, 1613. Source: https://archive.org

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Figure 2-2. Adriaen Collaert and Cornelis Galle, Frontispiece. From the Vita B. Virginis Teresiae a Iesu. Published in Antwerp, 1613. Source: https://archive.org

Figure 2-3. Adriaen Collaert and Cornelis Galle, Portrait of Saint Teresa. From the Vita B. Virginis Teresiae a Iesu. Published in Antwerp, 1613. Source: https://archive.org

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Figure 2-4. Peter Paul Rubens, The Transverberation, 1614

Figure 2-5. Peter Paul Rubens, The Intercession of Saint Teresa, 1630. Oil on wood, 64.1 x 48.9 cm

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CHAPTER 3 CUSQUENIAN PAINTING AND ART PATRONAGE IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY

During the seventeenth century Cusco was the most important artistic center in

South America, especially for the production of religious painting. While Christian themes were everywhere in the Cusquenian setting during colonial times, painting evolved from a reflection of Spanish Catholic ideology to an appropriation of Christian iconography. Ultimately, we observe the appearance of Andean motifs and themes

associated with local devotions. An example of this is The Lord of the Earthquakes

[Figure 3-1], a locally produced sculpture that was represented widely in painting because of its popularity among Cusquenian devotees. As Cusquenian society

developed a particular form of Catholic devotion, the faithful at the same time shaped

the transformation of painting. As I mentioned in the introduction, the earthquake of

1650 led to a significant increase in the demand for art to decorate religious buildings.

The increase in production led to the appearance of regional themes and the relatively

straightforward depiction of local Catholic ceremonies such as the city’s lavish Corpus

Christi celebrations. Both religious and secular patrons contributed to the spread of

these themes.

In this chapter I will elaborate on the complexity of the patron-artist relationships

during the second half of the seventeenth century in Cusco. The agency of both patrons

and artists was a significant aspect that mediated the creation of the Saint Teresa

Series in 1682. In order to understand how patronage determined the innovations of

José Espinosa de los Monteros, it is important to first reflect on the internal organization

of Cusquenian artistic production. How did the guilds of painters and painting

workshops organize their work? What are the historical circumstances that determined

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their production during the second half of the seventeenth century? In order to prepare the analysis of the Saint Teresa Series in Chapter 4, this chapter addresses these

questions.

Cusquenian Guilds during the Second Half of the Seventeenth Century

In 1963 Emilio Harth-Terré published a list of over 400 artists and artisans that

were active in the Viceroyalty of Peru during colonial times, considering both Lima (the

viceregal capital) and Cusco. Beginning in the sixteenth century, artists and artisans

organized themselves in guilds, an urban phenomenon that brought specialized

craftsmen together.1 Since Church was the primary patron of the arts, guilds relied on

religious congregations for commissions and to direct and oversee their production

(Harth-Terré, 1964, 43). The Ordinances of the Council of Lima published in 1650

regulated guilds and the relationships between patrons and artists in viceregal Peru.

There is no register of ordinances created in Cusco, so scholars have assumed that its

guilds followed Lima’s ordinances (Valenzuela, 24, 2010).

The ordinances were very specific about the requirements for artists and artisans

in order to be considered as part of a guild, with precise required competencies

according to the position they were applying for. For example, when a painter applied to

become a maestro (master) he was asked to draw a standing human figure, a second

figure in profile, and a third from the back, according to the laws of symmetry and art

(Harth-Terré, 1964, 45). Architects, goldsmiths, silversmiths, painters, sculptors,

smelters, and blacksmiths, among others, learned their labors from Spaniards who

came to the Viceroyalty of Peru. Work with gold and silver was very familiar for native

1 Although women were involved as patrons, they were generally excluded from membership in guilds.

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artists, among whom the Spaniards found exceptional disciples, but oil painting was a new technique (Vargas Ugarte, 1968, 69). The union that had prevailed in Cusco’s painterly production was broken in 1688. As Carol Damian points out, indigenous artists requested to be separated from the Spanish workshop that was engaged in the project of painting a triumphal arch for the Corpus Christi procession (Damian, 1995, 41). They complained that Spanish painters were treating them poorly and violently. In response to that the Spanish painters said that native painters were drunken people and accusing them falsely (Damian, 1995, 42). Interestingly, the main figure who responded to the indigenous claim in the document is José Espinosa de los Monteros, probably the artist directing the arch project. Indigenous painters achieved their separation at the end of the seventeenth century, establishing their own workshops with commercial independence. The relevance of this document is that it shows that in 1682, the year when José Espinosa de los Monteros signed the Saint Teresa Series, there were still

Spanish, indigenous and mestizo artists working together in his workshop.

For Mesa and Gisbert (1962) the 1688 rupture would lead to the birth of the

Cusco School of Painting, affecting the development of the mestizo style. This was influenced by European prints and Spanish painting, but the interpretation and appropriation of these influences by Andean painters is what makes the mestizo a distinctive Andean style (Neumeyer 1948; Mesa and Gisbert 1962; Gisbert 1980). We will not develop the discussion as to whether we should actually call this a “School.”

What interests us is the way in which painters organized themselves and the patron- artist relationships in the second half of the seventeenth century. In the context of the

1688 event questions about ethnicity are also important. Considering the fact that the

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Saint Teresa Series predates the 1688 separation between indigenous and Spanish and mestizo painters, it is likely that there were native artists in Espinosa de los

Monteros’ workshop. Having these considerations in mind will help us understand the complexity of the innovations made by the painter in the creation of the Saint Teresa

Series.

Religious and Secular Patrons in Seventeenth-Century Cusco

We might say that the 1650 earthquake had a double significance for

Cusquenian society: practical and symbolic. On one hand it caused the need to

decorate the walls and altars of rebuilt churches and convents. But it was also an

opportunity for patrons to identify themselves as individuals or communities within the

devotional setting of the city. These two dimensions affected the commission of the

Saint Teresa Series.

As mentioned earlier, a fundamental figure in the art patronage of Cusco was

Bishop Manuel de Mollinedo y Angulo. He came from Madrid to take over the bishopric

of Cusco in 1673, 23 years after the earthquake. Even when the local community was

already in a campaign of reconstruction, Mollinedo y Angulo strongly pushed the

development of Cusquenian painting. During his time as bishop he patronized the

construction of more than fifty churches, with hundreds of accompanying paintings. He

also brought some paintings that introduced the influence of the Madrid School in

Cusquenian painting, ushering in the Spanish High Baroque style (Mesa and Gisbert

1982; Villanueva 1989). His main concern was the Cathedral of Cusco, his seat of office

and the parish church for Spaniards and blacks in the city. However he also oversaw

the reconstruction and decoration of smaller parish churches.

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A significant contribution by Mollinedo y Angulo to the Cathedral of Cusco relates to the mentioned image of The Lord of the Earthquakes [Figure 3-1]. Thought to have

been created in 1570, the statue acquired a miraculous dimension after the 1650

earthquake. It was believed that the image protected the city from total devastation

during the earthquake’s aftershocks. Mollinedo y Angulo wanted to enhance the image

as a processional statue. So at some point between 1673 and 1678 he donated a

significant amount of money for a platform to carry the Christ in procession (Stanfield-

Mazzi, 2013, 111). In doing so Mollinedo y Angulo reinforced a social willingness to trust

in the miraculous dimension of The Lord of the Earthquakes.

Mollinedo y Angulo’s gift can be understood as another example of agency. As

the city’s bishop he was commissioning works that would enhance Catholic devotion in

Cusco. But this sort of agency was not exclusive to religious authorities. Secular

patrons, including Spaniards, indigenous, and people of African descent, were also

devoted to the image of The Lord of the Earthquakes (Stanfield-Mazzi, 2013, 127). This

is what can be observed in the 1670 painting Cusco during the Earthquake of 1650 with

Donor Alonso Cortés de Monroy [Figure 3-2]. While Mollinedo placed himself as the

strongest Cusco patron at the time, representing church ideals, élite people expressed

their honor and exercised agency by declaring their devotion to these images. Monroy

did so by including himself in the place reserved for the donor portrait, at the lower right

of the painting. His importance as a secular patron is significant. Monroy was originally

from Spain. In 1645 he brought to Cusco a painting known as the Virgin of the

Remedies, to which he attributed miracles in his favor. As Stanfield-Mazzi has pointed

out, the apparition scene at the top left of the painting gives credit to the Virgin for her

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involvement in stopping the earthquake, while the painting’s inscription supports the same idea (Stanfield-Mazzi, 2013, 128). In this context Monroy’s personal beliefs are depicted in this version of the earthquake, revealing his own agency in the commission of the painting. It is likely that Monroy financed the mentioned painting. However, it was hung in the Cathedral, suggesting that there was also ecclesiastical support for this work. Specifically Mollinedo y Angulo could have been involved in the commission, if the painting was created after his arrival in 1673 (Stanfield-Mazzi, 2013, 128). Another element that supports this idea is that the central part of the painting, showing the Lord of the Earthquakes in procession, seems to reflect Mollinedo’s view, in which the local statue was involved.

