Bayard Rustin and the Civil Rights Movement by Daniel Levine
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AMERICAN COMMITrEE ON AFRICA - 198 Broadway * New York, N.Y. 10038 * (212) 962-1210 AMERICAN COMMITrEE ON AFRICA - 198 Broadway * New York, N.Y. 10038 * (212) 962-1210 A QUARTER CENTURY OF STRUGGLE By William Booth President, ACOA On July 1st, George M. Houser will retire from the American Committee on Africa, having served as executive director since 1955. Leadership will be handed on to his colleague of many years, research director Jennifer Davis. It gives me great pleasure to take this opportunity to recall George's achievements and to welcome Jennifer as the new director. George Houser arrived in Luanda this April the very day that the leaders of the Front Line States were meeting thereto discuss Namibia's future. He spent two hours with Angolan Foreign Minister Paulo Jorge the night before the Foreign Minister met with Chester Crocker, Assistant Secretary of Statedesignate for African Affairs. Being in the right place at the right time is something George Houser has been doing for more than twenty five years. He was in Addis Ababa in 1963 when the Organization of African Unity was founded, and in Ghana in 1954 and Zimbabwe in 1980 when important elections were held in those two countries. He attended the All African People's Conference in 1958, 1960, and 1961, meeting Patrice Lumumba, Tom Mboya, Kwame Nkrumah and many others. George met Nkrumah on his first trip to Africa in 1954, and ACOA helped sponsor a dinner in his honor in 1958 which was attended by 1100 people. Kenneth Kaunda and Julius Nyerere were among numerous other leaders who ACOA invited to the US to speak or assisted as they came to the UN to petition. -
Direct Action and the Struggle for Integration Mulford Q
Hastings Law Journal Volume 16 | Issue 3 Article 3 1-1965 Direct Action and the Struggle for Integration Mulford Q. Sibley Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Mulford Q. Sibley, Direct Action and the Struggle for Integration, 16 Hastings L.J. 351 (1965). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal/vol16/iss3/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings Law Journal by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. Direct Action and the Struggle for Integration By MuLorm Q. Smri.y* A MOST striking aspect of the integration struggle in the United States is the role of non-violent direct action. To an extent unsurpassed in history,1 men's attentions have been directed to techniques which astonish, perturb, and sometimes antagonize those familiar only with the more common and orthodox modes of social conflict. Because non- violent direct action is so often misunderstood, it should be seen against a broad background. The civil rights struggle, to be sure, is central. But we shall examine that struggle in the light of general history and the over-all theory of non-violent resistance. Thus we begin by noting the role of non-violent direct action in human thought and experience. We then turn to its part in the American tradition, par- ticularly in the battle for race equality; examine its theory and illus- trate it in twentieth-century experience; inquire into its legitimacy and efficacy; raise several questions crucial to the problem of civil disobedience, which is one of its expressions; and assess its role in the future battle for equality and integration. -
The Cuba Family Archives for Southern Jewish History at the Breman Museum
William Breman Jewish Heritage Museum Cuba Family Archives for Southern Jewish History Weinberg Center for Holocaust Education THE CUBA FAMILY ARCHIVES FOR SOUTHERN JEWISH HISTORY AT THE BREMAN MUSEUM MSS 250, CECIL ALEXANDER PAPERS BOX 1, FILE 10 BIOGRAPHY, 2000 THIS PROJECT WAS MADE POSSIBLE BY THE GENEROUS SUPPORT OF THE ALEXANDER FAMILY ANY REPRODUCTION OF THIS MATERIAL WITHOUT THE EXPRESSED WRITTEN CONSENT OF THE CUBA FAMILY ARCHIVES IS STRICTLY PROHIBITED The William Breman Jewish Heritage Museum ● 1440 Spring Street NW, Atlanta, GA 30309 ● (678) 222-3700 ● thebreman.org CubaFamily Archives Mss 250, Cecil Alexander Papers, The Cuba Family Archives for Southern Jewish History at The Breman Museum. THE AMERICAN INSTITUTE OF ARCIDTECTS October 2, 2000 Ben R. Danner, FAIA Director, Sowh Atlantic Region Mr. Stephen Castellanos, FAIA Whitney M. Young, Jr. Award C/o AlA Honors and Awards Department I 735 New York Avenue, NW Washington, D.C. 20006-5292 Dear Mr. Castellanos: It is my distinct privilege to nominate Cecil A. Alexander, FAIA for the Whitney M. Young, Jr. Award. Mr. Alexander is a man whose life exemplifies the meaning of the award. He is a distinguished architect who has led the effort to foster better understanding among groups and promote better race relations in Atlanta. Cecil was a co-founder, with Whitney Young, of Resurgens Atlanta, a group of civic and business leaders dedicated to improving race relations that has set an example for the rest of the nation. Cecil was actively involved with social issues long before Mr. Young challenged the AlA to assume its professional responsibility toward these issues. -
Performative Citizenship in the Civil Rights and Immigrant Rights Movements
