The Redevelopment of Salford Quays, Greater Manchester Its Impact on Urban and Regional Development from 1983 to 2003

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disP - The Planning Review

Publication Date: 1996

Permanent Link: https://doi.org/10.3929/ethz-a-000981948

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ETH Library DISP 154 2 2003 Martina Koll-Schretzenmayr

Seaports – Airports – Teleports

Das lateinische Wort portus (Hafen) lei- doch heute nicht direkt mit der ökonomi- funktionalen «Entfremdung» der moder- tet sich ab von porta (Tor, Pforte): Der schen Bedeutung der Stadtregion, in der nen, computerisierten und auf den in Hafen verstanden als Tor einer Stadt zu er ansässig ist, korrelieren. Ebenso hat globalen, hierarchisch organisierten den Weltmeeren. Häfen sichern jedoch sich die einstmals enge funktionale Be- Netzwerken stattfindenden Container- zu Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts nicht ziehung zwischen Hafen, industrieller umschlag ausgerichteten Seehäfen von nur den Zugang zum Schiffsverkehr, Produktion, Handel und Dienstleistun- ihren Stadtregionen. Trotz aller Poten- sondern ebenso zum Luftverkehr und zu gen in einer Stadt abgeschwächt. ziale, welche diese Areale für die Stadt- globalen Informations- und Kommunika- Parallel dazu wird zunehmend die Flui- entwicklung mitbringen, erfordert es tionsnetzwerken. dität und Globalisierung der Logistik- enorme Kraftanstrengungen und Vorin- Aber nicht nur die inhaltliche Bedeutung bzw. Luftverkehrsmärkte in den immobi- vestitionen der öffentlichen Hand wie des Wortes «Hafen» hat eine Auswei- len Hub-Infrastrukturen spürbar. Denn auch von Privaten, um die Hafenbra- tung erfahren. Auch das Verhältnis von die grossen See- und Flughäfen werden chen aus ihrem Dornröschenschlaf zu Hafen und Stadt hat sich in der zweiten immer mehr zum Spielball in dem in in- erwecken. Zu den Hemmnissen zählen Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts verändert. ternationalen Allianzen agierenden Ge- Bodenkontaminationen, unterhaltsinten- Das traditionelle Verständnis assoziiert füge von Transport- und Logistikunter- sive Kaianlagen und der notwendige eine enge räumliche und funktionale Be- nehmen. Dies bleibt nicht ohne Auswir- Rückbau von Gebäuden und Hafeninf- ziehung von Hafen und Stadt – man kungen auf die «Gastgeber-Regionen». rastrukturen. Und das Beispiel des denke an historische Darstellungen von Trotz der Vision einer allgegenwärtigen Frankfurter Osthafens zeigt, dass sich in Venedig, Brügge oder Barcelona. Der Zugänglichkeit modernster Informations- der Konkurrenz um die Lagegunst nicht Hafen als Tor zur Welt – die grosse Frei- und Kommunikationsinfrastruktur bilden immer Wohn- und Büronutzungen durch- heit, Abenteuerlust und eine Prise Fern- sich auch im ICT-Bereich vermehrt Tele- setzen. Nach einer jahrelangen Pla- weh vermengen sich traditionell mit ei- Hubs heraus, die für ausgesuchte Räu- nungsübung, die eine Umnutzung des nem farbenfrohen Gemisch von Waren me – oft im Herzen einer Metropole – Hafenareals zum Ziel hatte, votierten aus fremden Ländern, anderen Kulturen eine hohe Dichte an Hochleistungsda- die Stadtverordneten 1997 schliesslich und babylonischem Sprachgewirr. Bis tennetzwerken anbieten und sich zudem dafür, den Osthafen zu einem funktiona- ins frühe 20. Jahrhundert waren Handel durch eine hohe Konzentration von len, effizienten Zentrum des Güterum- und Gewerbe in einer Hafenstadt unmit- face-to-face-Kontakten einer global agie- schlags auszubauen. telbar auf den Seehafen ausgerichtet. renden Elite auszeichnen. Diese «gloka- Im Zeitalter des Containers aber hat sich le» Infrastruktur der Logistik- und Data- der Warenfluss, der in Häfen abge- Enklaven bietet eine hochwertige Ver- wickelt wird, gleichsam anonymisiert. bindungsqualität zwischen den einzel- Und infolge der Umstellung auf den nen TeleHubs der ICT-Netzwerke sowie Containerverkehr sind die Seehäfen in zwischen den grossen Hubs des Luft- den vergangenen fünfzig Jahren räum- und Seeverkehrs, grenzt aber in zuneh- lich immer weiter an die Peripherie der mendem Masse grosse Teile von Metro- Stadtregionen gewandert. Zwar darf polräumen und deren Hinterland aus. nicht vergessen werden, dass es bereits See- und Flughäfen haben sich zu multi- vor 2000 Jahren peripher zu einer Stadt modalen Logistikknoten entwickelt, Flug- gelegene Häfen gab: Beispielsweise häfen werden zunehmend zu Business- diente das an der Tiber-Mündung ge- centern und Einkaufsmalls ausgebaut. legene Ostia der Metropole Rom als Übrig geblieben sind aufgelassene Ha- Handels- und Kriegshafen oder die dem fenareale, die von Developern zu neuen Festland vorgelagerte Laguneninsel Stadtteilen umgebaut werden. In den Grado dem oberitalienischen Handels- vergangenen zwei Jahrzehnten hat sich platz, Provinzhauptort und Bischofssitz insbesondere die Revitalisierung von Aquileia als Seehafen. Doch in diesen aufgelassenen Hafenstandorten in in- Fällen war der Hafen in seiner Funktion nenstadtnahen Lagen zum Dauerbren- als Umschlagplatz lokal auf den zu- ner entwickelt. Wohnen und Arbeiten gehörigen «metropolitanen» Handels- am Wasser erfreut sich wachsender Be- platz orientiert. Seit der Mitte des letz- liebtheit und bietet gleichzeitig die ten Jahrhunderts haben sich Hubs im Chance, neues urbanes Leben in die oft- Schiffs- wie im Luftverkehr überwiegend mals als Hinterhofsituation empfunde- zu Umschlagplätzen in einem dichten nen maritimen Stadträume zu bringen. Netz von globalen Waren- und Perso- Die Rückführung der traditionellen Ha- nenflüssen entwickelt. Die Grösse und fenareale in das lokale urbane Umfeld Leistungsfähigkeit eines Hubs muss je- steht im Kontrast zur räumlichen und DISP 154 3 2003 Martina Koll-Schretzenmayr