Art patronage also served Mollinedo to express triumph over heresy, in depictions of local Catholic rituals such as the celebrations for Corpus Christi. Although this was a Catholic celebration it had special significance in colonial Cusco. Church authorities and secular elite men crossed the city in a procession that symbolized the victory of the Church in the Andean setting. People from all over Cusco participated in the Corpus Christi celebration, which also shows the complexity of social relationships under colonial rule. If participants were regular citizens or women they would not be part of the actual procession but stand as witnesses. This distinction is depicted in an anonymous series commissioned by Mollinedo y Angulo, composed of fifteen paintings representing the Corpus Christi processions. Originally displayed at the Santa Ana parish church, the series is now at the Archbishop’s Palace in Cusco. As Carolyn Dean has pointed out, the Corpus Christi celebration provided an opportunity for ecclesiastical as well as civic authorities (of Spanish as well as Inca descent) to promote and

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“perform” their privileged status (Dean, 1999, 23). In this context, one painting from the series is of particular interest to us. This is Bishop Mollinedo leaving the Cathedral

[Figure 3-3 and Figure 3-4]. At the bottom right corner there is a nun rendered in the manner of a donor. She is facing the viewer and set apart from the procession’s spectators by a parapet, thus occupying an intermediate space closer to the surface of the painting (Stanfield-Mazzi, 2011, 434). The way in which the nun is rendered is that of the donor portrait, suggesting that she (or her convent) also participated in commissioning this painting. At the same time the canvas represents the most significant figures of Cusco at the time, Bishop Mollinedo y Angulo and the Corregidor

(city magistrate) Alonso Pérez de Guzmán (both walking under the canopy). Dean states that the preeminent position of both of these individuals is underscored by the fact that another patron was involved in commissioning the canvases (a Spanish nun) in which they are the central figures (Dean, 1999, 77). The donor portrait of the nun also registers the involvement of female communities in the Corpus Christi celebrations where the processions are led exclusively by male figures, as can be seen in Figure 3-

3. None of the canvases in this series show women processing. Cloistered nuns were

presumably not allowed to take such public roles, but they might have prepared their churches and statues for involvement, and surely celebrated Corpus Christi within their convent spaces. The donor portrait serves to foreground the involvement of female religious communities in popular religious celebrations, even when they were not part of them in public.

Both Cusco during the Earthquake of 1650 with Donor Alonso Cortés de Monroy and Bishop Mollinedo leaving the Cathedral reveal that art patronage was an aspect of

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the agency of secular and religious figures in colonial Cusquenian society. This serves as a transition to understand how agency was exercised within female religious communities. The case of the Saint Teresa Series is interesting because it involves the figures of Mollinedo y Angulo and the Mother Superior of the Discalced Carmelites. It has been suggested that Mollinedo y Angulo may have personally directed the creation of the Saint Teresa Series (Mesa and Gisbert, 1982, 122). It has also been established that he was the main benefactor of the convent and church of Saint Teresa, founded by

Captain Antonio Zea of the Order of Santiago in 1661 (Covarrubias, 1958, 270). Jesús

Covarrubias also established that a document from 1676 shows that Mollinedo y Angulo decorated the church with altarpieces, a silver tabernacle, a silver frontal, a monstrance, and an image of Christ on the cross. He also commissioned the Saint Teresa Series by

José Espinosa de los Monteros, which was placed in the upper part of the temple

(Covarrubias, 1958, 271).

Covarrubias only mentions Mollinedo as the commissioner of these works.

However, it is likely that the Mother Superior of the Discalced Carmelites also participated in the commission. In Chapter 2 I reflected on the nuns’ interest in paintings depicting the most important moments of Saint Teresa’s life (as occurred with the religious communities in Madrid and Antwerp). In this light, and after studying also the donor portrait with the nun in the Corpus Christi series, it is likely that the community in

Cusco had an important involvement in the commission of the Saint Teresa Series. The donor portrait in Bishop Mollinedo leaving the Cathedral is a proof that female religious communities were involved in art patronage in colonial Cusco. Another element I consider to support this argument is the series of the life of Saint Catherine of Siena

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commissioned from Juan Espinosa de los Monteros, José’s father. Although there is no surviving contract for this series, the signature of both the painter and the patron in some of the paintings inform the circumstances of the commission. As I will analyze later, this will ultimately support the idea that the priors of monasteries and the mother superiors of convents had a fundamental role in the commissioning of the series of saints’ lives.

Art Patronage and Religious Communities in Seventeenth-Century Cusco: The Case of the Espinosa de los Monteros

The available documentation shows that Juan Espinosa de los Monteros, José’s father, was active in Cusco during thirty years between 1638 and 1669 (Mesa and

Gisbert, 1982, 89). Eventually Juan became the master of his own workshop. Before that he was part of one of the most prestigious workshops in the city of Cusco, whose other members were Diego Quispe Tito, Gregorio Gamarra, Bartolomé de Cárdenas,

Pedro Lorenzo (or Nolasco), Juan Zapata Inca, Marcos Villena, and Basilio Santa Cruz

Pucamallo (Rojas, 1981, 17). Juan Espinosa de los Monteros was an essential figure for the development of seventeenth-century Cusquenian painting. This was not just in terms of style (as his later figures would be foreshortened, with soft shadows on the faces and the use of chiaroscuro in the backgrounds), but because he produced two types of paintings that were very popular in Cusco at the time: the genealogies of the orders and series of saints’ lives.

In 1655 he painted the Genealogy of the Franciscan Order [Figure 3-5], a huge

10 x 10 meter canvas that initiated the tradition of depicting the glories of the orders in

convents and monasteries. Also based on a print (Mebold, 1987, 64), the painting

celebrates the most important figures involved with the Order since its inception.

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Genealogy of the Franciscan Order has 683 figures, 203 inscriptions, and 24 escutcheons. It has about 10 rows of half-body portraits. Among the figures are bishops, friars, cardinals, popes, female Franciscan sisters, and saints that belonged to the order. An image of the Virgin and Child appears at the top of the canvas, giving divine blessing to the Franciscan Order. The fact that Juan was commissioned to create such an important work reveals his importance as a painter in Cusco at the time.

As far as series of saints’ lives, in 1638 Juan signed a contract with the

monastery of San Juan de Dios to paint eight canvases of the life of Saint John of God.

The contract is very specific in terms of the display: “… eight canvases of his life of six

and a half varas in height and the necessary width in order to cover each side of the

main chapel. The canvases will be made under the supervision and model provided by

the Father Superior…” (Mesa and Gisbert, 1982, 89). Due to the destruction of the

monastery in the late seventeenth century these paintings are lost today. However, the

contract manifests the fact that Cusquenian monasteries (i.e., male foundations) also

used to decorate their main chapels with series of the lives of their titular saints.

Moreover, it exemplifies the strict terms that determined patron-artist relationships. The

fact that the Father Superior was involved in the commission supports the idea that

religious communities had a critical role in art patronage from early in the century. I

hypothesize that this example was followed by the Discalced Carmelites in Cusco, with

their Mother Superior being involved in the commissioning of the series, together with

Mollinedo y Angulo.

