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On

By Georgina Ma

2008

Introduction

English has been dominant in South for two centuries and with its rival , has changed linguistic ecology of Southern Africa irrevocably. (Mesthrie, 2002:1)

In this paper, follow the development of Standard South African English and its evolution into different varieties in . I critique the limitations of the classification of South African English as inner circle and suggest an alternative representation. I examine the features of Standard South African English and discuss the importance and benefits of having it as the recognised and implemented standard of English in English teaching in South Africa.

The Development of English in South Africa

Language, English in particular has played a pivotal role in South Africa’ transition from (1652 – 1795) to Anglicization (1795 – 1948) to Afrikanerization (1948 – 1994) to Democratization (1994 – ). (Kamwangamalu, 2002: 1)

Although there was contact with English in South Africa prior to and during the Dutch colonisation of the Cape (now Cape , see Appendix 1) between 1652 and 1795, it was only officially introduced to the region from 1806. In the pursuit to control the strategic sea- route between and , a colony was established in the Cape by the . The Anglicization had begun in the area as early as 1803, was intensified with a policy that ‘sought to replace Dutch by English in all spheres of public life’ (Davenport in Kamwangamalu, 2002) by making English the of the colony.

English, previously limited to the Cape, began to be used in different parts of the and the origins of the different varieties of South African English can be identified. As early as 1806, English was taught by missionaries in schools set up in the Cape and later other regions for and coloured people. English moved with the establishment of an official settlement of 5000 British settlers in the to quell frontier problems with the local . (Lass in Mesthrie, 2002) English moved north when in their attempt to escape British rule, ‘the Dutch settlers took English as a with them on the of 1836’ (Crystal, 2005) to the and , this would later become Afrikaans South African English. Further settlements of English speakers in the 1840s and 1850s in and the influx of Europeans into the and other

1 areas with the discovery of gold and diamonds and the establishment of mining camps from 1875 – 1904 resulted in the further entrenchment of Southern in South Africa, later recognised as White South African English. The influx of Indian labourers from 1860, for whom English would later become a , resulted in Indian South African English.

English shared dual status with Afrikaans in the Union of South of Africa from 1910, however Anglicization was replaced with Afrikanerization in 1948. With an Afrikaner in power Afrikaans replaced English as the main language for the business of the state. (Kamwangamalu, 2002) Through the segregation of the people along the lines of race, the English used in different language communities evolved to become different autonomous varieties such as Black and Coloured South African English. Afrikaans and English medium schools divided , which deepened the distinction between Afrikaans and White South African English. In 1953, the regime adopted the Bantu Act, which entrenched the use of mother- as a in the early years of education and the role of Afrikaans was increased in secondary schools. (Kirkpatrick, 2007) This led to the uprisings of June 16, 1976 where black pupils were successful in resisting the implementation of this policy and ‘English re-emerged as the overwhelming choice’ (ibid., 2007:107) as the medium of instruction from senior primary school. Ironically, English was increasing seen as the language of liberation by Black South Africans during the Apartheid era.

From the birth of democracy in South Africa in 1994, English has co-existed as one of the 11 official . Despite the fact that section 3 (2) of the New Constitution of South Africa stipulates that ‘any person may communicate in writing or orally with a government department in any official language’ and ‘any attempt by the government to in any linguicist manner or... allow any language or languages to dominate others would be unconstitutional.’ (Constitution of South Africa 1996 in Kamwangamalu, 2002b: 161), English has more prestige and in South Africa than any other language. English is the medium of instruction in most schools and universities, it dominates other languages in the print media, radio, and the and is the language of government, , technology and business and is used in most interethnic and international communication. (Kamwangamalu, 2002) The importance of English is reinforced below by Samuels:

It is seen by many as the language of power, prestige and status, and as an ‘open sesame’ by means of which one can acquire unlimited vertical social mobility. (in Kamwangamalu, 2002:3)

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South African English – An Inner Circle Variety?

As a result of South African English is classified by Kachru as an inner circle variety, along with other varieties such as Australian and English. Kachru’s inner, outer and expanding circles, characterize the different roles or statuses of English in the and are a useful starting point for understanding the pattern of English Worldwide. (Graddol, 1997) Many can fit neatly into this categorisation, however for some countries, such as South Africa, the role and status of English as an inner circle variety is complex. Can South African English really be classed an ‘inner circle’ variety?

