Economic and Social Council Distr.: General 28 November 2012
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PROTESTS and REGIME SUPPRESSION in POST-REVOLUTIONARY IRAN Saeid Golkar
THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY n OCTOBER 2020 n PN85 PROTESTS AND REGIME SUPPRESSION IN POST-REVOLUTIONARY IRAN Saeid Golkar Green Movement members tangle with Basij and police forces, 2009. he nationwide protests that engulfed Iran in late 2019 were ostensibly a response to a 50 percent gasoline price hike enacted by the administration of President Hassan Rouhani.1 But in little time, complaints Textended to a broader critique of the leadership. Moreover, beyond the specific reasons for the protests, they appeared to reveal a deeper reality about Iran, both before and since the 1979 emergence of the Islamic Republic: its character as an inherently “revolutionary country” and a “movement society.”2 Since its formation, the Islamic Republic has seen multiple cycles of protest and revolt, ranging from ethnic movements in the early 1980s to urban riots in the early 1990s, student unrest spanning 1999–2003, the Green Movement response to the 2009 election, and upheaval in December 2017–January 2018. The last of these instances, like the current round, began with a focus on economic dissatisfaction and then spread to broader issues. All these movements were put down by the regime with characteristic brutality. © 2020 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. SAEID GOLKAR In tracking and comparing protest dynamics and market deregulation, currency devaluation, and the regime responses since 1979, this study reveals that cutting of subsidies. These policies, however, spurred unrest has become more significant in scale, as well massive inflation, greater inequality, and a spate of as more secularized and violent. -
Post-Islamism a New Phase Or Ideological
Post-Islamism A New Phase or Ideological Delusions? 2 Post - Islamism The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan The Deposit Number at The National Library (2018/12/6029) 324.2182 AbuRumman, Mohammad Suliman Post Islamism: A New Phase or Ideological Delusions?/ Mohammad Sulima- nAbuRumman; translated by William Joseph Ward. – Amman: Friedrich- Ebert-Stiftung, 2018 (232) p. Deposit No.: 2018/12/6029 Descriptors: /Religious Parties//Political Parties// Arab Countries/ ﻳﺘﺤﻤﻞ اﳌﺆﻟﻒ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ اﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﳏﺘﻮ ﻣﺼﻨﻔﻪ ﻭﻻ ﹼﻳﻌﱪ ﻫﺬا اﳌﺼﻨﻒ ﻋﻦ رأﻱ داﺋﺮة اﳌﻜﺘﺒﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ أﻭ أﻱ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ أﺧﺮ. Published in 2018 by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Jordan & Iraq FES Jordan & Iraq P.O. Box 941876 Amman11194 Jordan Email:[email protected] Website:www.fes-jordan.org Not for Sale © FES Jordan & Iraq All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reprinted, reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means without prior written permission from the publishers. The views and opinions expressed in this publication are solely those of the original author. They do not necessarily represent those of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung or the editor. Translation: Industry Arabic Cover design: Yousef Saraireh Lay-out: Eman Khattab Printing: Economic Press ISBN: 978-9957-484-91-0 Foreword 3 Post-Islamism A New Phase or Ideological Delusions? Editor: Dr. Mohammed Abu Rumman 4 Post - Islamism Foreword 5 TABLE OF CONTENTS Foreword 7 Introduction 9 Chapter 1 — Post-Islamism: Problems of the Term and Concept 21 Study 1: From Islamism to Post-Islamism: An Examination of Concepts and Theses, Hassan Abu Hanieh 23 Study 2: “Post-Islamism”: Lessons from Arab Revolutions, Luz Gómez 57 Study 3: The Failure of Political Islam: Ideological Delusions and Socio- logical Realities, Dr. -
The Incongruous Nature of Islamist Anti-Imperialism