As mentioned, Juan Espinosa de los Monteros was also commissioned to depict

the life of Saint Catherine of Siena, a fourteenth-century Dominican tertiary whose life

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was seen as exemplary for Dominican nuns, in the church of the Dominican convent of the same name. The convent, seriously damaged with the 1650 earthquake, was rebuilt beginning in 1651 (the reconstruction lasted until 1670). The mother superior hired the artist directly. Juan Espinosa de los Monteros’ signature appears on the canvases, as does the date of 1669 and the name of the mother superior at the time, Isabel de la

Presentación Tapia y Padilla (Mesa and Gisbert, 1982, 90). This series was based on a series of prints, as was the Saint Teresa Series by Juan’s son, José [Figure 3-6 and

Figure 3-7]. Juan added unique details to the scenes that have come to characterize what is called the mestizo style: birds, angels, and flowers. In this sense the work of

José’s father was an important precursor to what will be seen in the Saint Teresa

Series.

José Espinosa de los Monteros, author of the Saint Teresa Series, was probably born in the 1640’s. The Monteros must have been important people in Cusco by the second half of the seventeenth century. Like his father, José attained the status of master within the guild of painters in Cusco, receiving major commissions. His training was probably in his father’s workshop and it is likely that he participated in the elaboration of the Saint Catherine Series (Mesa and Gisbert, 1982, 92). While we do not have surviving contracts for José, considering the reasons explained earlier it is likely that the Discalced Carmelites of Cusco were involved along with Mollinedo y Angulo in the commission of the Saint Teresa Series. Furthermore, the Cusquenian nuns may have been following the example of the Madrid and Antwerp communities, who commissioned works from Collaert and Galle and from Rubens. As we observed in

Chapter 2, the authors of the Vita B. Virginis Teresiae a Iesu were among the most

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recognized engravers in the Low Countries at the time. This is probably the reason why the Madrid community commissioned the series to promote Teresa’s canonization from the Flemish artists in 1613. Similarly, the Discalced Carmelites in Antwerp commissioned two of the most famous scenes of the life of Saint Teresa from the most important painter of the Low Countries, Rubens. As mentioned earlier, we could thus argue that the Cusco community followed this example by decorating its church with scenes of the life of Saint Teresa, commissioned also from a high-profile local artist,

José Espinosa de los Monteros.

In 1978 Graziano Gasparini argued for an absence of critical processes in the work of Cusquenian artists. For him the city, lacking the necessary cultural advancement due to its colonial status, was consequently not a center of innovation that could qualify as a “school”. Instead it was a center for the repetition of selected forms and concepts that passed through strict controls before being considered suitable for diffusion. The author ultimately argues that when artistic activity is controlled by strict rules and principles, as it was in colonial Cusco, the awakening of critical processes is not possible (Gasparini, 1978, 270). In this thesis I am not overly concerned with whether or not to call Cusquenian painting a “school.”2 However I do think that agency

involved in creating the works examined in this chapter contradicts Gasparini’s theory.

2 Peruvian painter Felipe Cossío del Pomar (1928) was the first scholar to apply the denomination “Cusco School” to Cusquenian painting. Rather than originality, for him the highest peak of the Cusco School was associated with the application of European models by Andean painters. For Mariátegui (1951) the Cusco School started at the beginning of the seventeenth century. Within the school creoles, Indians, and mestizos were characterized by their refined technique in the art of painting, which for the author was the most perfect artistic expression of Cusquenian art. Mesa and Gisbert (1962) identified the Cusco School as a popular style. For them the local school of painting started when Indian painters separated themselves from the Spanish and Creole guild in 1688. For a closer understanding of the debate see also Stastny (1975), Castedo (1976), Gisbert (1980), Macera (1993), and Benavente (1995).

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This will be emphasized with the visual innovations of the Saint Teresa Series, to be examined in Chapter 4. All of them serve as counterpoints to Gasparini’s perspective.

Andean painters ended up developing a unique style that diverged from

European and Spanish models. It is understandable that painters could not have had been entirely creative in terms of the subject matter at this time, though the eighteenth century would be characterized by the appearance of a local iconography. However, artists were deeply innovating not just in the development of a new formal language but also in providing new narrative models.

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Figure 3-1. Anonymous, The Lord of the Earthquakes, ca. 1570. Cathedral of Cusco, Peru. Source: http://www.qosqo.com

Figure 3-2. Anonymous, Cusco during the Earthquake of 1650 with Donor Alonso Cortés de Monroy, ca. 1670. Cathedral, Cusco, Peru. Oil on canvas. Source: Stanfield-Mazzi, Maya. Object and Apparition: Envisioning the Christian Divine in the Colonial Andes. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2013. P. 126.

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Figure 3-3. Anonymous, Bishop Mollinedo Crossing the Plaza de Armas in Cusco in the Corpus Christi Procession. Corpus Christi Series. Palacio Arzobispal de Cusco, Peru. Source: http://www.unilat.org

Figure 3-4. Anonymous, Bishop Mollinedo Crossing the Plaza de Armas in Cusco in the Corpus Christi Procession. Detail. Corpus Christi Series. Palacio Arzobispal de Cusco, Peru. Source: http://www.unilat.org

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Figure 3-5. Juan Espinosa de los Monteros, Genealogy of the Franciscan Orden, 1655. Oil on canvas, 10 x 10 m. Convent of San Francisco, Cusco, Peru. Source: http://www.charliequispe.org

Figure 3-6. Pieter de Jode I (1565-1639), Ecstasy of St. Catherine. Source: http://www.britishmuseum.org

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Figure 3-7. Juan Espinosa de los Monteros, Ecstasy of St. Catherine, eighteenth century. Source: www.colonialart.org

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CHAPTER 4 THE SAINT TERESA SERIES BY JOSÉ ESPINOSA DE LOS MONTEROS (1682)

The Saint Teresa Series is a unique opportunity for us to examine the

innovations achieved by Cusquenian painters by the second half of the seventeenth

century. I will address the scope of these innovations using four criteria of analysis:

scale and display, materials and techniques, narrative, and style. I identify these

aspects as a complex sequence of choices made by José Espinosa de los Monteros in

the creation of the series. The challenges involved in transforming a series of prints into

a series of paintings reveal the Saint Teresa Series as an important example of

Cusquenian painters’ agency.

In Chapter 2 of this thesis I developed the idea that series of prints served

Cusquenian painters as visual sources to be interpreted, rather than copied or

reproduced. When analyzed in this light, the paintings reveal a complex constellation of

meanings that was exclusive to the Cusquenian setting. In Chapter 3 I analyzed some

specific features of art patronage in mid-seventeenth century Cusco that reveal the agency of secular and religious patrons. In this chapter I focus on general formal aspects of the series as well as on specific scenes through the four mentioned categories. I will especially concentrate on the innovations made by José Espinosa de los Monteros in the narrative, as it is a unique expression of the artist’s appropriation of the series.

Scale and Display

While prints were meant to be seen primarily in books, the painted series of saints’ lives were meant to be seen on the walls of churches and convents. Since the experience of the viewer was intended to be mediated by the architecture, this

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necessitated decisions of scale and display on the part of artists. These concerns probably prompted the first decisions that Espinosa de los Monteros made in the creation of the Saint Teresa Series for the Church of Saint Teresa [Figure 4-1].

Especially because prints were relatively cheap to produce and directed to the middle classes in Europe, they are usually understood to have had a pedagogic purpose. The painted series of saints’ lives were also used for their pedagogic functions. Churchgoers were expected to use the series to familiarize themselves with the life of the patron saint of the church and its sponsoring order, in our case the Discalced Carmelites.

In order to clarify the scale and display of the Saint Teresa Series I offer a diagram that shows the location of each painting in the nave and narthex of the church

[Figure 4-2]. The diagram also shows the differences in the shapes of the paintings, which are important for understanding the process of adaptation to the architecture. As far as scale, paintings 12, 13, 14, and 15 on the left side of the nave [see Figure 4-2] are bigger than those on the right side of the nave. They have the same height

(approximately 150 cm) as their counterparts but vary in width; paintings on the left side are about 180 cm (70.8 in.) wide while those on the right side are about 160 cm (62.9 in.) wide.