In the 2001 Census, the most spoken languages in South Africa were isiZulu (10.7 million speakers), isiXhosa (7.9 million speakers), Afrikaans (5.9 million speakers), Sepedi (4.2 million speakers), followed by English (3.6 million speakers). Based on these figures, the English speaking population constitutes approximately 8.2% of the population and is made up of 1.6 million Whites (39.3 %), 1 million (93.8 %) Indians or Asians, 756 000 (18.9 %), 184 000 Black Africans (0,5 %). (Statistics SA, 2003)

To further complicate the situation, due to the socio-political history, as outlined previously in the section on the development of English in South Africa, the English spoken by first and second language speakers comprises of not only one variety of English with different ranges on a sociolinguistic continuum from conservative to broad, as with the Australian variety of English; but also a range of autonomous varieties, each too with their own continuum. White, Coloured, Indian and Black South African Englishes are classified as ‘distinct ’ by Lass (in Mesthrie, 2002) or ‘pan-ethnic varieties’ by de Klerk (1996); however this seemingly ‘cut and dried’ practice of classifying the varieties of South African English along the lines of race is unreliable.

The term White South African English is misleading for a number of . Firstly, the assumption is made that all white South Africans speak the same way, however as the English spoken by Afrikaans, Jewish, and other white language communities have different characteristics; this assumption is incorrect. Female Jewish speakers can be described as having a distinctly nasal quality, a characteristic which does not feature in Respectable South African English. Secondly geographic location plays a role in the type of English that is spoken. The pronunciation and used by native English speakers in the , KwaZulu-Natal and differ slightly; this can be seen in the use of ‘tea room’ by English speakers in KwaZulu-Natal to refer to a ‘’. Finally, due to the post- apartheid end to the segregation in schools and the growing non-white middle and upper

3 classes, the existence of these ‘ethnolects’ is not as prevalent in metropolitan and urban areas. This is well demonstrated in the audio clip from The Routes of English Volume 4 (Elmes, 2001) where three secondary school boys from the prestigious St. John’s College speak about their language backgrounds. The boys speak in a South African English that can be described as Respectable with many characteristics, bordering on Conservative South African English, despite the fact that only one of the boys actually speaks English as a first language, the others are a Black first language Xhosa speaker, and a White first language Afrikaans speaker. Although this is an extreme example, a growing number of black South Africans, have access to Model (formerly white schools) are beginning to speak in what is now becoming known as Model C English.

How then can South Africa be classed as an inner circle country, when English is only spoken as a first language by a minority of the population? And how can South African English be classed as one variety when there are actually many different versions of South African English? It would be more accurate to represent English in South Africa as a microcosm of English in the world, by borrowing Kachru’s three circles of English. In this adapted version (Kamwangamalu, 2006), the ‘expanding circle’ represents English spoken as a foreign or other language by the growing migrant population of Chinese, non-English speaking refugees, well as indigenous people located in rural areas in South Africa, for whom English is playing a more significant role. The growing ‘outer circle’ represents English spoken as a second language by Black and Afrikaans speaking people, for who English increasingly used for official purposes, business, education, cross cultural and national communication. Finally the ‘inner circle’ refers to English spoken as a first language in the form of English that was brought to South Africa by mother-tongue speakers and is specifically a of Southern British English. (Lass in Mesthrie, 2002) I refer to this variety of English as Standard South African English, not White South African English. It is this variety that acts as ‘a kind of reference point for all other varieties’ of English in South Africa and to which status, prestige and social mobility are related. (ibid., 2002)

Key Features of Standard South African English

The key features of Standard South African English listed below, refer to ‘respectable’ English as categorised by Lass (2002) on the sociolinguistic continuum of ‘conservative – respectable – extreme’. Respectable ‘is the local standard and used by lecturers, teachers and professionals.’ (Kirkpatrick, 2007: 107)

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Standard South African English shares many Southern extraterritorial phonological features with other varieties such as the English varieties in and New Zealand. In Southern varieties of English, according to Lass (2002) the [æ] in TRAP is raised, sometimes even as high as a [Ɛ] (See Appendix 2). The STRUT/FOOT split occurs with the distinct , [U] in

FOOT and a large range from lower mid-back [ʌ] to central [a] or centralised front [ä] or even a raised [Ɛ] in STRUT. The [æ] in TRAP is lengthened to a centralised back [ä:] or back [a:] before voiceless /, è, s/ and often /nt, / in such as bath, class or dance.

Before voiced stops and nasals (except /ŋ/) the [æ] in TRAP is lengthened to [æ:] in words such as bad, bag and man.

