In Northern Cyprus
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Dick Leonard April 2006 a Rare Chink of Light in the Gloomy Cyprus
Progressive Thinking for a Global Age Cyprus – a way out of the stalemate? Dick Leonard April 2006 A rare chink of light in the gloomy Cyprus situation is the agreement, just reached, between Tassos Papadopoulos, the President of the Republic of Cyprus, and his Turkish Cypriot counterpart, Mehmet Ali Talat to meet in Nicosia. Their talks will be confined to talks to discussing the fate of more than 2,000 Greek and Turkish Cypriots missing since the 1974 Greek Cypriot coup and the subsequent Turkish invasion. Could this act as an ice-breaker to persuade both sides to resume meaningful negotiations on bringing an end to the division of the island? Hopes for this are not very high, and a new report by the International Crisis Group, entitled The Cyprus Stalemate: What Next? concludes that the short- term prospects of a constitutional settlement are not good. For this it places the primary blame on the Greek Cypriots and their hard-line government. Papadopoulos has consistently declined to respond to the request of the UN Secretary-General to indicate what changes to the Annan plan would be acceptable to his government, a refusal he maintained when the two men met in Paris on 28 February. The Greek Cypriots defend their position by saying it is unreasonable to ask them to disclose their negotiating position before any new talks are convened. The Crisis Group responds by saying that all recent experience, from the Balkans and elsewhere, is that negotiations never get anywhere unless both sides are willing, at least, to indicate their opening bids in advance. -
Crisiswatch, Nr. 71
1 July 2009, No71 Board of Trustees CrisisWatch: Co-Chairs summarises briefly developments during the previous month in some 70 situations of current or potential Christopher Patten conflict, listed alphabetically by region, providing references and links to more detailed information sources Thomas Pickering (all references mentioned are hyperlinked in the electronic version of this bulletin); assesses whether the overall situation in each case has, during the previous month, significantly deteriorated, President and CEO significantly improved, or on balance remained more or less unchanged; Gareth Evans alerts readers to situations where, in the coming month, there is a particular risk of new or significantly escalated conflict, or a particular conflict resolution opportunity (noting that in some instances there may in Executive Committee fact be both); and Morton Abramowitz summarises Crisis Group’s reports and briefing papers that have been published in the last month. Emma Bonino* Cheryl Carolus CrisisWatch is compiled by Crisis Group’s Brussels Research Unit, drawing on multiple sources including Maria Livanos Cattaui the resources of our some 130 staff members across five continents, who already report on some 60 of the Yoichi Funabashi Frank Giustra situations listed here. Comments and suggestions can be sent to [email protected]. Stephen Solarz George Soros To search past issues of CrisisWatch visit our databases and resources page at www.crisisgroup.org. Pär Stenbäck *Vice-Chair June 2009 Trends Adnan Abu-Odeh Deteriorated -
Is the Turkish Cypriot Population Shrinking?