Performative Citizenship in the Civil Rights and Immigrant Rights Movements Kathryn Abrams In August 2013, Maria Teresa Kumar, the executive director of Voto Lat mo, spoke aJongside civil rights leaders at the fiftieth anniversary of the March on Washington. A month earlier, immigrant activists invited the Reverend Al Sharpton to join a press conference outside the federal court building as they celebrated a legal victory over joe Arpaio, the anti-immigrant sheriff of Maricopa County. Undocumented youth orga nizing for immigration reform explained their persistence with Marlin Luther King's statement that "the arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends towardjustice." 1 The civil rights movement remains a potent reminder that politically marginalized groups can shape the Jaw through mobilization and col lective action. This has made the movement a crucial source of sym bolism for those activists who have come after. But it has also been a source of what sociologist Doug McAdam has called "cultural innova uons"2: transformative strategies and tactics that can be embraced and modified by later movements. This chapter examines the legacy of the Civil Rights Act by revisiting the social movement that produced it and comparing that movement to a recent and galvanizing successor, the movement for immigrant rights.3 This movement has not simply used the storied tactics of the civil rights movement; it has modified them 2 A Nation of Widening Opportunities in ways that render them more performative: undocumented activists implement the familiar tactics that enact, in daring and surprising ways, the public belonging to which they aspire.4 This performative dimen sion would seem to distinguish the immigrant rights movement, at the level of organizational strategy, from its civil rights counterpart, whose participants were constitutionally acknowledged as citizens. -
A Tale of Prosecutorial Indiscretion: Ramsey Clark and the Selective Non-Prosecution of Stokley Carmichael
South Carolina Law Review Volume 62 Issue 1 Article 2 Fall 2010 A Tale of Prosecutorial Indiscretion: Ramsey Clark and the Selective Non-Prosecution of Stokley Carmichael Lonnie T. Brown Jr. University of Georgia School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/sclr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Lonnie T. Brown, Jr., A Tale of Prosecutorial Indiscretion: Ramsey Clark and the Selective Non-Prosecution of Stokley Carmichael, 62 S. C. L. Rev. 1 (2010). This Article is brought to you by the Law Reviews and Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in South Carolina Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Brown: A Tale of Prosecutorial Indiscretion: Ramsey Clark and the Select A TALE OF PROSECUTORIAL INDISCRETION: RAMSEY CLARK AND THE SELECTIVE NON-PROSECUTION OF STOKELY CARMICHAEL LONNIE T. BROWN, JR.* I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................... 1 II. THE PROTAGONISTS .................................................................................... 8 A. Ramsey Clark and His Civil Rights Pedigree ...................................... 8 B. Stokely Carmichael: "Hell no, we won't go!.................................. 11 III. RAMSEY CLARK'S REFUSAL TO PROSECUTE STOKELY CARMICHAEL ......... 18 A. Impetus Behind Callsfor Prosecution............................................... 18 B. Conspiracy to Incite a Riot.............................................................. -
Freedom Budget for All Americans As an Economic Plan
ISSN: 2278-3369 International Journal of Advances in Management and Economics Available online at www.managementjournal.info RESEARCH ARTICLE The Freedom Budget for All Americans as an Economic Plan Enrico Beltramini Notre Dame de Namur University Abstract In the second part of the sixties, A. Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin envisioned an ambitious economic plan aimed primarily at eradicating poverty and joblessness for all Americans and significantly expanding the boundaries of Johnson’s Great Society. It never gained traction and by the end of the Johnson Presidency was relegated to the margins of historical memory. While the recent literature on the Freedom Budget has argued that the program was politically infeasible, this paper sustains that the Freedom Budget as a plan was economically infeasible. After a summary of the aims and content of the Great Society and the Freedom Budget, this paper determines that a main point of the program’s irrelevance lies to some degree in the implausibility of its economic assumptions and in the denial of any necessary economic trade-off. Keywords: Freedom Budget, Keyserling, Johnson Administration, Great Society, Keynesianism. Introduction The Freedom Budget for All Americans: budget and self-sustainability of the Budgeting Our Resources, 1966-1975, To program, as well as the denial of any Achieve Freedom from Want (also, Freedom necessary economic trade-off, including the Budget or simply Budget), written under the one between inflation and employment. supervision of Bayard Rustin and released First, the article summarizes the main in 1966 by the A. Philip Randolph Institute, features of the Great Society, President was a well developed policy program seeking Johnson’s grandiose vision of universal to secure full economic citizenship for all access to benefits, privileges, income, Americans via an unprecedented housing, hopes, visions, values, government investment. -
An Interview with Ambassador Andrew Young