Seaports – Airports – Teleports

The Latin word “portus” (port) is de- tween the port, local industrial produc- years of planning and discussion origi- rived from “porta”, the word for gate, tion, trade, and services has been weak- nally aimed at transforming the func- with the port being understood as a ened. In addition, the increasing fluidity tional character of the Osthafen district, gate to the seas and oceans. Yet at the and globalisation of logistics and air the city council voted to expand the port beginning of the 21st century, “ports” transport markets is evidenced in ever into a more robust and efficient transit not only guarantee access to maritime more immobile hub infrastructures, as centre for goods. transport, but also to air travel and large sea and airports turn into pawns global information and communications of transport and logistics corporations Translation: Martin Gahbauer, Birmingham networks. operating in a web of international al- It is not only the substantive meaning liances. The regions witnessing these of the word “port” that has expanded in developments have not been left unaf- the last century, but also the relationship fected. between ports and their associated Despite the vision of a fully accessible cities. The traditional understanding of information infrastructure, individual this relationship has focused on a nar- “telehubs” have been emerging in se- row spatial and functional connection lected areas – often in the heart of ur- between city and port, as can be in- ban regions – and offering a high con- ferred from historical depictions of port centration of advanced data networking cities such as Venice or Barcelona. Until and effective face-to-face contact to a the early 20th century, trade in a port globally active class of elites. While this city was concentrated in the port district “glocal” logistics and data infrastructure and its immediate surroundings. Since offers linkages of unprecedented quality the middle of the last century, however, between the different telehubs as well as hubs in sea and air transport have de- the major sea and airports, it also ex- veloped into transit points within a cludes large chunks of metropolitan dense global network of human and spaces and their hinterland. commercial travel. The port as a gate to Over the past two decades, the task of the world, where freedom and the spirit revitalizing crumbling port districts in of adventure emerge from the colorful proximity to city centers has become a mix of foreign goods, cultures, and lan- particularly burning issue. Meanwhile, guages, is being superseded by con- the popularity of living and working tainer hubs that relegate the flow of along waterfronts is growing and goods to a state of anonymity. In addi- thereby lending support to efforts at ur- tion, sea ports have increasingly been ban renewal of rundown port districts. pushed towards the periphery of city re- The integration of traditional port dis- gions over the last fifty years as a result tricts into their local urban surroundings of the conversion to container traffic. stands in stark contrast to the increas- One should not forget, however, that ingly widespread spatial and functional ports on the periphery of a city also ex- estrangement of modern and computer- isted over 2000 years ago. For exam- ized seaports focused on global con- ple, the town of Ostia, situated at the tainer traffic from their respective city re- mouth of the Tiber river, served as a gions. Yet despite the potential for urban commercial and military port for the Ro- development that these areas bring with man empire. In addition, the lagoon-is- them, tremendous effort, as well as sig- land of Grado acted as a port for the nificant amounts of both public and pri- city of Aquileia, an important commer- vate investment, are needed to revitalize cial and political centre in the Northeast these districts and grant them a modern of Italy. But in these cases the port – in urban flavor. The many hurdles include contrast to contemporary transport hubs ground contamination and the neces- – was oriented locally toward the asso- sary redesign and reconstruction of ciated “metropolitan” trade area. To- buildings and port infrastructure. And day, the size and traffic volume of a hub the example of the Osthafen (East port) no longer has to be directly correlated in Frankfurt/Main demonstrates that it is with the economic significance of the not always apartment and office com- city region it is located in, and the for- plexes that win the bidding wars for the merly tight functional relationship be- prime location offered by ports. After DISP 154 4 2003 Kees Christiaanse

