International Commission on the Holocaust in Romania
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Trials of the War Criminals
TRIALS OF THE WAR CRIMINALS General Considerations The Fascist regime that ruled Romania between September 14, 1940, and August 23, 1944, was brought to justice in Bucharest in May 1946, and after a short trial, its principal leaders—Ion and Mihai Antonescu and two of their closest assistants—were executed, while others were sentenced to life imprisonment or long terms of detention. At that time, the trial’s verdicts seemed inevitable, as they indeed do today, derived inexorably from the defendants’ decisions and actions. The People’s Tribunals functioned for a short time only. They were disbanded on June 28, 1946,1 although some of the sentences were not pronounced until sometime later. Some 2,700 cases of suspected war criminals were examined by a commission formed of “public prosecutors,”2 but only in about half of the examined cases did the commission find sufficient evidence to prosecute, and only 668 were sentenced, many in absentia.3 There were two tribunals, one in Bucharest and one in Cluj. It is worth mentioning that the Bucharest tribunal sentenced only 187 people.4 The rest were sentenced by the tribunal in Cluj. One must also note that, in general, harsher sentences were pronounced by the Cluj tribunal (set up on June 22, 1 Marcel-Dumitru Ciucă, “Introducere” in Procesul maresalului Antonescu (Bucharest: Saeculum and Europa Nova, 1995-98), vol. 1: p. 33. 2 The public prosecutors were named by communist Minister of Justice Lucret iu Pătrăşcanu and most, if not all of them were loyal party members, some of whom were also Jews. -
Communism and Post-Communism in Romania : Challenges to Democratic Transition
TITLE : COMMUNISM AND POST-COMMUNISM IN ROMANIA : CHALLENGES TO DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION AUTHOR : VLADIMIR TISMANEANU, University of Marylan d THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FO R EURASIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE VIII PROGRA M 1755 Massachusetts Avenue, N .W . Washington, D .C . 20036 LEGAL NOTICE The Government of the District of Columbia has certified an amendment of th e Articles of Incorporation of the National Council for Soviet and East European Research changing the name of the Corporation to THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR EURASIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARCH, effective on June 9, 1997. Grants, contracts and all other legal engagements of and with the Corporation made unde r its former name are unaffected and remain in force unless/until modified in writin g by the parties thereto . PROJECT INFORMATION : 1 CONTRACTOR : University of Marylan d PR1NCIPAL 1NVEST1GATOR : Vladimir Tismanean u COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 81 1-2 3 DATE : March 26, 1998 COPYRIGHT INFORMATIO N Individual researchers retain the copyright on their work products derived from research funded by contract with the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research . However, the Council and the United States Government have the right to duplicate an d disseminate, in written and electronic form, this Report submitted to the Council under thi s Contract, as follows : Such dissemination may be made by the Council solely (a) for its ow n internal use, and (b) to the United States Government (1) for its own internal use ; (2) for further dissemination to domestic, international and foreign governments, entities an d individuals to serve official United States Government purposes ; and (3) for dissemination i n accordance with the Freedom of Information Act or other law or policy of the United State s Government granting the public rights of access to documents held by the United State s Government. -
Journal of Anglo-Turkish Relations, Volume 2, Number 1, January 2021 Boşcan, Liliana Elena
Journal of Anglo-Turkish Relations, Volume 2, Number 1, January 2021 Boşcan, Liliana Elena. “Activity of the Special Operation Executive in Romania via Turkey, 1943 – 1944”, Journal of Anglo-Turkish Relations, Vol. 2, No. 1, (January 2021), pp. 11-23. Activity of the Special Operation Executive in Romania via Turkey, 1943 - 1944 Liliana Elena Boșcan1 Abstract The Anschluss of March 1938 marks the point at which Hitler’s designs for Europe became clearer to Britain and greater prominence was given to considerations about Romania. Between 1938 and 1941 Britain’s only weapon against German ambitions in countries which fell into Hitler’s orbit were military subversive operations — the destruction of the oilfields and the interdiction of supply routes by the Danube and the rail network — but S.O.E. ((Special Operation Executive) failed. Between 1941 and 1944, the S.O.E. (Special Operation Executive) activity was centred on the revival of wireless contacts with Iuliu Maniu, head of the National Peasant Party, aimed at persuading through him Marshal Ion Antonescu to abandon the Axis and the provision of a channel of communication of armistice terms by the Allies (Autonomous Mission, December 1943). The S.O.E. has taken steps to create a reliable communication channel between S.O.E. residents in Istanbul and Bucharest. A network was made through Turkey legations or through emissaries sent to Istanbul, Ankara and Cairo, or by radio broadcast and by agents launched with parachute. Keywords: S.O.E., Romanian-Turkish Relations, Oil, Balkans, World War II 1. Introduction In April 1938, Admiral Sir Hugh Sinclair, the Head of the British Secret Intelligence Service (S.I.S. -