Paintings 16 and 17 on the left side were not created as rectangles but designed to together form an arch shape [Figure 4-2]. The reason for this is the presence of a niche with an image of Our Lady of Mount Carmel over which the paintings were placed

[Figure 4-3]. We might think that if the painters were required to place sixteen paintings in the nave, José Espinosa de los Monteros decided to take advantage of the space over the arch to locate these two scenes. This is an interesting decision that shows how

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involved he must have been with the space he had available to display the series. The placement of these two paintings over the arch also contributes to a symmetry in the number of paintings in relation to those on the right side of the nave [Figure 4-4]. On

each side there are eight paintings. Six are located before the chancel arch that

precedes the main altar and two are after it, within the sanctuary [see Figure 4-5 and

Figure 4-6]. The other two paintings of the series are in the narthex of the church, and

were created as lunettes.

Since presumably Espinosa de los Monteros was asked to include the same

number of paintings on each side of the nave, he probably defined the dimensions of

paintings 12, 13, 14, and 15 based first on the remaining space in front of the niche on

the left wall. On both walls the paintings are mounted about 6.5 feet from the ground.

Based on the nuns’ testimony and my own observation in the church, this would have

been the original height of the series. Therefore churchgoers did not see the paintings

at eye level. This reveals two important aspects of the creation of the Saint Teresa

Series. First, the scenes and their inscriptions needed to be rendered considering

churchgoers’ viewpoints. Second, the artists had to multiply the scale of the prints at

least five times (as pointed out in the introduction, the dimensions of the prints are 27.4

x 27.7). In order to adapt prints to large paintings the artists multiplied the compositions

and their proportions to the required size. However, they modified the scale of the

figures, for instance, according to the requirements of the space and to their own taste.

The figures in the paintings are not rendered to the same scale in their surroundings as

in the prints. In the paintings the figures are much bigger, which alters the composition

of the scene. Therefore in transferring the scenes from prints into canvas, José

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Espinosa de los Monteros met pictorial and architectonical challenges that ultimately make the Saint Teresa Series original.

Materials and Techniques

The originality of colonial Andean painting has been discussed from the perspective of materiality and techniques. Italian, Flemish and Spanish masters were the first sources from whom Cusquenian painters learned paint formulas and other technical procedures (Querejazu, 1986, 79). However they also used materials and developed techniques distinctive to the Andean setting.

Cusquenian painters acquired a wide range of pigments that gave them the freedom to experiment and interpret the scenes on the prints. Unlike the colorless plates of the Collaert and Galle’s series, color is a major addition that reveals artistic decisions in José Espinosa de los Monteros’ series. One of the most preferred colors in

Cusquenian painting is red.1 Cusquenian artists created a red vermillion out of cinnabar

sourced from mines such as Huancavelica in the central Andes (Siracusano, 2005,

135).2 But in addition to the materiality of red and its local origins, the color had a

special meaning in the pre-Hispanic Andes: red was essential in war attire and was

used in religious ceremonies. Red was also a favored color for cloth reserved for the

Inca nobility (Seldes et al, 2002, 233). This can be observed in Union of the Imperial

Inca Descendants with the Houses of Loyola and Borgia [Figure 4-7]. The painting

1 Castedo (1976, 42) states that towards the end of the seventeenth century and during the eighteenth century the six most prevalent colors in Cusquenian painting are: red (29%), blue (21%), white (16%), gold (14%), orcher (12%), and green (8%).

2 Huancavelica was primarily a source of mercury used in the amalgamation of silver from the mines of Potosí, a major part of the colonial economy. Suárez (1983, 662) states that its decline started in the early eighteenth century due to the overexploitation of the mineral.

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depicts the joining in marriage of female members of the Inca royal line with members of the families of Saint Ignatius Loyola, founder of the Jesuits, and Saint Francis of Borgia

(of the infamous Renaissance clan). At the bottom left we observe Don Martín de

Loyola, Governor of Chile and his wife Doña Beatriz Clara Coya, the daughter of Sayri

Tupac of the Incas. Behind them appear Saint Ignatius Loyola and Saint Francis of

Borgia. On the bottom right appear Doña Lorenza, daughter of Martín and Beatriz, and her husband Don Juan Borgia, son of St. Francis. At the top left we observe Doña

Beatriz's Inca parents, with Tupac Amaru I, the last claimant to the Inca throne, in the first row. They exhibit proudly their noble garments, which are mostly red with the incorporation of gold leaf on their accessories. The use of red is distinctive of the Inca clan, differentiating them from the black-clad European descendants of the Loyola and

Borgia families.

The use of red cloth to convey nobility can be seen in the red dress of Saint

Teresa in Saint Teresa Enters the Convent [Figure 4-8]. While red was also a high-

status color for cloth in Europe, this suggests that artists chose and applied color

according to ancestral Andean signifiers. Red is also used in Ecstasy Before the Bishop

of Ávila [Figure 4-9] in different cloths around the altar, especially the carpet and the

canopy surrounding a painting of the Virgin and Child. At the same time, red is used in

the drapery worn by the angels that appear holding the medallions with inscriptions, to

signify their divine status. Reinforcing this last idea is the use of red for the cloths

wrapping the Risen Christ, as seen in The Vision of the Nail [Figure 4-10] and The

Intercession of Saint Teresa [Figure 4-16]. A brighter red is used in The

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Transverberation [Figure 4-29]. The choice of red in these details is characteristic of

Cusquenian painting, and reveals the artists’ volition as an example of agency.

Another example of agency is the artists’ choice of where and when to apply brocateado or gilding. The technique is characterized by the use of gold leaf on canvases and frames. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries gilding would come to distinguish Cusquenian painting from work created in the other Spanish

American colonies. We can observe the use of this in some paintings of our series, particularly in figures’ vestments and halos. There were two main techniques to apply gilding to a canvas: stencil and brush. In both cases it was applied when the painting was finished. Due to the sort of flower pattern in the Saint Teresa Series we might say that the technique used by Espinosa de los Monteros was stencil. Interesting examples

of that are again Figure 4-8 and Figure 4-9. Both Saint Teresa’s dress in the former and

the bishop’s robe in the latter evidence the application of gold leaf over the paint. In the

case of the frames gold leaf was applied over the wet surface. Once the surface was

dry a stone was used to rub and adhere the gold leaf to the wood frame. We might say

that the brocateado signifies the distinctive social status of each of the figures in the

paintings, as well as an idea of luminescence and the divine, especially in the frames.

The Baroque style brought to the Spanish colonies in America the use of gold to provide

Catholic buildings with a sense of theatricality and the spectacular. However, in the

ancient Andes gold was associated with the Sun, which the Incas honored as a

supreme deity. Therefore it expressed a connection between luminescence and the

divine. Thus even though gilding is not exclusive to Cusquenian painting, it acquired a

distinctive relevance in the Andean environment. At the same time, as Stanfield-Mazzi

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argues, the presence of gold leaf in both the canvases and on the frames of

Cusquenian paintings adds to the works’ aesthetic qualities. And gold leaf, due to its coming from gold itself, was a universal measure of value well established in the colonial setting (Stanfield-Mazzi, 2009, 356).

The materiality of canvases and frames also reveals the agency of Andean artists. In the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries canvases were made from imported light brown flax or hemp cloth (Querejazu, 1986, 79). During the second half of the seventeenth century canvases were commonly made from locally woven cotton cloth (Querejazu, 1986, 80). Since the Saint Teresa Series was created in 1682 it is likely that local cotton was also used for its canvases. Frames were usually made of cedar from local trees, especially in Cusco.3 The use of local materials therefore

provides the series with a distinctive Andean character.

Narrative

Considering the order provided in the Vita B. Virginis Teresiae a Iesu, I suggest

that the first painting of the Cusco series is Our Lady of Mount Carmel Gives the

Scapular to Saint Simon Stock, in the narthex [see Figure 4-2 and Figure 4-17]. The

series then proceeds counterclockwise and ends with The Intercession of Saint Teresa,

on the left side of the narthex. I mentioned that these paintings in the narthex, 1 and 18

of the diagram, have not been previously considered as part of the series. I argue they

are indeed part of it because they stand in direct dialogue with the rest of the scenes in

terms of narrative. I will expand on this point later. Although the two paintings in the sanctuary were created as lunettes, their frames also feature intricate woodwork and

3 In the Saint Teresa Series it is likely that the frames are also holding the canvases as stretchers.

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the application of golden leaf. These do not feature the Solomonic columns flanking the rest of the series but they exhibit the same patterns found in the top and bottom frames of the paintings in the nave.