CYPRUS CENTRE 2/2007 REPORT 2/2007 Is the Turkish Cypriot Population Shrinking? Shrinking? Cypriot Population Turkish Is the The demography of north Cyprus is one of the most contested issues related to the island’s division. In particular, the number of indigenous Turkish Cypriots and Turkish immigrants living in the north has long been a source of dispute, not only among the island’s diplomats and politicians but also among researchers and activists. Until recently, the political use of demog- raphy has hindered comprehensive study of the ethno-demographic make-up of the north, while at the same time making a thorough demographic study all the more imperative. The present report addresses this situation by providing an analysis of the results of the 2006 census of north Cyprus, comparing these fi gures with the results of the previous census. The report focuses mainly on identifying the percentage of the population of north Cyprus who are of Turkish-mainland origin and also possess Turkish Cypriot citizenship – an important factor given claims that such citizens play an signifi cant role in elections in the north. In addi- tion, the report examines the arrival dates of Turkish nationals in order to analyze patterns of migration. This, in turn, is indicative of the numbers of naturalized Turkish Cypriot citizens who have arrived in Cyprus as part of an offi cial policy. The report also presents estimates for Turkish Cypriot emigration to third countries, based on immigration and census fi gures from the two main host countries: the United Kingdom and Australia. Following analysis of these latter fi gures and the results of the 2006 census, it is argued that claims of massive emigration by Turkish Cypriots to third countries are largely misleading. -
Frame Page 2
¶∞ƒ√π∫π∞∫∏ ¶POO¢EYTIKH EºHMEPI¢A ™THN Y¶HPE™IA TH™ KY¶PIAKH™ ¶APOIKIA™ ¶∂ª¶Δ∏ 1 √∫Δøμƒπ√À 2015 ● XPONO™ 40Ô˜ ● AÚÈıÌfi˜ ʇÏÏÔ˘ 2124 ● PRICE: 75 pence ¯¯ÚÚfifiÓÓÈÈ·· ««¶¶··ÚÚÔÔÈÈÎÎÈÈ··Î΋‹»» ™ÙȘ 25 ™ÂÙÂÌ‚Ú›Ô˘ 2015 Û˘ÌÏËÚÒıËÎ·Ó ÙÔ 1974, Û˘Ó¯›˙ÂÈ Ó· «˘ËÚÂÙ›» ÙËÓ ·ÚÔÈ- Î·È ‰È·ÊËÌÈÛÙ¤˜ ÁÈ· ÙË ‰È·¯ÚÔÓÈ΋ ÙÔ˘˜ ÛÙ‹- 41 ¯ÚfiÓÈ· ·fi ÙË «Á¤ÓÓËÛË» Ù˘ ÚÔԉ¢ÙÈ- Λ· Ì ÛÔ‚·Ú‹ ¤Á΢ÚË ÂÓË̤ڈÛË ÁÈ· ı¤Ì·- ÚÈÍË ÛÙËÓ ÂÊËÌÂÚ›‰· Ì·˜ Î·È ˘ÔÛ¯fiÌ·ÛÙ ΋˜ ÂÊËÌÂÚ›‰·˜ Ù˘ ΢Úȷ΋˜ ·ÚÔÈΛ·˜ Ù· Ô˘ ·ÊÔÚÔ‡Ó ÙËÓ ·ÚÔÈΛ·, ÙËÓ ∫‡ÚÔ Î·È ˆ˜ ı· Û˘Ó¯›ÛÔ˘Ì ·ÎfiÌË ÈÔ ‰˘Ó·ÌÈο Ì ÙÔ˘ §ÔÓ‰›ÓÔ˘, Ù˘ «¶·ÚÔÈÎȷ΋˜». ÙË μÚÂÙ·Ó›·. ÁÓÒÌÔÓ· ÙÔ Î·Ïfi ÙÔ˘ Ï·Ô‡ Ù˘ ·ÚÔÈΛ·˜ Ì·˜ ¶ÈÛÙ‹ ÛÙÔ ¤ÚÁÔ ÎÈ ·ÁÒÓ· ÙˆÓ È‰Ú˘ÙÒÓ Ù˘, ∏ «¶·ÚÔÈÎȷ΋» ¢¯·ÚÈÛÙ› ÙÔ˘˜ ·Ó·ÁÓÒÛÙ˜ Î·È Ù˘ ȉȷ›ÙÂÚ‹˜ Ì·˜ ·ÙÚ›‰·˜, Ù˘ ∫‡ÚÔ˘. ∏ ‰È·Ú·ÁÌ·Ù¢ÙÈ΋ ‰È·‰Èηۛ·, ¢È·Î‹Ú˘ÍË ∞∫∂§ Ô ÌfiÓÔ˜ ‰ÚfiÌÔ˜ ÁÈ· χÛË – ÁÈ· ÙËÓ Ë̤ڷ Ù˘ ∫˘Úȷ΋˜ ∞ÓÂÍ·ÚÙËÛ›·˜ ·ÂÏ¢ı¤ÚˆÛË, ·ӤӈÛË §∂À∫ø™π∞ – ∞ÓÙ·fiÎÚÈÛË ∞∫∂§: ÌÔÓ·‰È΋ ÚÔÛÊÂÚfiÌÂÓË Ï‡- ›Û˘ fiÙÈ ÙÔ ∞∫∂§, ÚÔÛË- ÚÒÙË ÙÔ˘ √ÎÙÒ‚ÚË, ̤ڷ Ù˘ ∫˘Úȷ΋˜ ∞ÓÂ- ¶∂Δƒ√™ ¶∞™π∞™ «∏ ÙÚ¤¯Ô˘Û· ‰È·Ú·ÁÌ·- ÛË ÛÙÔ ÔÏÈÙÈÎfi Ì·˜ Úfi‚ÏË- ψ̤ÓÔ ÛÙȘ ¿ÁȘ ı¤ÛÂȘ ∏Í·ÚÙËÛ›·˜, ·ÔÙÂÏ› ÙÔ ÂÈÛÙ¤Á·ÛÌ· Ôχ¯ÚÔ- Ù¢ÙÈ΋ ‰È·‰Èηۛ· ·ÔÙÂÏ› Ì·. ÀÔÁÚ·ÌÌ›˙ÂÈ Ù·˘Ùfi¯ÚÔ- ÙÔ˘ ÛÙÔ ∫˘ÚÈ·Îfi, ÙȘ ·Ú¯¤˜ ÓˆÓ ·ÁÒÓˆÓ Î·È ı˘ÛÈÒÓ ÙÔ˘ Ï·Ô‡ Ì·˜. -
European Left Info Flyer
United for a left alternative in Europe United for a left alternative in Europe ”We refer to the values and traditions of socialism, com- munism and the labor move- ment, of feminism, the fem- inist movement and gender equality, of the environmental movement and sustainable development, of peace and international solidarity, of hu- man rights, humanism and an- tifascism, of progressive and liberal thinking, both national- ly and internationally”. Manifesto of the Party of the European Left, 2004 ABOUT THE PARTY OF THE EUROPEAN LEFT (EL) EXECUTIVE BOARD The Executive Board was elected at the 4th Congress of the Party of the European Left, which took place from 13 to 15 December 2013 in Madrid. The Executive Board consists of the President and the Vice-Presidents, the Treasurer and other Members elected by the Congress, on the basis of two persons of each member party, respecting the principle of gender balance. COUNCIL OF CHAIRPERSONS The Council of Chairpersons meets at least once a year. The members are the Presidents of all the member par- ties, the President of the EL and the