From Periphery to Centre.The Image of Europe at the Eastern Border of Europe
Munich Personal RePEc Archive From Periphery to Centre.The Image of Europe at the Eastern Border of Europe Şipoş, Sorin and Moisa, Gabriel and Cepraga, Dan Octavian and Brie, Mircea and Mateoc, Teodor University of Oradea, Romania, University of Padova, Italy 2014 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/59276/ MPRA Paper No. 59276, posted 15 Oct 2014 12:04 UTC Edited by: Sorin Şipoş, Gabriel Moisa, Dan Octavian Cepraga, Mircea Brie, Teodor Mateoc From Periphery to Centre. The Image of Europe at the Eastern Border of Europe Editorial committee: Delia-Maria Radu Roxana Ivaşca Alexandra Bere Ionuţ Ciorba CONTENTS Sorin ŞIPOŞ, Dan Octavian CEPRAGA, From Periphery to Centre. The Image of Europe at the Eastern Border of Europe ………..………..… 5 I. PERIPHERY VIEWED FROM THE CENTRE …………………..… 13 Lorenzo RENZI, «Terra Romena» ……………………………………..… 15 Ion Alexandru MIZGAN, The Crusades – Cause of Tension between Eastern and Western Europe ………………………………………...…..…21 Florin DOBREI, Transylvanian “Schismatics”, “Heretics” and “Infidels” in the Vision of 13th-16th Century Catholic Europe ……………………..… 47 Ioan-Aurel POP, 16th Century Venetian Bailiffs‟ Reports on Realities in the Ottoman Empire …………………………………………………..… 61 Ion EREMIA, A False Theory Still Persists at the Eastern Border of Latinity .. 76 Delia-Maria RADU, From Centre to the Periphery and the Other Way Round ………………………………………………………..……..… 88 Teodor MATEOC, Identity and Race. The Problem of Otherness in Contemporary Cultural Studies …………………………………...……..…96 II. SELF-IMAGES AT EUROPE’S EASTERN BORDERS -
Between Denial and "Comparative Trivialization": Holocaust Negationism in Post-Communist East Central Europe
Between Denial and "Comparative Trivialization": Holocaust Negationism in Post-Communist East Central Europe Michael Shafir Motto: They used to pour millet on graves or poppy seeds To feed the dead who would come disguised as birds. I put this book here for you, who once lived So that you should visit us no more Czeslaw Milosz Introduction* Holocaust denial in post-Communist East Central Europe is a fact. And, like most facts, its shades are many. Sometimes, denial comes in explicit forms – visible and universally-aggressive. At other times, however, it is implicit rather than explicit, particularistic rather than universal, defensive rather than aggressive. And between these two poles, the spectrum is large enough to allow for a large variety of forms, some of which may escape the eye of all but the most versatile connoisseurs of country-specific history, culture, or immediate political environment. In other words, Holocaust denial in the region ranges from sheer emulation of negationism elsewhere in the world to regional-specific forms of collective defense of national "historic memory" and to merely banal, indeed sometime cynical, attempts at the utilitarian exploitation of an immediate political context.1 The paradox of Holocaust negation in East Central Europe is that, alas, this is neither "good" nor "bad" for the Jews.2 But it is an important part of the * I would like to acknowledge the support of the J. and O. Winter Fund of the Graduate Center of the City University of New York for research conducted in connection with this project. I am indebted to friends and colleagues who read manuscripts of earlier versions and provided comments and corrections. -
Political Antisemitism in Romania? Hard Data and Its Soft Underbelly Shafir, Michael
www.ssoar.info Political antisemitism in Romania? Hard data and its soft underbelly Shafir, Michael Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Shafir, M. (2012). Political antisemitism in Romania? Hard data and its soft underbelly. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 12(4), 557-603. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-445667 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de Political Antisemitism in Romania? 557 Political Antisemitism in Romania? Hard Data and its Soft Underbelly MICHAEL SHAFIR As in many other former communist countries of East Central Europe1, antisemitism in Romania resurged almost concomitantly with the demise of the former regime2. Empirical research on antisemitism, however, emerged only considerably later and did not take off as a main focus until the establishment of the National Institute for the Study of the Holocaust in Romania ”Elie Wiesel” (INSHREW) in 2005. This does not imply that the subject of Jews, attitudes to Jews measured by instruments such as stereotypic perceptions and/or ”social distance”, or attitudes toward controversial Romanian historical figures linked to the country’s antisemitic past was not tangentially or even directly tackled on occasion. What lacked until 2005, however, was an effort to systematically (among other instruments, employing a standard questionnaire capable of rendering comparative results) place under focus the phenomenon in its synchronic and diachronic unfolding. -
Christian Church8