Despite various correspondences, the Cusco series presents important variations to the general order of the Vita B. Virginis Teresiae a Iesu. Table 3-1 illustrates the

order of each series. Those paintings present in both series have been marked with a

star at the end of the title. We cannot be sure of the motives that guided the selection of

scenes and their order in the church. However, it is likely that Espinosa de los Monteros

was asked to keep the scenes of greatest significance from the print series, as dictated

by the Mother Superior of the Discalced Carmelites. While the order in the nave was

probably guided by the model provided for the Collaert and Galle series, the variations

and especially the inclusion of two paintings that are not part of the print series reveals

the agency of Cusquenian painters and their patrons. The Saint Teresa Series consists

of scenes depicting mystical episodes of the life of the saint as well as miracles proved

as truth during her canonization in 1622. Secondary scenes of her daily life depicted in

the prints have mostly been left out, in order to emphasize those episodes that are more

relevant for the Discalced Carmelites in the Cusquenian setting.

In order to narrow the body of works to be analyzed, some scenes repeated from

the print series that lead to continuities in the overall narrative will not be considered

here. Instead I will focus on the variations and inclusion of new scenes in the Saint

Teresa Series. Numbered as in the painted series, the scenes that lead to continuities

are (2) Saint Teresa and Her Brother Leave for Moorish Lands, (3) Saint Teresa Enters

the Convent, (5) The Transverberation, (7) The Vision of the Necklace, (8) Saints Peter

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and Paul, Protectors of Saint Teresa, (10) The Apparition in Segovia, (12) Angels Light the Way for Saint Teresa on the Road, (13) The Coronation of Saint Teresa, (14) The

Reformation of the Carmelite Order, and (15) The Vision of the Nail.

There are ten scenes from the Vita B. Virginis Teresiae a Iesu that were eliminated in the Cusco series. Numbered as in the print series, these are (1)

Frontispiece, (2) Portrait of Saint Teresa, (5) Saint Teresa is Believed Dead, (6) The

Second Conversion of Saint Teresa, (10) Christ Revealed to Saint Teresa, (11) The

Vision of the Holy Trinity, (12) Saint Teresa Expels a Demon from Her Cell, (19) Our

Lady of Carmel Protector of the Order, (21) The Temptations of the Priest, and (22) The

Vision of Saint Albert of Sicily. We might think that the visual strategy of the frontispiece is to present the saint and her life in the paper format, but one that is unnecessary in a painted series. The church itself serves as a celebration of Saint Teresa’s life, starting in the narthex of the temple with The Intercession of Saint Teresa. The portrait of the Saint and some of the vision scenes from the print series (6, 10, 11, 19, and 22) as well as

Saint Teresa is Believed Dead (6) might have been judged as redundant in the Cusco series. Scenes dealing with temptations of the soul (12 and 21) were probably important to be included when the Collaert and Galle series was created. In the context of the

Inquisition they reveal the triumph of the Saint over the illusions of these demons.

However by 1682, when the Cusco series was created, Teresa had been a saint for sixty years and neither her visions nor her writings were questioned by the Inquisition.

This might explain why it was not as relevant to include this sort of scenes in the

Cusquenian context.

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Variations

In the Cusco series there are interesting variations in (4) Saint Teresa in

Penance and (6) Ecstasy Before the Bishop of Ávila. However, the most significant variations can be seen in (11) The Death of Saint Teresa, (16) The Resurrection of the

Nephew, and (17) The Illumination of Saint Teresa.

In regard to The Resurrection of the Nephew and The Illumination of Saint

Teresa, I have mentioned the modification of these scenes in terms of scale and display, since these are the two canvases located above the niche on the left side of the nave [Figure 4-22]. Even though these are two separate canvases, a visual continuity is established between the scenes by way of a landscape. As I mentioned in Chapter 3, the presence of decorative elements such as flowers, cherubs and birds is an influence of Juan Espinosa de los Monteros. In this landscape we observe four birds, two of them flying and two others are resting on branches at the bottom left and bottom right corners. While the one in the bottom left corner is pink, the other three are white. The use of landscape as a pictorial resource to unify both scenes led José to experiment with style. In the background a light blue predominates for the sky while the color ocher dominates the ground. This is natural enough, for it is the color of the Andean highlands. But this is another element of agency of the painter of the Saint Teresa

Series, who instead of depicting a verdant setting showed a dry mountainous one. The agency through a characteristic Andean landscape is even more profound if we consider the possible presence of native artists in José Espinosa de los Monteros’ workshop. The way in which the artist represented the landscape could be creating a sort of sense of belonging to the Cusquenian setting.

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In terms of composition, a doorway behind the main scene in the print version of

The Resurrection of the Nephew [Figure 4-23] reveals an event that occurred before the scene in the foreground. It consists of the collapse of a structure which killed Teresa’s nephew. This background scene disappears in the painting (its orientation reversed from that in the print) [Figure 4-24], probably due to the reduced pictorial space. In this

sense it is also important to notice the compression of the figures behind Saint Teresa, different from the print. What remains in the painting is ultimately the sub-scene most

related to Saint Teresa’s sanctity: her offering of the dead child before an altar, which

would lead to the miracle of the resurrection. Here we can observe how choices related

in the first place with scale and display of the series (specifically the need for the

painting to be seen from below by churchgoers) led to modifications in the composition

of the scene, which nevertheless still highlights Teresa’s holiness.

The Death of Saint Teresa also presents a reversal of the printed scene. More

significantly, there is the replacement of some figures. In the print [Figure 4-25] Christ

and the Holy Spirit, symbolized by the dove placed between Teresa’s halo and Christ’s

right arm, come to receive Teresa in heaven. The couple behind the saint, at the top left

corner, might be Teresa’s parents. There is also a group of four angels at the foot of

Teresa’s bed, one with his back to us. In the painting [Figure 4-26], two of the four

angels have been replaced by Carmelite nuns, one of whom has her back to us with her

right hand raised, replacing the inward-facing angel in the print. This variation may

respond to the nuns’ desire to see themselves represented in the series. This possibility

is reinforced by an interesting feature that involves the display of this painting. In Figure

4-6, under paintings 8 and 9 of the series, we can observe a blue grill. Behind the grill

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there is a room specially created for the nuns to attend mass. This room separates the church from the convent and with the grill permits the nuns to keep the vow of cloister but still participate with the community in religious services. The Death of Saint Teresa is exactly opposite the grid and would have been visible to the nuns in colonial times as it is today. This could relate to the nuns’ desire to be “present” in the church with the churchgoers.

I have mentioned that Our Lady of Mount Carmel Protector of the Order from the

Collaert and Galle series was not included in the Cusco series. There is, however, what

we might call a version of this scene in the choir behind another grill above the narthex

of the church [Figure 4-11 and Figure 4-12]. Due to differences in its scale, frame, and

location I do not consider this painting as part of the series. Although there are other

paintings spread elsewhere in the church, those that constitute this series are unified in

narrative and also display; churchgoers were able to contemplate the series while they

entered the church (in the narthex) and then when attending church services (in the

nave). The Cusco version of this scene follows the iconography presented in the print

from the Collaert and Galle series but with significant variations [Figure 4-13 and Figure

4-14]. The print represents Our Lady of Mount Carmel covering the male and female

branches of the Discalced Carmelites with her cloak. The episode is based on a vision

Saint Teresa had of the Virgin. This composition is the same in the Cusco scene.

However, the main figure is now clearly identified as the Virgin of Mount Carmel by the

crown and scapular on her chest. Another variation can be seen in the background of

the scenes. The architecture in the print scene disappears in the Cusco painting, where

instead two angels appear holding the Virgin’s cloak. The location of this painting in the

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choir of the church relates closely to the description provided by Teresa of this vision.

This is how Diego de Yepes described the episode: “After being in the choir in prayer, she saw Our Lady of Carmel in great glory. She was dressed in a white robe below which the Virgin covered Saint Teresa and all of her sisters and brothers of the Order

[…].4 It is likely that the nuns, who knew the life of Saint Teresa well, asked Espinosa de

los Monteros to create that specific painting for the choir of the church, a location

associated with the original vision in Teresa’s lifetime.

Inclusions

The paintings (1) The Intercession of Saint Teresa, (10) The Apparition of the

Two Trinities, and (18) Our Lady of Mount Carmel Gives the Scapular to Saint Simon

Stock appear in the Cusco series but are not included in the Collaert and Galle series.