Vice-Presidents. The Council of Chairpersons has, with regard to the Execu- tive Board, rights of initiative and objection on important political issues. The Council of Chairpersons adopts res- olutions and recommendations which are transmitted to the Executive Board, and it also decides on applications for EL membership. NETWORKS n Balkan Network n Trade Unionists n Culture Network Network WORKING GROUPS n Central and Eastern Europe n Africa n Youth n Agriculture n Migration n Latin America n Middle East n North America n Peace n Communication n Queer n Education n Public Services n Environment n Women Trafficking Member and Observer Parties The Party of the European Left (EL) is a political party at the Eu- ropean level that was formed in 2004. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
A Divided Civil Society in Stalemate Esra Cuhadar and Andreas Kotelis
9 Cyprus: A Divided Civil Society in Stalemate Esra Cuhadar and Andreas Kotelis The conflict on the island of Cyprus is long-standing, intractable, and currently at a stalemate. In this chapter we explore the functions of civil society in the Cypriot conflict, tracing its historical background, providing an overview of the status of civil society on Cyprus, and presenting findings about peacebuilding-oriented civil society. Then, following the theoretical frame- work developed by Thania Paffenholz and Christoph Spurk (see Chapter 4), we elaborate on the peacebuilding functions that are performed by Cypriot civil society. Context Located in the eastern Mediterranean, Cyprus is the third largest island in that sea; it lies south of Turkey and is strategically positioned near the Middle East. Its population is currently slightly more than 1 million, mainly Greek (748,217 concentrated in the South) and Turkish (265,100 concentrated in the North),1 with minorities of Armenians, Maronites, and Latins. The Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities are the main adversaries in the conflict, although the conflict cannot be separated from the broader conflict between the coun- tries of Greece and Turkey. It is difficult to summarize the conflict in a few paragraphs, especially when considering the historical narratives adopted by the parties (Dodd 1998; Hannay 2005; Mijftiiler Bag 1999; O’Malley and Craig 1999; Boliikbasl 2001; Anm 2002; Chrysostomides 2000; Papadakis 1998; and Volkan 1979). Below we describe the conflict in the context of peacebuilding and civil society. Even though intercommunal violence became rampant in the 19603, for some scholars the conflict dates to British colonialism, when the seeds of eth- nocentric nationalism were sown (Anastasiou 2006; Hasgijler 2000). -
Kuzey Kibris'ta Azinlik Haklari
KUZEY KIBRIS’TA AZINLIK HAKLARI Ali DAYIOĞLU Bu yazıda derlenen metinde kullanılan terminoloji Avrupa Birliği (AB) tarafından desteklenen projelerden biri olan “Kıbrıs’ın Kuzeyinde İnsan Haklarının Haritalandırılması Projesi” kapsamında Kıbrıslı Türk İnsan Hakları Vakfı ve yazarların sorumluluğu altındadır. Bu yayının içeriği hiçbir şekilde Avrupa Komisyonuna atfedilemez. AB, üyesi olarak sadece Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti’ni tanır, “Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti”ni tanımaz. 