Nonprofit Policy Forum Volume 1, Issue 1 2010 Article 7 An Interview with Ambassador Andrew Young Dennis R. Young, Georgia State University Recommended Citation: Young, Dennis R. (2010) "An Interview with Ambassador Andrew Young," Nonprofit Policy Forum: Vol. 1: Iss. 1, Article 7. DOI: 10.2202/2154-3348.1009 An Interview with Ambassador Andrew Young Dennis R. Young Abstract Ambassador Andrew Young talks about the major policy issues of the day and how nonprofits can be more effective in the policy process and in addressing social needs. KEYWORDS: interview, public policy, religion, international Young: An Interview with Ambassador Andrew Young Andrew J. Young is Chairman of GoodWorks International, a former chairman of the Southern Africa Enterprise Development Fund, an ordained minister, international businessman, human rights activist, author and former U.S. representative, Ambassador to the United Nations and Mayor of the City of Atlanta. He also served as president of the National Council of Churches and was a supporter and friend of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Among his numerous achievements he was instrumental in bringing the Olympic Games to Atlanta in 1996. He was interviewed in his office on June 14, 2010 on the subject of nonprofits and public policy by Prof. Dennis R. Young (no relation), Chief Editor of Nonprofit Policy Forum and Director of the Nonprofit Studies Program in the Andrew Young School of Policy Studies at Georgia State University. DY: You have had a distinguished career in government, business and the nonprofit sector. In your view, how effective are nonprofits in helping to shape good public policy? Where do they fall short? How can they be more effective? AY: I sometimes quote Dr. -
Radical Pacifism, Civil Rights, and the Journey of Reconciliation
09-Mollin 12/2/03 3:26 PM Page 113 The Limits of Egalitarianism: Radical Pacifism, Civil Rights, and the Journey of Reconciliation Marian Mollin In April 1947, a group of young men posed for a photograph outside of civil rights attorney Spottswood Robinson’s office in Richmond, Virginia. Dressed in suits and ties, their arms held overcoats and overnight bags while their faces carried an air of eager anticipation. They seemed, from the camera’s perspective, ready to embark on an exciting adventure. Certainly, in a nation still divided by race, this visibly interracial group of black and white men would have caused people to stop and take notice. But it was the less visible motivations behind this trip that most notably set these men apart. All of the group’s key organizers and most of its members came from the emerging radical pacifist movement. Opposed to violence in all forms, many had spent much of World War II behind prison walls as conscientious objectors and resisters to war. Committed to social justice, they saw the struggle for peace and the fight for racial equality as inextricably linked. Ardent egalitarians, they tried to live according to what they called the brotherhood principle of equality and mutual respect. As pacifists and as militant activists, they believed that nonviolent action offered the best hope for achieving fundamental social change. Now, in the wake of the Second World War, these men were prepared to embark on a new political jour- ney and to become, as they inscribed in the scrapbook that chronicled their traveling adventures, “courageous” makers of history.1 Radical History Review Issue 88 (winter 2004): 113–38 Copyright 2004 by MARHO: The Radical Historians’ Organization, Inc. -
The "Stars for Freedom" Rally
National Park Service U.S. Department of the Interior Selma-to-Montgomery National Historic Trail The "Stars for Freedom" Rally March 24,1965 The "March to Montgomery" held the promise of fulfilling the hopes of many Americans who desired to witness the reality of freedom and liberty for all citizens. It was a movement which drew many luminaries of American society, including internationally-known performers and artists. In a drenching rain, on the fourth day, March 24th, carloads and busloads of participants joined the march as U.S. Highway 80 widened to four lanes, thus allowing a greater volume of participants than the court- imposed 300-person limitation when the roadway was narrower. There were many well-known celebrities among the more than 25,000 persons camped on the 36-acre grounds of the City of St. Jude, a Catholic social services complex which included a school, hospital, and other service facilities, located within the Washington Park neighborhood. This fourth campsite, situated on a rain-soaked playing field, held a flatbed trailer that served as a stage and a host of famous participants that provided the scene for an inspirational performance enjoyed by thousands on the dampened grounds. The event was organized and coordinated by the internationally acclaimed activist and screen star Harry Belafonte, on the evening of March 24, 1965. The night "the Stars" came out in Alabama Mr. Belafonte had been an acquaintance of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. since 1956. He later raised thousands of dollars in funding support for the Freedom Riders and to bailout many protesters incarcerated during the era, including Dr. -
The Powerbroker: Whitney Young’S Fight for Civil Rights