The most distinctive phonological features of Standard South African English as identified by

Lass (2002) is the South African where the of /æ/ to [Ɛ] and the raising of

/Ɛ/ to [] has forced most original [I] to centralise to [Ï]. As a result the words it and sit do not rhyme as are pronounced with [I] and [Ï] respectively. Other features include the /ɒ/ in

LOT pronounced as [ɒ] with younger and KwaZulu-Natal speakers using a central /ʌ/. Long monophthongs tend to be centralised with the [ӟ] in nurse pronounced as a

[Ø:], the [u:] in goose pronounced as [u:] or even as [:] by younger Respectable speakers and the [ɔ:] in thought is pronounced as a [:]. Some ‘monophthongisation’ is characteristic in the pronunciation of , the [aʊ] in mouth and [aI] in price are changed to [a:] and

[Ɛ] in square becomes [Ɛ:] or even [e:]. The distinction between [ʊə] in the CURE and

THOUGHT is retained in CURE words beginning in /(C)-/, such as pure and fury; but not for words spelled with a final <-r(e)> such as sure and your. There is therefore homophony between the words sure and shore as well as your and yore. The [I] in the weak in the words happy and city is pronounced as [i:] and in naked and it is pronounced [ǝ].

There are fewer varietal distinctions in the consonants of Standard South African English; a few distinct variations as listed by Lass (2002) worth mentioning are the existence of the phonemic velar // used in words such as gogga and gatvol. The distinction between the voiced // and unvoiced /ẉ/ or /hw/ in and whales or witch and which is marginal. Standard SAE is generally non-rhotic, with no prevocalic, linking, or intrusive //. There is sometimes the use of a trilled long [r] in words such as skrik, grotty and crazy. Finally // is pronounced as a voiceless glottal fricative [h], but in the medial position such as in the ahead it may be pronounced as a voiced [ɦ].

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According to Trudgill and Hannah (1994), there are fewer grammatical and usage differences between South African English and British English than there are between Australian or and British English. There are four distinct characteristics of and usage that I have managed to source, however there must be many more. Due to the fact that such areas of L1 varieties of South African English have not been well studied, I agree with Lass that ‘it would be premature to try and give any kind of detailed account.’ (2002: 123) The first distinction is the use of the all-purpose response question ‘is it?’ regardless of person, tense or auxiliary, for example: the use of ‘is it?’ instead of ‘are ?’ in I’ going to . – Oh, is it? Secondly, the use of the non-negative ‘no’ as an introductory particle in How’s your new job going? – No, it’s going well thanks. Thirdly the use of now and just now for future meaning in When are you leaving? – Just now (‘later’ or ‘in a while’). Finally the loss of obligative force in the use of must, instead it is seen as request or as a way of giving information. As a result statements , ‘You must come visit us when you’re in town.’ can be perceived by non-South Africans as bossy or even offensive. (Lass, 2002)

The most noticeable difference between South African and other varieties of English is in the lexis. South African English has drawn heavily on words from indigenous languages such as Afrikaans, isiZulu and isiXhosa, and also from other languages such as Greek, Malay and Indian. The result is a colourful and fascinating blend of words which is representative of the rich cultural diversity in South Africa. As listed by Ludman (2002), some examples words borrowed from other languages used in South African English are (‘field’) from Dutch, Apartheid (‘apart-ness’) from Afrikaans, indaba (‘conference’) from Zulu, bundu (‘uninhabited wild region’) from the Bantu language, ubuntu (‘humanity’) from Nguni and skollie (‘criminal’, ‘gangster’) from the Greek ‘skolios’.

Standard South African English is not only representative of the diversity and richness of the people and of South Africa, but is a recognised and respected variety internationally. What is its place in the New South Africa?

The Place of Standard South African English

With 11 official languages and a number of unofficial languages, to also have several varieties of English seems absurd. I therefore propose that the standard South African English be adopted by the government of South Africa as the national variety of English for all teaching and materials.

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Standards of language are the guidelines, specifications and characteristics that ensure quality and repeatability. A standard of language promotes a language system, ensures communicability within a community, nationally and internationally, promotes learning and development and ultimately defines the goals for language learners.