389/2006 sayılı Konsey Tüzüğünün 1(3) maddesine göre “bu katkının sağlanması bu bölgelerde Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti dışındaki kamu otoritesini tanıma anlamını taşımaz”. The texts compiled in this publication including the terminology used lay in the sole responsibility of the author(s) and/or the Turkish Cypriot Human Rights Foundation as one of the beneficiaries of the EU funded project “Mapping Human Rights in the Northern Part of Cyprus”. In no way can the content of this publication be attributed to the European Commission. The EU does not recognise the “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus” but only the Republic of Cyprus as its member state. According to article 1(3) of Council Regulation 389/2006 “the granting of such assistance shall not imply recognition of any public authority in the areas other than the Government of the Republic of Cyprus”. KUZEY KIBRIS’TA AZINLIK HAKLARI Ali DAYIOĞLU KIBRISLI TÜRK İNSAN HAKLARI VAKFI YAYINLARI NO: 1 1. Baskı - Mayıs 2012 Lefkoşa - Kıbrıs ISBN: 978-9963-719-10-5 Tanzimat Sokak No: 176 Lefkoşa 0533 869 75 42 KAPAK ve GRAFİK TASARIM Erdoğan Uzunahmet SAYFA DÜZENLEME Erdoğan Uzunahmet BASKI MAVİ BASIM Esnaf ve Zanaatkârlar Sitesi - Lefkoşa Tel: 0533 8631957 İLETİŞİM KIBRISLI TÜRK İNSAN HAKLARI VAKFI www.ktihv.org e-mail: [email protected] Haşmet Gürkan Sok. -
If I Were Talat*
If I were Talat* ■ by Zeynel Lüle**1 ast time around, I started off as “if I were Christofias,” then went Lon to point out that by attaching significance to his “conciliatory” character, Mehmet Ali Talat, with whom Christofias sat down around a table for a solution, is “the only person on the island”. I concluded by saying that “if I were Christofias, I would shake hands with Talat sooner rather than later, and I would not include the EU in the talks all the time.” Right after my piece of writing, the EU left Christofias stranded, did not throw its weight behind him, and his expectations of Turkey being sanctioned turned out to be anything, but empty. Christofias wasted his energy in the corridors of Brussels, and went back to his meeting with Talat a drained man and with his mind back in Brussels. In this particular respect, what would I do if I were Mehmet Ali Talat? Let me tell you... I could not deliver on two promises First thing, I would not even dare to consider running for presidency in April 2010. At least when I sit down around a table with Christofias, I would not think about the upcoming election while I negotiate a long- lasting solution, so that I would have the upper hand. The people of my community elected me for two reasons. I should al- ways be acutely aware of that. Firstly, I was to re-unite Cyprus; secondly I was to have made all Turkish Cypriots EU citizens. But I could not ac- complish both. -
M.Ali TALAT President
56.qxd 10/17/2007 10:56 AM Page 1 M.Ali TALAT President H.E. Mr. Mehmet Ali Talat is President of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. He was born on 6 July 1952 in Kyrenia. He completed his secondary education in Cyprus. Het continued his further education in Turkey. He gained his M.Sc. degree in Electrical Engineering from the Faculty of Electrical Engineering Middle East Technical University in 1977. Mr. Talat also completed his M.A. degree in International Relations at the Eastern Mediterranean University in Cyprus. He was assigned as the Minister of Education and Culture in the first Democrat Party (DP) – Republican Turkish Party (CTP) Coalition Government, formed after the Parliamentary Elections held in December 1993. He continued in the same position during the second DP-CTP coalition Government. In the third DP-CTP coalition Government he was assigned as the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of State. He was elected as a Member of Parliament from Nicosia in the 1998 Parliamentary Elections. He became the prime minister of the RTP-DP Coalition Government formed “The EU has not done what it was supposed to do about the Cyprus issue” following the 14 December 2003 Parliamentary Elections. Winning a victory in the February 20, 2005 Parliamentary Elections, Talat formed the second RTP-DP coalition, serving as Prime Minister until his election as the TRNC President on April 17, 2005. He is married and has a son and a daughter. M.Ali Talat said that the growth of the economy that, direct flights to Northern Cyprus from in Northern Cyprus would help resolve the England and other European countries are not Cyprus issue to great extent: "The solution to allowed. -