DISCUSSION GUIDE The Powerbroker: Whitney Young’s Fight for Civil Rights PBS.ORG/indePendenTLens/POWERBROKER Table of Contents 1 Using this Guide 2 From the Filmmaker 3 The Film 4 Background Information 5 Biographical Information on Whitney Young 6 The Leaders and Their Organizations 8 From Nonviolence to Black Power 9 How Far Have We Come? 10 Topics and Issues Relevant to The Powerbroker: Whitney Young’s Fight for Civil Rights 10 Thinking More Deeply 11 Suggestions for Action 12 Resources 13 Credits national center for MEDIA ENGAGEMENT Using this Guide Community Cinema is a rare public forum: a space for people to gather who are connected by a love of stories, and a belief in their power to change the world. This discussion guide is designed as a tool to facilitate dialogue, and deepen understanding of the complex issues in the film The Powerbroker: Whitney Young’s Fight for Civil Rights. It is also an invitation to not only sit back and enjoy the show — but to step up and take action. This guide is not meant to be a comprehensive primer on a given topic. Rather, it provides important context, and raises thought provoking questions to encourage viewers to think more deeply. We provide suggestions for areas to explore in panel discussions, in the classroom, in communities, and online. We also provide valuable resources, and connections to organizations on the ground that are fighting to make a difference. For information about the program, visit www.communitycinema.org DISCUSSION GUIDE // THE POWERBROKER 1 From the Filmmaker I wanted to make The Powerbroker: Whitney Young’s Fight for Civil Rights because I felt my uncle, Whitney Young, was an important figure in American history, whose ideas were relevant to his generation, but whose pivotal role was largely misunderstood and forgotten. -
Black-Jewish Coalition” Unraveled: Where Does Israel Fit?
The “Black-Jewish Coalition” Unraveled: Where Does Israel Fit? A Master’s Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Brandeis University Hornstein Jewish Professional Leadership Program Professors Ellen Smith and Jonathan Krasner Ph.D., Advisors In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts by Leah Robbins May 2020 Copyright by Leah Robbins 2020 Acknowledgements This thesis was made possible by the generous and thoughtful guidance of my two advisors, Professors Ellen Smith and Jonathan Krasner. Their content expertise, ongoing encouragement, and loving pushback were invaluable to the work. This research topic is complex for the Jewish community and often wrought with pain. My advisors never once questioned my intentions, my integrity as a researcher, or my clear and undeniable commitment to the Jewish people of the past, present, and future. I do not take for granted this gift of trust, which bolstered the work I’m so proud to share. I am also grateful to the entire Hornstein community for making room for me to show up in my fullness, and for saying “yes” to authentically wrestle with my ideas along the way. It’s been a great privilege to stretch and grow alongside you, and I look forward to continuing to shape one another in the years to come. iii ABSTRACT The “Black-Jewish Coalition” Unraveled: Where Does Israel Fit? A thesis presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Brandeis University Waltham, Massachusetts By Leah Robbins Fascination with the famed “Black-Jewish coalition” in the United States, whether real or imaginary, is hardly a new phenomenon of academic interest. -
Waveland, Mississippi, November 1964: Death of Sncc, Birth of Radicalism
WAVELAND, MISSISSIPPI, NOVEMBER 1964: DEATH OF SNCC, BIRTH OF RADICALISM University of Wisconsin – Eau Claire: History Department History 489: Research Seminar Professor Robert Gough Professor Selika Ducksworth – Lawton, Cooperating Professor Matthew Pronley University of Wisconsin – Eau Claire May 2008 Abstract: The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC, pronounced Snick) was a nonviolent direct action organization that participated in the civil rights movement in the 1960s. After the Freedom Summer, where hundreds of northern volunteers came to participate in voter registration drives among rural blacks, SNCC underwent internal upheaval. The upheaval was centered on the future direction of SNCC. Several staff meetings occurred in the fall of 1964, none more important than the staff retreat in Waveland, Mississippi, in November. Thirty-seven position papers were written before the retreat in order to reflect upon the question of future direction of the organization; however, along with answers about the future direction, these papers also outlined and foreshadowed future trends in radical thought. Most specifically, these trends include race relations within SNCC, which resulted in the emergence of black self-consciousness and an exodus of hundreds of white activists from SNCC. ii Table of Contents: Abstract ii Historiography 1 Introduction to Civil Rights and SNCC 5 Waveland Retreat 16 Position Papers – Racial Tensions 18 Time after Waveland – SNCC’s New Identity 26 Conclusion 29 Bibliography 32 iii Historiography Research can both answer questions and create them. Initially I discovered SNCC though Taylor Branch’s epic volumes on the Civil Right Movements in the 1960s. Further reading revealed the role of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC, pronounced Snick) in the Civil Right Movement and opened the doors into an effective and controversial organization.