www.ssoar.info From periphery to centre: the image of Europe at the Eastern Border of Europe Şipoş, Sorin (Ed.); Moisa, Gabriel (Ed.); Cepraga, Dan Octavian (Ed.); Brie, Mircea (Ed.); Mateoc, Teodor (Ed.) Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Konferenzband / collection Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Şipoş, S., Moisa, G., Cepraga, D. O., Brie, M., & Mateoc, T. (Eds.). (2014). From periphery to centre: the image of Europe at the Eastern Border of Europe. Cluj-Napoca: Ed. Acad. Română. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168- ssoar-400284 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY Lizenz (Namensnennung) zur This document is made available under a CC BY Licence Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden (Attribution). For more Information see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed.de Edited by: Sorin §ipo§, Gabriel Moisa, Dan Octavian Cepraga, Mircea Brie, Teodor Mateoc From Periphery to Centre. The Image of Europe at the Eastern Border of Europe Editorial committee: Delia-Maria Radu Roxana Iva^ca Alexandra Bere IonuJ Ciorba Romanian Academy Center for Transylvanian Studies Cluj-Napoca 2014 Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Nationale a României From periphery to centre : the image of Europe at the Eastern border of Europe/ Sorin Çipoç, Gabriel Moisa, Dan Octavian Cepraga, Mircea Brie (ed.). - Cluj-Napoca : Editura Academia Românâ. Centrul de Studii Transilvane, 2014 ISBN 978-973-7784-97-1 I. Çipoç, Sorin (ed.) II. Moisa, Gabriel (ed.) III. Cepraga, Dan Octavian (ed.) IV. Brie, Mircea (ed.) 930 Volume published with the support of Bihor County Council The volume gathers the papers presented at the international symposium From Periphery to Centre. -
Turkey's Role in Romanian's Diplomatic Struggle (1St Of
Tarih Okulu Dergisi (TOD) Journal of History School (JOHS) Eylül 2013 September 2013 Yıl 6, Sayı XV, ss. 355-384. Year 6, Issue XV, pp. 355-384. DOI No: http://dx.doi.org/10.14225/Joh305 TURKEY’S ROLE IN ROMANIAN’S DIPLOMATIC STRUGGLE (1ST OF FEBRUARY 1943 - 23RD OF AUGUST 1944) Liliana Boscan ALTIN Ömer METİN Abstract The present study aimed to to focus on the intense diplomatic activity developed by Romania in efforts to negotiate an armistice with the Allies especially between September 1943 and August 1944. Romania which was joined into the Axis Countries upon executing an agreement with Germany would have felt the Soviet threat on its borders upon defeat of Germany in Stalingrad front. On the other hand, although Turkey had saved its neutral position from the beginning of the war, it had tried to support Romania, its ally in the Balkan Pact, in a political dimension in case the risk of Soviet expansion across the Balkans. As Turkey did not desire Romania to be partitioned, it played an active role in regard to making a fare cease-fire agreement between Romanian Government and the Allies. Starting the spring of 1943, the Romanian diplomacy, including here Ion Antonescu Marshal, the King and the opposition parties, engaging in consistent separate peace negotiations with the United Kingdom using the mediation of Turkey. The paper is based on unpublished documents found in the Romanian diplomatic and national archives. Key Words : Turkey, Romania, Second World War, Diplomacy. Romanya’nın Diplomasi Mücadelesinde Türkiye’nin Rolü (1 Şubat 1943 – 23 Ağustos 1944) Dr., The Romanian Association for Middle East Studies. -
Iuliu Maniu and Corneliu Zelea Codreanu Against King Carol
Reluctant Allies? Iuliu Maniu and Corneliu Zelea Codreanu against King Carol II of Romania Introduction Iuliu Maniu is today regarded as the principle upholder of democratic and constitutional propriety in interwar Romania. As leader of the Romanian National Peasant Party throughout much of the interwar period and the Second World War, he is generally considered to have tried to steer Romania away from dictatorship and towards democracy. Nevertheless, in 1947 Maniu was arrested and tried for treason together with other leaders of the National Peasant Party by the communist authorities. The charges brought against Maniu included having links to the ‘terrorist’ and fascist Romanian Legionary movement (also known as the Iron Guard). The prosecutors drew attention not only to the entry of former legionaries into National Peasant Party organizations in the autumn of 1944, but also to Maniu’s electoral non- aggression pact of 1937 with the Legionary movement’s leader, Corneliu Zelea Codreanu. The pact had been drawn up to prevent the incumbent National Liberal government manipulating the elections of December 1937. Maniu had subsequently acted as defence a witness at Codreanu’s trial in 1938. 1 Since the legionaries were regarded by the communists as the agents of Nazism in Romania, Maniu was accordingly accused of having encouraged the growth of German influence and fascism in Romania.2 Maniu was sentenced to life imprisonment and died in Sighet prison in 1953. Possibly no single act of Maniu’s interwar career was more condemned within Romanian communist historiography than his electoral pact with the allegedly Nazi- 1 Marcel-Dumitru Ciucă (ed.), Procesul lui Iuliu Maniu, Documentele procesului conducătorilor Partidului Naţional Ţărănesc, 3 volumes, Bucharest, 2001, vol. -
Final Report of the International Commission on the Holocaust In