Housing in Harbours in Holland

With harbour activities vanishing from the centre, the Dutch harbour cities have acquired a vast amount of redevelopment land, where the first projects started in the 1970s. The article describes the evolution of conceptional and political at- titudes from the 1970s to today, reflected and illustrated in a number of urban and architectural projects in the cities of Am- sterdam and Rotterdam. Gradually it be- comes obvious that providing housing in harbours is the key to urban revitaliza- tion, but that sustainable harbour neighborhoods can only produce a true form of Figure 1: Delta-Works, Zeeland urbanity when they have a carefully developed mixture of functions that also the land with water-related projects into ties to create new “rural landscapes” is consider the existing structures and activ- a blueprint for the eternal leisure soci- best shown in the Oostvaardersplassen ities. To achieve this, a sensible organisa- ety. in the Flevopolders (Figure 3), where hy- These projects consisted either of drotechnical problems resulted in an un- tion of stakeholder management is indis- enormous land-winning projects that intended landscape that developed into pensible as well as a phasing concept, in created a new dune-wall in front of the one of the most important natural which private investment runs parallel North Sea coast, like the Waterman reserves in Europe within 25 years. and complementary to public investment. scheme (Figure 2), projects that (re)- Apart from many sorts of birds that had flood the grasslands of obsolete agricul- long ago disappeared from Holland, tural areas, or new housing districts in the area is now inhabited by buffalo former harbours. The endless possibili- and wild horses. These horses origi- There is a beautiful book on Holland nated from an almost extinct Mongolian called The Embarrassment of Riches by breed, only a few of which had survived Simon Schama, in which the Dutch cul- in zoos. After a breeding programme, ture is described in relation to its rela- they were re-imported by plane to Mon- tionship with the water. The Dutch peo- golia to be freed into nature. Being used ple are compared with the people of Is- to taking over the role of the Creator, the rael, who, not once, but continuously debate about authenticity and artificial- have to deal with the Great Flood. One ity in urbanism is not very relevant for of the penalties in medieval Holland the Dutch. was imprisonment in a room that was The need for intensive cooperation in continuously flooded by water. The pris- the struggle against the water, the early oner could only save himself from banishment of feudalism and the oppor- drowning by constantly pumping the Figure 2: Waterman scheme tunity for poor people to obtain land water out. concessions in exchange for drainage Indeed, it was not until the second half services, led to a sober society based of the 20th century, after the flood of on common sense. In urbanism, this is 1953, when many people drowned, reflected in a paradoxical combination: that the Dutch succeeded in turning the an extremely democratic and decen- water from an enemy into a friend. With tralised decision-making structure within the construction of the Delta-Works (Fig- an extremely centralised spatial plan- ure 1), where the islands of Zeeland ning structure. The “make-ability“ of the were closed off from the sea creating a landscape and the consensus society gigantic lake- and lagoon-area, a true have turned The Netherlands into a cul- leisure-culture developed, parallel with tural landscape (Figure 4) in which the arrival of the welfare state. In the fol- large interventions can be realised lowing decades ever more courageous quickly with relatively little bureaucracy proposals were conceived to transform Figure 3: Oostvaardersplassen, Flevopolders and resistance. This explains the relative DISP 154 5 2003