With the reduction of first language English speakers in South Africa and the fact that the majority of South Africans are Black African second language speakers, Black South African English is gaining recognition and ‘is being described as a variety in its own right’. (de Klerk and Gough in Mesthrie, 2002: 357). Black South African English poses a direct threat to Standard South African English. The adoption of Black South African English as the standard of English in South Africa has three major drawbacks. Firstly, it has major differences in phonological, grammatical and other features from . The inclusion of non-native characteristics in raises issues of validity and ethics. Is it right to teach that which is wrong? Such practice would signal regression and not progression in terms of standards. Secondly, assuming that non-native standards were taught, would these standards ensure international intelligibility? In this age of globalisation, knowledge of English and international intelligibility for international business, communication and education is essential. Finally, with the inevitable existence of native and near native speakers using Standard South African English, the implementation of Black South African English as the standard would result in a superior and inferior class of language speakers. This may to speakers of Black South African English being disadvantaged and possibly discriminated against in the fields of commerce and education at a national and international level. As Titlestad so rightly says

The damage once done, would be difficult to undo, and South Africa would have lost one of its vital resources, its chief source of knowledge. (ibid., 1996: 169)

The implementation of Respectable South African English as the standard would not be an easy or expeditious feat. It would however have a number of benefits. Most importantly, in a country so divided, by history, and language, it would cultivate a sense of union and pride in the people of South Africa. Local materials could be developed which would promote a spirit of interculturality further enhancing the unification of the people. The design and publication of local materials would ensure materials were affordable and would also help to boost the economy. Standard South African English has many similarities with standard British English, therefore international intelligibility would be ensured, thus cementing the

7 place of South Africa in the global fields of business and education. With the successful implementation, it would in time eliminate the native and non-native speaker divide, with all South Africans ultimately being native South African English Speakers. Finally the role that Standard South African English could play in Africa, particularly in non-English speaking countries such as where the importance of English is growing, and in English speaking countries, is massive and would be financially and strategically important for South Africa.

Conclusion

English has had a long and complicated history in South Africa and embodies a series of contradictions. It is the language of colonialism and liberation. It is the key to success, power and wealth for those who know it and a barrier for those who don’. It is both friend in that it allows for cross cultural and national communication and foe as it threatens indigenous languages. Despite these contradictions English maintains and will continue to maintain a hegemonic role and status in South Africa. However, it is necessary for one variety of South African English to be instituted as the standard for all English language education in the country. Due to its prominent international recognition, favourable features, and distinctly local flavour representative of the local people and cultures the implementation of Standard South African English as the national standard is judicious.

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References

Branford, W. And J. S. Claughton (2002) in Mutual lexical borrowings among some languages of southern Africa: Xhosa, Afrikaans and English in Mesthrie, R (ed.) (2002) Language in South Africa. : Cambridge University Press.

Crystal, . (2005) . : Penguin Books. de Klerk, . (ed.) (1996) Varieties of English Around the World: on South Africa. /Philadelphia: John Benjamin’s Publishing Company.

Elmes, S. (2001) The Routes of English 4. London: BBC Adult Learning.

Graddol, D. (1997) The Future of English? London: The British Council.

Kamwangamalu, . (2002) The Social in South Africa in . 21: 1, pp 1 – 8.

Kamwangamalu, N. (2002b) English in South Africa at the millennium: challenges and prospects in World Englishes. 21: 1, pp 161 – 163.

Kamwangamalu, N. (2006) South African Englishes in Kachru, , Kachru, Y. and C. Nelson (eds.) (2006) The Handbook of World Englishes. Malden//: Blackwell Publishing.

Kirkpatrick, A. (2007) World Englishes: Implications for International Communication and English Language Teaching. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Lass, R. (2002) South African English in Mesthrie, R (ed.) (2002) Language in South Africa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Mesthrie, R (ed.) (2002) Language in South Africa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Titlestad, P. (1996) English, the Constitution and the Future in de Klerk, V. (ed.) (1996) Varieties of English Around the World: Focus on South Africa. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamin’s Publishing Company.

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Trudgill, P. and J. Hannah (1994) 3rd Edition. : A Guide to the varieties of standard English. London: Edward Arnold.

Internet References

African National (2008) ‘Provincial Map of South Africa’ (colour) http://www.anc.org.za/images/maps/samap.gif

Ludman, B. (2002) ‘SA words spice up OED’ http://www.southafrica.info/about/arts/saoxford.htm [Date accessed 10/12/08]

Statistics South Africa (2003) ‘Census 2001’ http://www.statssa.gov.za/census01/html/CInBrief/CIB2001.pdf [Date accessed 2/12/08]

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Appendix

Appendix 1

Provincial Map of South Africa (ANC, 2008)

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Appendix 2

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Mesthrie, R. (2002) Language in South Africa, xiii - xiv

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