ISLAMISM AND EMPIRE: THE INCONGRUOUS NATURE OF ISLAMIST ANTI-IMPERIALISM ASEF BAYAT n animated debate is under way within the Left, the Right, and among AIslamists themselves about the status of current Islamist movements vis- à-vis neoliberal imperialism. Rightist circles are clear that Islamism is a re- gressive, anti-modern and violent movement that poses the greatest threat to the ‘free world’. Islamism represents, in their view, a ‘totalitarian ideology’, a ‘cousin of fascism and communism’, which stands opposed to modernity and to the enlightenment values enshrined in the capitalist free world.1 In a sense, the idea of a ‘clash of civilizations’ captures the ‘objective contradic- tions’ of Islam and Islamism with Western modernity and its universalizing mission. Leftist groups, however, seem to be divided. While some groups see Is- lamist movements as ‘analogues to fascism’, so that the best socialists can hope for is to break individuals away from the Islamist ranks and lure them into progressive camps,2 others consider Islamism as an anti-imperialist force with which the Left can find some common ground. For the British Socialist Workers’ Party, for instance, in the current conditions of mounting Islamo- phobia in the West, an ‘internationalist duty to stand with Muslims against racism and imperialism’ requires secular socialists to forge alliances with such admittedly conservative organizations as the Muslim Association of Britain,3 whose misogynous stand on gender issues in Muslim communities is often overlooked on the grounds of cultural ‘relativism’.4 Others suggest that ‘Islam has the advantage of being simultaneously an ethno-nationalist identity as well as a resistance movement to subordina- tion to the dictates of capitalist world economy’.5 Thus, by mobilizing civil society against structural adjustment, by offering alternative welfare systems to the shrinking role of the states in fulfilling its responsibilities, Islamists currently present the most important challenge to global neoliberalism. -
Revolution in Bad Times
asef bayat REVOLUTION IN BAD TIMES ack in 2011, the Arab uprisings were celebrated as world- changing events that would re-define the spirit of our political times. The astonishing spread of these mass uprisings, fol- lowed soon after by the Occupy protests, left observers in Blittle doubt that they were witnessing an unprecedented phenomenon— ‘something totally new’, ‘open-ended’, a ‘movement without a name’; revolutions that heralded a novel path to emancipation. According to Alain Badiou, Tahrir Square and all the activities which took place there—fighting, barricading, camping, debating, cooking and caring for the wounded—constituted the ‘communism of movement’; posited as an alternative to the conventional liberal-democratic or authoritar- ian state, this was a universal concept that heralded a new way of doing politics—a true revolution. For Slavoj Žižek, only these ‘totally new’ political happenings, without hegemonic organizations, charismatic leaderships or party apparatuses, could create what he called the ‘magic of Tahrir’. For Hardt and Negri, the Arab Spring, Europe’s indignado protests and Occupy Wall Street expressed the longing of the multitude for a ‘real democracy’, a different kind of polity that might supplant the hopeless liberal variety worn threadbare by corporate capitalism. These movements, in sum, represented the ‘new global revolutions’.1 ‘New’, certainly; but what does this ‘newness’ tell us about the nature of these political upheavals? What value does it attribute to them? In fact, just as these confident appraisals were being circulated in the us and Europe, the Arab protagonists themselves were anguishing about the fate of their ‘revolutions’, lamenting the dangers of conservative restora- tion or hijacking by free-riders. -
4 Polisspåret
SOU 1999:88 271 4 Polisspåret Kapitlets innehåll I detta kapitel redovisas vår granskning beträffande polisspåret. Inled- ningsvis diskuterar vi något kring begreppet, varvid vi gör en åtskillnad mellan polisspåret och de enskilda polisärenden, som förekommer i utredningsmaterialet. Vi har bedömt det som nödvändigt att uppehålla oss en hel del vid bakgrunden till den misstro som funnits mot delar av Stockholms- polisen, en misstro som enligt vår analys utgör en viktig del av diskussionen kring polisspåret. Kapitlet innefattar därför redogörelser för bl.a. den s.k. Norrmalmsutredningen och Stockholms polisstyrelses utredning angående högerextremism inom Stockholmspolisen. I kapitlet finns vidare en beskrivning av hur polisspåret på ett mer övergripande plan hanterats inom Palmeutredningen samt av den ut- redning som bedrivits och dess resultat. Vi har delat in framställningen i uppslag som är inriktade på enskilda polismän, teorier som berör polisen i allmänhet och sådant som inte nödvändigtvis behöver gälla polisen men som ändå kopplats till polisspåret. Polisspåret som term förekommer inte inom Palmeutredningen. En redogörelse för den utredning som kan sägas ha förekommit