As I mentioned in Chapter 3, The Intercession of Saint Teresa is based on a Rubens painting created in 1630 [Figure 4-15 and Figure 4-16]. Considering that the Rubens painting postdates the Collaert and Galle series this inclusion suggests a conscious updating of the series. In the nave, The Apparition of the Two Trinities has its source in a 1582 print by Anthony Wierix II [Figure 4-18 and Figure 4-19]. This last inclusion reveals that José Espinosa de los Monteros considered more than one print source for the creation of the Saint Teresa Series. Our Lady of Mount Carmel Gives the Scapular to Saint Simon Stock refers to an apparition of Our Lady of Mount Carmel in the twelfth century to Saint Simon Stock, head of the Carmelite Order at the time [Figure 4-17].

Together with Intercession of Saint Teresa these paintings were created as lunettes for

4 Yepes, Diego. Vida, virtudes y milagros de la bienaventurada Virgen Teresa de Jesús, madre y reformadora de la nueva reformación de la Orden de los Descalzos, y Descalzas de Nuestra Señora del Carmen. Lisbon: Pedro Crasbeeck, 1616. P. 235.

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the narthex of the church. We do not have a print source for the former scene, though it is likely that one existed. Interestingly both of these paintings share a common theme, the salvation of souls from purgatory. I mentioned how The Intercession of Saint Teresa

refers to the salvation of Bernardino de Mendoza, who was a close collaborator of Saint

Teresa in the foundation of the convents of Discalced Carmelites in Spain. Our Lady of

Mount Carmel Gives the Scapular to Saint Simon Stock keeps the scene with the

presentation of the scapular at the center-right of the painting, while the left-bottom

corner depicts a scene of salvation very similar to that seen in The Intercession of Saint

Teresa. In this context the attribute of the salvation of the souls is associated with the

Virgin. There is an evident visual dialogue between these two scenes rooted in the idea

that both Our Lady of Mount Carmel and Saint Teresa herself act as intermediaries

between the churchgoers and God. This dialogue on the potential purification of

churchgoers’ souls is presented to them as they enter the temple. Our Lady of Mount

Carmel Gives the Scapular to Saint Simon Stock will be thus the first scene of the

series, presenting the twelfth-century episode when the Carmelites initiated their

devotion to the Virgin of Mount Carmel. This episode will mark the beginning of the

Order of Carmel that will be reformed by Saint Teresa in the sixteenth century. The

Intercession of Saint Teresa stands therefore as the last scene of the series, updating

the narrative of the Saint Teresa Series by including a scene depicted in 1630 by

Rubens. These inclusions inform two aspects of the Cusco series. Firstly, they justify

the order I provided for the paintings in the church. The reformer of the Order is now the

main intercessor between the devotees and the divine. And secondly as I mentioned

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earlier, the scenes establish the Saint Teresa Series as a new narrative model that will

serve as example for other series of the saint in South America.

An example of that is the Saint Teresa Series at the convent of San José in

Santiago, Chile, created around 1690. Including The Intercession of Saint Teresa

[Figure 4-20 and Figure 4-21], the 17 paintings of the Santiago series follow closely the

model provided by the 18 paintings of the Cusco series. The Santiago series left out

Saint Teresa in Penance from the Cusco series. We do not have a contract for this

series either. However, as manifested in the convent’s book of professions, it was

donated in 1694 to the monastery by a nun as part of her dowry. Although different in

style, the selection of scenes suggests that the Santiago series followed the narrative of

the Cusco series rather than the Collaert and Galle series. As mentioned in the

introduction, there are eight series of Saint Teresa in South America: two in Cusco,

Peru, two in Quito, Ecuador, two in Santiago, Chile, one in Bogotá, Colombia and one in

Córdoba, Argentina. While the Quito convent was founded in 1652 the second series

was commissioned later in the seventeenth century. As in Cusco the Santiago convent

also has two series of Saint Teresa. The difference is that while the two Santiago series

are in the convent, in Cusco there is one series in the convent church (1682, analyzed

in this thesis) and another in the convent itself5. In any case is the series in the Church of Saint Teresa the one that serves as a significant model for Santiago; it established the tendency of having not one but two series of Saint Teresa, something new for South

American convents. This emphasizes Cusco as a model for the acquisition of two

5 Mesa and Gisbert (1982, 93) state that this is a twenty-painting series of smaller dimensions than the one in the church, by an unknown painter. We do not know specifics about this series (selection of scenes, narrative, style, etc.).

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series. Thus Cusco’s artistic environment did not just foster a unique style in painting but also led to different patterns of art patronage in colonial South America.

Style

It is not my intention to present any aesthetic judgment of Cusquenian painting in this thesis. Rather I would like to address some elements that contribute to our understanding of the development of a distinctive regional style. First it is useful to mention what previous scholarship has recognized as the mestizo, or culturally mixed, style in Latin American painting. One of the earliest approaches affirms that it appeared in places where native Amerindians had attained a high aesthetic culture of their own at the time of the Spanish conquest (Neumeyer, 1948, 106). The mestizo style has been identified as a popular style of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries characterized by the use of bright, plain colors without modelling or shading (Kubler and Soria, 1959,

152). In western South America, it has been characterized as a uniquely Andean expression of the Baroque (Mujica, 2002, 81). In any case, the mestizo style is associated with the development of unique formal qualities: line, shape, color, texture, and perspective. I would like to go back to The Resurrection of the Nephew [Figure 4-23 and Figure 4-24], and further compare the print and painting to reveal what distinguishes the style.

The first detail we can notice in The Resurrection of the Nephew is differences in

the depiction of Saint Teresa’s cloak. In the painted scene the folding and falling of the

cloth does not match the print model. The same happens with the women behind Saint

Teresa. While in the print scene they wear Flemish-style clothing and head coverings,

the women in the painted scene exhibit completely different clothing. Teresa’s sister,

behind her, is dressed like a seventeenth-century Spanish elite woman, and the painter

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lavished attention on the fabric of her gown, which in the print is plain. Elaborate textile patterning is an element characteristic of Cusquenian painting. Going back to Saint

Teresa, her white halo also does not mimic that in the print scene. The halo in the painting is typical of images of Andean saints. José Espinosa de los Monteros represented it as a gentle glow surrounding Teresa’s head, as if the saint herself is glowing or emitting light. What we observe in the print, in contrast, is a rather frontal, static round-shaped halo, without the glowing aspect of the Cusco version. While in the painting the halo appears to be an extension of the saint, in the print appears as a separate entity from her. This quality of light reveals two important things in the Cusco series. In the first place it shows that Andean artists knew how to paint halos in their own right and did not need to follow print examples. More importantly is suggests that holiness in the Andean context was interpreted as a glowing, dynamic element. Other interesting differences can be observed in the altar cloth. In the print we can see the altar table’s legs, while in the painting the altar cloth, rendered a rich red, covers the entire table. The folds in the painting were depicted using straight lines, in contrast to the curving folds in the print. Ultimately light and shadows are used in different places, though both works aim for naturalism and illusionistic perspective.

Other interesting characteristics of the mestizo style in Cusquenian paining can be observed in the frames of the series. These have Solomonic columns between each painting, which were very popular on the façades and altarpieces of churches in colonial

Latin America. The Solomonic column has a twisted shape contorted on itself. The ones of the Saint Teresa Series have a lower third that has a sort of wrap-around fluting, whereas the upper two thirds are actually twisted column shafts [Figure 4-8 and Figure

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4-9]. Unlike columns of the Greek orders (Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian), Solomonic columns are a Baroque innovation that provides a triumphal aspect to the architecture and decoration of religious buildings. Especially in the New World they connoted the

Temple of Solomon and the establishment of a New Jerusalem on earth (Stanfield-

Mazzi, 239, 2013). There are also other interesting elements of the frames’ design. The upper decoration features the escutcheon of the Carmelite Order, centered at the top of each painting [Figure 4-27]. At the same time there are shell-shaped forms aligned with

the top of each Solomonic column [Figure 4-28]. Shell-shaped niches were used in

decoration of thirteenth- and fourteenth-century European religious buildings, where

they symbolized spaces reserved for the inhabitants of Heavenly Jerusalem (Necipoğlu

and Payne, 2016, 108).