lack of emotion with which the Dutch view modernisation processes in urbanism. Rotterdam is developing so fast that after just three years some places are not recognisable any more. The city was originally situated on the north side of Figure 4: KCAP: Noorderplassen West, the river New Maas, and only ex- Almere panded to the south bank at the end of the 19th century. In 1940, the most important harbours on both sides of the river were still closely related to the city. Since 1945 however, the harbour has grown over 45 kilometres towards the coast near Hook van Holland. In recent years, the harbour has grown at the rate of 500 hectares per decade towards the North Sea, and occupies a major part of the surface of the city itself. The scale-jump in shipping technology forced the harbour activities, which had had an active exchange with city life until 1940, to leave the smaller harbours. This resulted in the availability of large areas directly adjacent to the cen- Figure 5: OMA: IJ-plein, Amsterdam tre. The city developed, as did Am- sterdam, from a harbour city into a residential and office city with “Venetian” ambitions. When the first harbour basins became available at the end of the 1970s, few people thought that just fifteen years later the development of housing in former harbour areas would become the key to the revitalisation of our inner cities and even the saviour of a specific form of urbanity. The first areas were generally built with traditional housing Figure 6: West 8: Borneo-Sporenburg, Amster- dam types under the influence of local action groups. In the political climate of the 1970s, it was the only place for enough social housing to solve the housing shortage, financed by councils and housing corporations, and supported by city renewal subsidies of the state. An example is the IJ-plein in Amsterdam North designed by OMA in 1980 (Fig- ure 5). On a site that now would be considered a top location, 1400 social housing units with amenities were built. The initial effort by OMA to increase density in the area with high-rise buildings and create a skyline along the waterfront was blocked by a veto of the local residents, who had considerable in- Figure 7: KCAP: Müllerpier, Rotterdam fluence on the programme: half of the DISP 154 6 2003

mer mooring place of the legendary passenger ship New Rotterdam (Figure 10). The big difference from its predecessor is the programmatic mix that turns The Rotterdam into a mini-city, resulting from the increasing consciousness about mixed functionality and urbanity that can be derived from the evolution of successive waterfront projects in Rotterdam and Amsterdam.