i denna del har därför inte någon självklar avgränsning. Vi tar upp sådant som vi uppfattat som någorlunda levande föreställningar i diskussionen kring polisspåret i den mån det återspeglas i Palmeutredningens material. Någon egen utredning av sådant som Palmeutredningen inte gjort men kanske kunde ha gjort har vi inte, här lika lite som i andra delar, engagerat oss i. Av det sagda följer att allt som sagts och skrivits om polisspåret inte tas upp i betänkandet. Det kan bero på att vi själva inte uppmärksammat det eller på att vi inte bedömt det som tillräckligt substantiellt för att beröra i ett sammanhang som detta och att det inte finns någon dokumenterad utredning att redovisa. -
A R a S H D a V A
Arash Davari Curriculum Vitae A R A S H D A V A R I Assistant Professor Politics Department Email: [email protected] Whitman College Phone: +1 (509) 524-2084 Maxey Hall 345 Boyer Ave. Walla Walla, Washington 99362 APPOINTMENTS 2016 – Present Assistant Professor, Department of Politics Whitman College RESEARCH & TEACHING INTERESTS Political Theory modern, comparative & postcolonial; history & theory; aesthetics & politics Middle Eastern & politics & cultural production of the modern Middle East, with an emphasis on Iranian Studies Iran Critical Race & theories of empire & race; decolonization; Muslim studies; immigration with Cultural Studies an emphasis on Iranian diasporas EDUCATION Ph.D. Political Science University of California, Los Angeles (2016) M.A. Political Science University of California, Los Angeles (2012) Rhetoric University of California, Berkeley (2008) B.A. Comparative Literature University of California, Los Angeles (2003) SELECT FELLOWSHIPS & AWARDS 2018-20 Innovation in Teaching and Learning Grant, Whitman College 2018-19 1 Abshire Grant, 1 Fluno Award, and 1 Perry Grant for Faculty-Student Collaborative Research, Whitman College 2015-16 Mellon/American Council of Learned Societies (ACLS), Dissertation Completion Fellow 2014-15 UCLA International Institute Fieldwork Fellowship (Iran) 2011-12 UCLA Center for Near Eastern Studies, Foreign Languages and Area Studies Fellowship (Arabic) 1 of 5 Arash Davari Curriculum Vitae PUBLICATIONS ARTICLES & CHAPTERS (PEER REVIEWED) “Like 1979 All Over Again: Resisting Left Liberalism Among Iranian Émigrés” in With Stones In Our Hands: Writings on Muslims, Racism, and Empire, eds. Sohail Daulatzai and Junaid Rana (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2018), pp. 122-135 “On Democratic Leadership and Social Change: Positioning Du Bois in the Shadow of a Gray To-come” in A Political Companion to W.E.B. -
Generations at War Or Sustainable Social Policy in Aging Societies?
Lindh, Thomas, Malmberg, Bo & Joakim Palme Generations at War or Sustainable Social Policy in Aging Societies? Forthcoming in the Journal of Political Philosophy, 14 (#3, Sept 2005) Arbetsrapport/Institutet för Framtidsstudier; 2005:15 ISSN 1652-120X ISBN 91-89655-73-7 Generations at War or Sustainable Social Policy in Aging Societies? THOMAS LINDH, BO MALMBERG and JOAKIM PALME1 Institute for Futures Studies, Stockholm 1 Authors wish to thank Bob Goodin and James Fishkin for very valuable comments, and Nic Southwood for excellent copy-editing. I. Intergenerational Justice: Judging the Unknown Future A popular legend recounts how a boy in ancient times accompanies his father and his grandfather as they embark on a ritual journey intended to end with the grandfather’s voluntary death, as he is no longer self-supportive. The boy takes pity on his grandfather and persuades his father to promise to support the old man until his natural death in exchange for a promise from the boy to do the same for his father when the time comes. The story reflects a social contractarian approach to generational equity based on reciprocity across generations. It is likely to have had little relevance for actual historical development. Anthropological and economic research indicates that the few persons surviving to old age in hunter-gatherer societies constituted a substantial asset to the community rather than a burden, not only supporting themselves but actually producing quite large surpluses to help care for young dependents. Following Laslett, we can observe that with the industrial revolution and the demographic transition people survived in increasing numbers into an age where capabilities had deteriorated to the point of becoming dependent on the younger generation.2 This created an old-age issue and contributed to the creation of statutory pension systems and other elements of what turned into the modern welfare state. -