Another stylistic feature in an ornamental sense is the use of rows of flowers as

internal frames for the paintings (located on the upper three sides of most of the

pictures) [Figure 4-29]. This also probably relates to the influence of Juan Espinosa de

los Monteros on José’s series. Except for The Illumination of Saint Teresa and The

Resurrection of the Nephew all of the paintings have cherubs holding the escutcheons with explanatory inscriptions in each scene [Figure 4-30]. This stylistic feature is also characteristic of Cusquenian painting.

During the seventeenth century Andean painters were focused on attending the needs of religious institutions regarding decoration of buildings. In this context the commissioning of series of saints’ lives might seem very restrictive in terms of originality. However, through the analysis of the four categories mentioned above, this thesis has shown that the transference from prints to paintings consisted of far more

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than mere copying of European models. These aspects of Cusquenian painting have been overlooked by Eurocentric scholars eager to identify print prototypes. By closely observing the painted works, as well as analyzing the complexity of the social, religious, and artistic environment of seventeenth-century Cusco, it is possible to move beyond this restrictive orientation. Cusquenian painting cannot be considered as a rote reproduction of European models for the simple reason that the fundamental motivations of the two cultures varied widely in many respects (Castedo, 1976, 19). But more specifically, Cusquenian painters had to make decisions of scale and display, obtain and process materials and apply techniques fitting the resources available in the

Andean region, define new narratives, and show painterly skills in the rendering of figures and spaces in full color. In doing so they were ultimately interpreting the series of saints’ lives according to their own circumstances, means, and taste.

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Figure 4-1. View (from the narthex) of the Church of Saint Teresa with The Saint Teresa Series and main altar. Cusco, Peru. Photograph by the author.

10. The Apparition in Segovia 9. The Apparition of the Two Trinities 11. The Death of Saint Teresa 8. Saints Peter and Paul, Protectors of Saint Teresa 12. Angels Light the Way for Saint Teresa on the Road 7. The Vision of the Necklace

13. The Coronation of Saint 6. Ecstasy Before the Bishop Teresa of Ávila

14. The Reformation of the 5. The Transverberation Carmelite Order 4. Saint Teresa in Penance 15. The Vision of the Nail 3. Saint Teresa Enters the 16. The Resurrection of the Convent Nephew 2. Saint Teresa and Her 17. The Illumination of Saint Brother Leave for Moorish Teresa Lands

18. The Intercession of Saint 1. Our Lady of Carmel Gives Teresa the Scapular to Saint Simon Stock

Figure 4-2. The arrangement of the Santa Teresa series in the nave of the Church of Saint Teresa, Cusco, Peru.

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Figure 4-3. José Espinosa de los Monteros, Saint Teresa Series (left side of the nave). Church of Saint Teresa, Cusco, Peru. Photograph by the author.

Figure 4-4. José Espinosa de los Monteros, Saint Teresa Series (right side of the nave). Church of Saint Teresa, Cusco, Peru. Photograph by the author.

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Figure 4-5. José Espinosa de los Monteros, The Apparition in Segovia and The Death of Saint Teresa (left side of the main altar). From the Saint Teresa Series. Church of Saint Teresa, Cusco, Peru. Photograph by the author.

Figure 4-6. José Espinosa de los Monteros, Saints Peter and Paul Protectors of Saint Teresa and Apparition of the Two Trinities (right side of the main altar). From the Saint Teresa Series. Church of Saint Teresa, Cusco, Peru. Photograph by the author.

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Figure 4-7. Anonymous, Union of the Imperial Inca Descendants with the Houses of Loyola and Borgia, 1718. Oil on canvas, gold leaf, 175.2 x 168.3 cm. Museo Pedro de Osma, Lima, Peru. Source: http://arttattler.com

Figure 4-8. José Espinosa de los Monteros, Saint Teresa Enters the Convent, 1682. From the Saint Teresa Series. Church of Saint Teresa, Cusco, Peru. Photograph property of the Barefoot Carmelites in Cusco, Peru.

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Figure 4-9. José Espinosa de los Monteros, Ecstasy Before the Bishop of Ávila, 1682. From the Saint Teresa Series. Church of Saint Teresa, Cusco, Peru. Photograph property of the Barefoot Carmelites in Cusco, Peru.

Figure 4-10. José Espinosa de los Monteros, The Vision of the Nail, 1682. From the Saint Teresa Series. Church of Saint Teresa, Cusco, Peru. Photograph property of the Barefoot Carmelites in Cusco, Peru.

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Table 4-1. Order of the Saint Teresa Series. Vita B. Virginis Teresiae a Iesu by Adriaen José Espinosa de los Monteros (1682) Collaert and Cornelis Galle (1613) (Following order of display around the (Numeration on Prints) church in counterclockwise motion) 1. Frontispiece 1. Our Lady of Mount Carmel Gives the Scapular to Saint Simon Stock 2. Portrait of Saint Teresa 2. Saint Teresa and Her Brother Leave for Moorish Lands * 3. Saint Teresa and Her Brother Leave for 3. Saint Teresa Enters the Convent* Moorish Lands* 4. Saint Teresa Enters the Convent 4. Saint Teresa in Penance * 5. Saint Teresa is Believed Dead 5. The Transverberation * 6. The Second Conversion of Saint Teresa 6. Ecstasy Before the Bishop of Ávila * 7. Saint Teresa in Penance* 7. The Vision of the Necklace * 8. The Transverberation* 8. Saints Peter and Paul, Protectors of Saint Teresa * 9. Saints Peter and Paul, Protectors of 9. The Apparition of the Two Trinities Saint Teresa* 10. Christ Revealed to Saint Teresa 10. The Apparition in Segovia* 11. The Vision of the Holy Trinity 11. The Death of Saint Teresa* 12. Saint Teresa Expels a Demon from Her 12. Angels Light the Way for Saint Teresa Cell on the Road* 13. The Vision of the Nail* 13. The Coronation of Saint Teresa* 14. The Vision of the Necklace* 14. The Reformation of the Carmelite Order* 15. The Resurrection of the Nephew* 15. The Vision of the Nail* 16. The Coronation of Saint Teresa* 16. The Resurrection of the Nephew* 17. Ecstasy Before the Bishop of Ávila* 17. The Illumination of Saint Teresa* 18. The Reformation of the Carmelite 18. The Intercession of Saint Teresa Order* 19. Our Lady of Mount Carmel Protector of the Order 20. Angels Light the Way for Saint Teresa on the Road* 21. The Temptations of the Priest 22. The Vision of Saint Albert of Sicily 23. The Illumination of Saint Teresa* 24. The Death of Saint Teresa* 25. The Apparition in Segovia*

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Figure 4-11. View of the nave of Saint Teresa Church from the sanctuary with choir on top. Photograph by the author.

Figure 4-12. Choir of Saint Teresa Church with Our Lady of Mount Carmel Protector of the Order. Photograph by the author.

Figure 4-13. Adriaen Collaert and Cornelis Galle, Our Lady of Mount Carmel Protector of the Order. From the Vita B. Virginis Teresiae a Iesu. Published in Antwerp, 1613. Source: https://archive.org

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Figure 4-14. Anonymous, Our Lady of Mount Carmel Protector of the Order. Saint Teresa Church, Cusco, Peru. Photograph by the author.

Figure 4-15. Peter Paul Rubens, The Intercession of Saint Teresa, 1630.

Figure 4-16. José Espinosa de los Monteros, The Intercession of Saint Teresa, 1682. From the Saint Teresa Series. Saint Teresa Church, Cusco, Peru. Photograph property of the Barefoot Carmelites in Cusco, Peru.

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Figure 4-17. José Espinosa de los Monteros, Our Lady of Mount Carmel Gives the Scapular to Saint Simon Stock, 1682. From the Saint Teresa Series. Saint Teresa Church, Cusco, Peru. Photograph property of the Barefoot Carmelites in Cusco, Peru.

Figure 4-18. Anthony Wierix II, The Apparition of the Two Trinities, 1582.

Figure 4-19. José Espinosa de los Monteros, The Apparition of the Two Trinities, 1682. From the Saint Teresa Series. Saint Teresa Church, Cusco, Peru. Photograph property of the Barefoot Carmelites in Cusco, Peru.