Comparative European Party Systems
COMPARATIVE EUROPEAN PARTY SYSTEMS Comparative European Party Systems, Second Edition, provides a comprehensive analysis across 48 party systems of party competition, electoral systems and their effects, and the classification of party systems and governments from 1945 through late-2018. The book consists of three parts. Part I provides a comparative and quantitative overview of party systems according to party families, patterns of party competition, electoral systems and their effects, and classification of party systems and governments. Part II consists of 38 detailed country profiles of longstanding democracies and of the European Union (plus nine profiles on regions such as in Spain and the UK), providing essential detail on the electoral systems, parties, party patterns and systems, dimensions of political competition, and governments. Part III provides an analysis of 10 additional country profiles of oscillating regimes such as Russia, Ukraine, and Balkan and Transcaucasus states. Comparative European Party Systems provides an excellent overview of topical issues in comparative election and party system research and presents a wealth of information and quantitative data. It is a crucial reference for scholars and students of European and comparative politics, elections, electoral systems, and parties and party systems. Alan Siaroff is Professor of Political Science at the University of Lethbridge, Canada. COMPARATIVE EUROPEAN PARTY SYSTEMS An Analysis of Parliamentary Elections Since 1945 Second Edition Alan Siaroff Second edition published 2019 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2019 Alan Siaroff The right of Alan Siaroff to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. -
The Left in Europe
ContentCornelia Hildebrandt / Birgit Daiber (ed.) The Left in Europe Political Parties and Party Alliances between Norway and Turkey Cornelia Hildebrandt / Birgit Daiber (ed.): The Left in Europe. Political Parties and Party Alliances between Norway and Turkey A free paperback copy of this publication in German or English can be ordered by email to [email protected]. © Rosa Luxemburg Foundation Brussels Office 2009 2 Content Preface 5 Western Europe Paul-Emile Dupret 8 Possibilities and Limitations of the Anti-Capitalist Left in Belgium Cornelia Hildebrandt 18 Protests on the Streets of France Sascha Wagener 30 The Left in Luxemburg Cornelia Weissbach 41 The Left in The Netherlands Northern Europe Inger V. Johansen 51 Denmark - The Social and Political Left Pertti Hynynen / Anna Striethorst 62 Left-wing Parties and Politics in Finland Dag Seierstad 70 The Left in Norway: Politics in a Centre-Left Government Henning Süßer 80 Sweden: The Long March to a coalition North Western Europe Thomas Kachel 87 The Left in Brown’s Britain – Towards a New Realignment? Ken Ahern / William Howard 98 Radical Left Politics in Ireland: Sinn Féin Central Europe Leo Furtlehner 108 The Situation of the Left in Austria 3 Stanislav Holubec 117 The Radical Left in Czechia Cornelia Hildebrandt 130 DIE LINKE in Germany Holger Politt 143 Left-wing Parties in Poland Heiko Kosel 150 The Communist Party of Slovakia (KSS) Southern Europe Mimmo Porcaro 158 The Radical Left in Italy between national Defeat and European Hope Dominic Heilig 166 The Spanish Left