Editors & Contributors (Pdf)
Editors David A. Snow is a Distinguished Professor of Sociology at the University of California, Irvine, where he also serves as the Co-Director of the Center for Citizen’s Peacebuilding. He has authored numerous articles and chapters on aspects of social movements and collective action, particularly on framing processes, as well as a number of books on social movements, including: Shakubuku: A Study of the Nichiren Shoshu Buddhist Movement in America, 1960–1975 (1993), The Wiley-Blackwell Companion to Social Movements (with Sarah Soule and Hanspeter Kriesi, 2004), Social Movements: Readings on Their Emergence, Mobilization, and Dynamics (with Doug McAdam, 1997, 2010), and A Primer on Social Movements (with Sarah Soule, 2010). Professor Snow was the 2008 recipient of the Society for the Study of Social Problems’ Lee Founders Award for career contributions to the study of social problems. Donatella della Porta lectures at the European University Institute, Florence, and directs the ERC project “Mobilizing for democracy: Democratization processes and the mobilization of civil society.” She is the co-author of Social Movements: An Introduction (with Mario Diani, 2006), Europeanization and Social Movements (with Manuela Caiani, 2009), and Mobilizing on the Extreme Right: Germany, Italy, and the United States (with Manuela Caiani and Claudius Wagemann, 2012), and editor of Democracy in Social Movements (2009) and Another Europe (2009). In 2011, Professor della Porta was awarded the Mattei Dogan Prize for political sociology. Bert Klandermans is Professor in Applied Social Psychology at the VU University of Amsterdam. He is Director of the research program Social Conflict and Change. He is the editor and co-author of Methods of Social Movement Research (with Suzanne Staggenborg, 2002) and Extreme Right Activists in Europe (with Nonna Mayer, 2006). -
Utopias and Dystopias All Sessio
CES Virtual 27th International Conference of Europeanists Europe’s Past, Present, and Future: Utopias and Dystopias All sessions are listed in Eastern Daylight Time (EDT). June 2, 2021 1 Pre-Conference Side Events MONDAY, JUNE 14 Networking with Breakout Sessions (private event for fellows) 6/14/2021 10:00 AM to 11:30 AM EDT Mandatory for all dissertation completion and pre-dissertation fellows Through the Science Lens: New Approaches in the Humanities 6/14/2021 1:00 PM to 2:30 PM Mandatory for all dissertation completion and pre-dissertation fellows Moderator: Nicole Shea, CES/Columbia University Speakers: Dominic Boyer - Rice University Arden Hegele - Columbia University Jennifer Edmond - Trinity College Territorial Politics and Federalism Research Network Business Meeting 6/14/2021 1:00 PM to 2:30 PM Business Meeting Chair: Willem Maas - York University TUESDAY, JUNE 15 Mellon-CES Keynote Discussion: Crises of Democracy 6/15/2021 10:00 AM to 11:30 PM Keynote Sponsored by The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Mandatory for all dissertation completion and pre-dissertation fellows Chair: Nicole Shea – Director, Council for European Studies Speakers: Eileen Gillooly - Executive Director, Heyman Center for the Humanities, Columbia University Jane Ohlmeyer - Professor of History at Trinity College and Chair of the Irish Research Council 2 European Integration and Political Economy Research Network Speed Mentoring Event 6/15/2021 10:30 AM to 2:30 PM Networking Event Chair: Dermot Hodson - Birkbeck, University of London Knowledge Production and -
Islamism, Post-Islamism and Social Movements an Interview with Asef Bayat
ــــــــــــــــــــ ــــــــــــــــــــــــــ ــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــ Islamism, Post-Islamism and Social Movements An Interview with Asef Bayat Interviewed by: Ahmed Al-Owfi Revolutions and Social Movements Ahmed: From the beginning of your intellectual career, you have been dealing with questions on revolutions and social movements, and the transformation of their forms. How did you come to this interest? Asef Bayat: I suppose this has to do with the kind of class and generation that I was part of. I grew up in a small village in Iran where barely anyone could read or write, before the Shah’s Literacy Corps or Sepahi-ye Danesh brought a chance for education; but even this went only so far. So, because of the need for schooling my family was forced out of the village