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Figure 4-20. José Espinosa de los Monteros, The Intercession of Saint Teresa, 1682. From the Saint Teresa Series. Saint Teresa Church, Cusco, Peru. Photograph property of the Barefoot Carmelites in Cusco, Peru.

Figure 4-21. Possibly José Espinosa de los Monteros, The Intercession of Saint Teresa, ca. 1690. From the Saint Teresa Series. Convent of Saint Teresa, Santiago, Chile. Photograph property of the Barefoot Carmelites in Santiago, Chile.

Figure 4-22. José Espinosa de los Monteros, The Illumination of Saint Teresa and The Resurrection of the Nephew, 1682. From the Saint Teresa Series. Saint Teresa Church, Cusco, Peru. Photograph by the author.

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Figure 4-23. Adriaen Collaert and Cornelis Galle, The Resurrection of the Nephew, 1613. From the Vita B. Virginis Teresiae a Iesu. Published in Antwerp, 1613. Source: https://archive.org

Figure 4-24. José Espinosa de los Monteros, The Resurrection of the Nephew, 1682. From the Saint Teresa Series. Saint Teresa Church, Cusco, Peru. Photograph property of the Barefoot Carmelites in Cusco, Peru.

Figure 4-25. Adriaen Collaert and Cornelis Galle, The Death of Saint Teresa, 1613. From the Vita B. Virginis Teresiae a Iesu. Published in Antwerp, 1613. Source: https://archive.org

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Figure 4-26. José Espinosa de los Monteros, The Death of Saint Teresa, 1682. From the Saint Teresa Series. Saint Teresa Church, Cusco, Peru. Photograph property of the Barefoot Carmelites in Cusco, Peru.

Figure 4-27. Saint Teresa Series. Detail of the frames on the left wall of the nave. Photograph by the author.

Figure 4-28. Upper frame’s decoration. Detail. From the Saint Teresa Series. Saint Teresa Church, Cusco, Peru. Photograph by the author.

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Figure 4-29. José Espinosa de los Monteros, The Transverberation of Saint Teresa. 1682. From the Saint Teresa Series. Saint Teresa Church, Cusco, Peru. Photograph property of the Barefoot Carmelites in Cusco, Peru.

Figure 4-30. José Espinosa de los Monteros, Escutcheon in The Coronation of Saint Teresa, 1682. From the Saint Teresa Series. Saint Teresa Church, Cusco, Peru. Photograph property of the Barefoot Carmelites in Cusco, Peru.

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CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION

Pictorial series of saints’ lives were a common didactic resource used by the

Catholic Church in Europe to spread the faith. In the context of the Counter Reformation canonized saints became exemplary models for devotees to follow. Different visual strategies were used to provide their lives with the orthodoxy required by ecclesiastical authorities. Commissioned in 1613 as part of Saint Teresa’s beatification and canonization processes, the Collaert and Galle series is an example of this. The engravers’ first aim was to evidence Saint Teresa’s sanctity and divine faculties such as visions and miracles. In doing so Collaert and Galle based the scenes on the episodes narrated by Teresa’s biographers. The Cusco series is also an expression of an orthodox program of Saint Teresa’s life. However, as this thesis has shown, the Cusco series is distinctive as it was influenced by artistic and religious interests exclusive to the Cusquenian setting.

The Saint Teresa Series by José Espinosa de los Monteros was meant to be seen in a church by devotees during religious service. Since the series covers the walls of the nave on both sides, the commission certainly represented a challenge in different aspects. I have tried to demonstrate how the categories of scale and display, materials and techniques, narrative, and style reflect that challenge. All of them convey the idea that the transformation from prints to paintings was far from being the routine reproduction of a model.

Different historical events during the second half of the seventeenth century impacted Cusco’s artistic activity. The 1650 earthquake is one of those. Due to the needs of reconstruction and decoration, secular and religious patrons commissioned

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major works, increasing significantly the demand for works such as series of saints’ lives. These were unified programs of paintings that allowed orders to fill their churches’ walls on the basis of a single commission. Bishop Manuel de Mollinedo y Angulo was one of the most active figures that contributed to the artistic patronage at the time, revealing the Church’s interest in and resources to patronize art. As pointed out,

Mollinedo y Angulo was certainly involved in the commission of the Saint Teresa Series.

However, the series is also revealing of the nuns’ agency. It served to represent the invisible nuns to their community. Through the commission the nuns associated themselves with a prestigious local artist, José Espinosa de los Monteros, whose success would be known in other parts of the Viceroyalty of Peru.

The 1688 rupture inside Cusco’s guild of painters also certainly influenced the development of Cusquenian painting. As far as the Cusco series this fact informs a fundamental aspect of its creation: indigenous, Spanish, and mestizo artists used to work together in the same workshops when the Saint Teresa Series was created in

1682. We need to consider this circumstance when analyzing the series since, among other features, it affected the development of the mestizo style. The mestizo was no longer a Spanish Baroque style but its interpretation and appropriation by Cusquenian painters. This would ultimately contribute to an even more distinctive Cusquenian style in the early eighteenth century.

Cusquenian artists had different visual references, European prints being just one of many. What the Saint Teresa Series actually reveals is that José Espinosa de los

Monteros privileged regional influences as much as the prints. This can be observed particularly with the influence of his father in the development of his pictures, as

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analyzed in Chapter 4. Paying attention to the regional dynamics of artistic production is also relevant because it informs the complexity of the artist-patron relationships, and the terms of their contractual bond. The example of Juan Espinosa de los Monteros with the commission of the Series of Saint Catherine is insightful in that regard. It reveals the intimate and direct relation between the artists and the nuns, who commissioned such an important work exclusively from a high-profile artist.

This can be paralleled to the status José Espinosa de los Monteros attained in the Viceroyalty of Peru. His popularity probably led him to receive commissions from cities other than Cusco. As I noted in Chapter 4, this can be seen in the influence that the Cusco series (1682) had on the narrative of the Saint Teresa Series in Santiago (ca.

1690). There is not enough documentation to affirm that Espinosa de los Monteros was actually the author of the Santiago series, and the style suggests that both series were created by different hands. However, due to the similarities in narrative between the two, it is likely that the Santiago series followed the narrative model provided by the

Saint Teresa Series in Cusco. Thus the Cusco series is an expression of the painter’s agency that would be replicated in another convent of the Viceroyalty of Peru. This new narrative model, as this thesis has shown, sprung from the contractual bond established between Espinosa de los Monteros and the Carmelite nuns in Cusco. The series consists of those scenes relevant to the order -and therefore to the Church- created by means and taste exclusive to José Espinosa de los Monteros. The appropriations and innovations made in the series of saints’ lives, which ultimately contributed to the creation of new narrative models, stand as a major contribution by Andean artists during the second half of the seventeenth century in Cusco. This thesis has analyzed the Saint

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Teresa Series as an example of such a contribution, framed by the patron-artist relationships of the time. Looking at the creation of the series through this lens we gain a more integral understanding of the working of Cusquenian painting, especially in the last quarter of the seventeenth century.

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

The contribution to Latin American art by Cusquenian painters during colonial times has always been Macarena’s primary research interest. She is especially interested on series of saints’ lives and how do they contribute to the understanding of

Cusquenian painting. Macarena received her BA in Art History at the Universidad de

Chile, where she wrote a thesis on Chilean series of saints’ lives. After graduating college she decided to pursue her master’s at the University of Florida with a specialist

in colonial Andean art, Dr. Maya Stanfield-Mazzi.

During the Summer of 2015 a travel grant allowed Macarena to visit the city of

Cusco in order to pursue archival research and to study the series she chose to write

her thesis on: the 1682 Saint Teresa Series by José Espinosa de los Monteros, in the

Church of Saint Teresa. The experience of seeing the series in the church strongly

determined one of the main arguments of her thesis: in adapting a series of prints into a

series of paintings, Cusquenian painters faced architectonical and aesthetic challenges

that printers did not.

Macarena has given talks about her research in Santiago, Chile. Before coming

to the University of Florida she worked as curatorial assistant at the Museum of

Contemporary Art of Santiago, Chile. She recently collaborated on the publication

Pintura Colonial Cusqueña. El esplendor del arte en los Andes by Ananda Cohen

Suarez (Cusco: Haynanka, 2015)

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