Figure 8: Piet Blom: Cube houses, Rotterdam houses consisted of single-family ter- monkey-rocks. Traditional ships were raced houses. This suburban working- moored in the harbour and the buildings Figure 9: OMA: Boompjes TowerSlab, Rotter- class idyll in the tradition of garden were filled with pizzerias and cafés, dam cities on a strategic waterfront location turning the place into a popular enter- was an unconscious forerunner of the tainment centre. The success of this high-density row housing projects of the Calvinistic version of Port Grimeaud def- 1990s, such as Borneo-Sporenburg in initely focused the attention on the po- Amsterdam (Figure 6) and Müllerpier in tential of an urban culture in the har- Rotterdam (Figure 7). bour. While the IJ-plein was still charac- Simultaneously with the IJ-plein in Am- terised by an urban sensibility and typo- sterdam, OMA was asked to design a logical inventiveness, most harbour ar- high-rise complex in Rotterdam. The de- eas from that period have a mono-cul- sign was a hybrid: a 99 meters tall ture of housing and a “step-mother” re- building of towers contained in a slab. lationship with the water. The harbour One of the towers was individualised was considered a rest area, where so- into a panoramic tower in the shape cial problems were being restored. of an elevated segment of the Old While city renewal in Amsterdam was Willemsbridge (Figure 9). Through con- confined to the inner city, instead of tortions, inclined facades and transpar- large-scale interventions in the harbour ent views, the towers reflected the water (for the people of Amsterdam the canals in all directions, and, while passing the are the waterfront), in Rotterdam a revo- building along the river, it visually lution in thinking about the city and the folded in and out like an accordion. The Figure 10: OMA: The Rotterdam harbour took place. scale contrast caused by its form and In the middle of the 1970s, the Leuve- height referred to the traditional contrast haven in the city centre was filled with a between grain silos, steamships and monkey-rock-like housing complex as warehouses along the quay and the part of the Waterverband concept, lower residential districts beyond. The which succeeded in filling all vacant OMA building, which was way ahead sites in the centre with human-scale of its time and was the first design in the brick buildings in earth colours, a “criti- Netherlands that consisted of flexible cal reconstruction” avant-la-lettre. In the lofts, was never realised. Now, twenty Old Harbour (the oldest harbour basin years later, the design has experienced in Rotterdam), a project by architect a reincarnation in the shape of the Piet Blom was constructed (Figure 8) that building called The Rotterdam on the Figure 11: Mecanoo: Social housing, Rotter- consisted of cubic tree-houses and other side of the river opposite the for- dam DISP 154 7 2003

lieve that it would be a marketing success. This initial mixture of different activities ultimately led KNSM Island to become, not a parasite on the urbanity of the inner city, but an urban centre in itself. The sailing freaks turned into a respectable yachting business and the Figure 12: Jo Coenen: KNSM Island, Amster- large hall has become a major start-up dam centre and has attained cult status with well-known galleries, designer shops and an Albert Heijn supermarket, the symbol of the Dutch business establish- ment. In analogy with the existing buildings, the KNSM Island forms a harbour pier with large buildings like warehouses (ocean steamers) along a central boule- vard highlighted by the Piraeus apartment building by the architects Kollhoff

Figure 13: Hans Kollhoff with Christian Rapp: Piraeus, Amsterdam

In The History of the City, Leonardo dimensional, and not dense enough. Benevolo defines the transition from vil- Thus, harbour areas can take over the lage to city as the point when people role that neighborhoods like Greenwich begin to practise different professions – Village played in the 1970s in New in other words, when complex networks York. develop. By analogy we could now, a While the apartment towers of young thousand years later, define our idea of offices like Mecanoo in the harbour of Figure 14: KCAP: Java Island, Amsterdam urbanity as the point when new or unex- Rotterdam (Figure 11) pushed the archi- Photo: Ger van der Vlugt pected networks arise from the combi- tectonic illiteracy from the 1970s into nation of old ones. Among the places the background, in the East Harbour where new forms of city life develop are Area in Amsterdam a smouldering fire former harbour and railway sites. In of urbanity emerged. The KNSM Island many cities, there are indications that in Amsterdam, designed by Jo Coenen such areas are ultimately salvaging the (Figure 12), would originally have been concept of urbanity as we like to see it built with new buildings into a cliché, and are giving it new content. Their abil- a mono-cultural housing development. ity to do so derives from various factors, This did not happen because some ex- such as a location close to the city cen- isting buildings and warehouses were tre, a good potential for access, and a occupied by informal activities: a sail- characteristic mixture of historic and boat restoration co-operative, a theatre contemporary elements, as well as company, several carpet dealers, a larger and smaller scales. They allow club, squatters, and other less attractive different uses to develop both informally uses. The city and investors were forced and officially in a symbiosis of cultural, to leave standing some of the old build- everyday and commercial activities. ings that were actually not worth pre- Neither the city centre nor the periphery serving, along with their residents, and satisfies these conditions. The city centre to integrate them into the new architec- is made into an adventure park given ture. One large hall was left for a small up to fun shopping and entertainment, sum to a young investor who rented it and is too expensive. The periphery is out for low-budget high culture activities too anonymous, too far away, too one- because the official investors did not be- Figure 15: Borneo-Sporenburg, Amsterdam DISP 154 8 2003