to settle in South Tehran slums as rural migrants. This rural migrant status, its underdog designation dehati like the Arabic term fallah, made me always aware of class, status and discrimination. This awareness in the College years pushed many of us in similar position towards political activism. So, I was part of the generation of the 1970s in Iran— with optimism and hope for social mobility, and contradictory attitude towards westernization (loving it and hating it), but certainly pissed off by class denigration and the Shah’s political repression. So, for the people in my position, revolution was on the agenda, and it did happen in 1979. Political engagement with the revolution (its hope and then despair) Copyright 2017 1حكمة © ــــــــــــــــــــ ــــــــــــــــــــــــــ ــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــ somewhat shaped my intellectual trajectory to pursue scholarship on this theme. -
Islam and Democracy: What Is the Real Question? Bayat
Islam and Democracy: What is the Real Question? Bayat, Citation Bayat,. (2007). Islam and Democracy: What is the Real Question? Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/1887/12452 Version: Not Applicable (or Unknown) License: Leiden University Non-exclusive license Downloaded from: https://hdl.handle.net/1887/12452 Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). Islam and Democracy: What is the Real Question? The ISIM Papers represent individual lectures delivered at the International Institute for the Study of Islam in the Modern World (ISIM). The aim of this series is both to allow the papers, initially presented before limited audi- ences, to be shared by the entire academic community and to contribute to the further development of the study of Islam in the modern world. isim papers: 1. James Piscatori Islam, Islamists, and the Electoral Principle in the Middle East 2. Talal Asad Thinking about Secularism and Law in Egypt 3. John Bowen Shari’a, State, and Social Norms in France and Indonesia 4. Barbara D. Metcalf ‘Traditionalist’ Islamic Activism: Deoband, Tablighis, and Talibs 5. Abdulaziz Sachedina The Role of Islam in the Public Square: Guidance or Governance? 6. Lila Abu-Lughod Local Contexts of Islamism in Popular Media 7. Juan R.I. Cole The Ayatollahs and Democracy in Iraq 8. Asef Bayat Islam and Democracy: What is the Real Question? ISLAM AND DEMOCRACY WHAT IS THE REAL QUESTION? Asef Bayat isim paper 8 amsterdam university press isim / leiden Cover design and lay-out: De Kreeft, Amsterdam isbn 978 90 5356 983 2 issn 1568-8313 nur 717 © Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam 2007 All rights reserved. -
The End of the Deadlock in Sweden: Policy Reforms in a Four-Party Agreement ESPN Flash Report 2019/09
The end of the deadlock in Sweden: policy reforms in a four-party agreement ESPN Flash Report 2019/09 JOHAN FRITZELL AND JOAKIM PALME – EUROPEAN SOCIAL POLICY NETWORK FEBRUARY 2019 After more than four Description to improve the efficiency of the housing months of deadlock market (also mentioned in several EU following the elections The Swedish elections of 9 September “Country Specific Recommendations” in Sweden, a 2018 resulted in an indecisive outcome. [CSRs] to Sweden); tax policy changes government was None of the blocks had a clear victory increasing inequality; and proposed finally formed in and the populist anti-immigration party changes to Swedish labour law and January 2019. The (Sverigedemokraterna) received 17.5% labour market regulations. of the votes. In principle, the basis for the On the issue of profit in the welfare government is a four- parliamentary situation was the same as after the 2014 election. More than sector, the heated discussions about party agreement deregulation and private for-profit paper, listing 73 policy four months after the election, the deadlock still remained. sector involvement in basic education, items to be healthcare and social services seem implemented. Many of However, in the new year, the Social now, after many years, to have come to these run counter to democrats, the Green Party and two of an end. The agreement paper states earlier Social the former Alliance parties (the Centre clearly that no private for-profit Democrat policy. party and the Liberals) reached interference will be allowed. Possible agreement on 73 policy items, subject problems should be resolved by to which Stefan Löfven (Social increasing quality controls in these democrats) could remain as Prime sectors.