both as a cry of revolt and as encouragement to face the hardships. The manner in which the entire ceremony was conducted, in a synagogue full to capacity, implicitly represented an act of passive resistance. Even in the days of the Jewish Central and of the harsh control exercised by the Ministry of Religions, the synagogue remained a site for educating the youth, a place for recollection and mutual support. In spite of the uncertainties of everyday life, in spite of severe constraints and threats, Romanian Jews followed their traditions, maybe with even with more fervor than in peaceful times. Conclusion The Jewish framework of institutions functioned along the lines of civil society organizations and was closely associated with Jewish daily life and the material, moral, and spiritual fate of the discriminated minority. Even the Jewish Central—an institution directly subordinated to the state—was compelled by the circumstances of those times to factor in the interests of formal and informal traditional Jewish institutions. In more peaceful times, when Jews enjoyed the same rights as all other Romanian citizens and were integrated into Romanian society—at least according to the constitutional and democratic provisions—the Jewish community’s institutions were generally confined to ethno-cultural and religious issues. When Jews lost many of the rights of citizenship and became the object of statutory discrimination, when they were deprived of their property and their jobs, the community institutions were there to help manage the crisis and work on behalf of individual and collective survival through self-management, self- administration, self-organization, and most important, mutual assistance in every life. -
Hatescape: an In-Depth Analysis of Extremism and Hate Speech On
Hatescape: An In-Depth Analysis of Extremism and Hate Speech on TikTok Ciarán O’Connor About this paper About the Author This report aims to provide an in-depth analysis on Ciarán O’Connor is an analyst and investigator on ISD’s the state of extremism and hate on TikTok. It is the Digital Analysis Unit. He focuses on the intersection of culmination of three months of research on a sample extremism and technology and with specific expertise of 1,030 videos posted on TikTok, equivalent to just on the far-right and disinformation environment online over eight hours of content, that were used to promote and use of open-source research methodologies. hatred and glorify extremism and terrorism on the Since the start of 2021, Ciarán has led ISD’s COVID-19 platform. Vaccine Misinformation Monitor, a series of short-form reports examining the nature and scale of vaccine- ISD set out to examine the state of hate and extremism related misinformation in Ireland, Canada, MENA and on TikTok in two ways. The first objective involved the Netherlands. Before joining ISD, Ciarán worked analysing how individuals or groups promote hateful with Storyful news agency. He has an MSc in Political ideologies and target people on the platform based Communication Science from the University of on numerous protected attributes such as ethnicity, Amsterdam and is currently learning Dutch. religion, gender or others. Second, using the same framework, ISD investigated how features on TikTok Acknowledgements like profiles, hashtags, share functions, video effects This research was made possible thanks to the support, and music are used to spread hate. -
Continuities and Changes of Europe in Romanian National Discourse
Lund UniversityLund University STMV 23, 2017 PoliticalPolitical Science Science Department Department Superviser: Magnus Jerneck MasterMaster of European Of European Affairs Affairs Superviser: STVM 23, Magnus 2017 Jerneck Continuities and Changes of Europe in Romanian National Discourse A thematic analysis of Romania`s chiefs of state speeches, between 1931 and 2016 Mihail Nejneru Lund University Political Science Department Superviser: Magnus Jerneck Master of European Affairs STVM 23, 2017 Abstract There are several problems when studying, as this thesis, the interplay between the concepts of Europe and of nation, in an official discourse of a state. One is that these concepts are largely seen as being in a dichotomous position. This research argues about the importance of changing the perception about the various way the concepts can relate to each other. The study considers the representations of the nation and of Europe as correlated. Consequently, the idea of Europe is modified over time according to the political culture type. The peculiarities of the case selection: Romania, as two violent regime changes, amplifies the effects of this multi faced process of conferring meanings to Europe. First, the communist regime crafted its own national narrative by mixing soviet supranational elements with a strong nationalistic rhetoric. This was done also with the use of Protochronism, a Romanian term, describing the process to ascribe, with the use of questionable data and by questionable interpretations, an idealised past to the country. Second, the post-communist elites could not decide what stance should be adopted towards pre-communist and communist regimes. The implications for the concept of Europe were discovered using a thematic analysis on 25 New Year’s Eve messages of Romanians chiefs of the state, transmitted from 1931 to 2016.