being accomplished in the meantime search project, Urban Catalysts, where along the Oostelijke Handelskade. the development process no longer orig- Here, a large number of warehouses inates with shareholders (who are only have been turned into lofts, business financially involved in the project), but space, clubs or shops, where next to with stakeholders (who have vested in- and on top of them new buildings terests in local business). The careful di- emerge, varying from a cruise terminal rection of the activities on site, interests, with hotel and theatre to social housing, financial analyses and other factors are exclusive offices, living-working units for initiating a sustainable development start ups and expensive penthouses (Fig- that permits an urban mixture of poor ure 18). The official investors have fo- and rich, business and visionary activi- cused their marketing strategies, under ties. the influence of the informal users of the A simple, but illustrative comparison art and club scene, on mixing low can be made between the neighbour- Figure 16: KCAP: Fountainhead, Amsterdam budget/high culture and high budget/ hood participation processes of the low culture programmes. 1970s and 1980s, and the stakeholder Meanwhile, a project is underway in management that we employ now- with Rapp: a splendid example of cul- Amsterdam North, connected to our re- adays. In the 1970s, the squatters, resi- tural recycling, in which references to dents and local politicians dominated harbour and industrial architecture and the decision-making process over the in- the Amsterdam School return in a new vestors and central politics, a situation interpretation as an idiosyncratic sculp- that was, of course, not real and there- ture (Figure 13). Next to the KNSM Is- fore was rejected. This led in the 1990s land, the Java Island was planned ac- to a revolution: investors and central cording to a completely different con- politicians regained power, parallel to cept. Designed by Sjoerd Soeters, the the growth of the new economy. Now pier was cut into five pieces, divided by we have a more balanced method: real canals, and projected middle-Euro- stakeholder management that places all pean perimeter blocks with internal participants, capitalists as well as ac- courtyards onto the islands (Figure 14). tivists, in an integrated model of com- Along the canals, private canal houses munication in which the influence of were built and along the quays apart- each stakeholder is agreed in advance. ment buildings with courtyards. The The East Harbour Area fell apart into buildings were designed as modules by independent projects after an attempt several architects and distributed in a for a general design vision for the random way across the site in order to IJ-oevers failed. This was commissioned give an impression of complexity and by the city and the ING Bank, under the generation. Despite the flabbergasting name of Amsterdam Waterfront, and result and the pub-like spaces on the cor- designed in 1991 by OMA, KCAP, ners of the blocks, Java Island is merely West 8, and UN-Studio en Neutelings- a housing neighbourhood due to the Riedijk (Figure 19). However, the most lack of businesses and existing users. Figure 17: KCAP: Borneo, Amsterdam. Photo: important conclusion of the project was This is also the case with Borneo- Ger van der Vlugt that the consciousness that the water- Sporenburg, designed by West 8 (Fig- front should not be an attempt to har- ure 15). The traditional scale-contrast monise urbanism, but rather a multi- between harbour utilities and urban dis- coloured archipelago of different urban tricts is thematicised in extremely dense concepts, became the leitmotiv for future and low patio-type single-family houses, policies. This appears to be a general accentuated by several very large build- principle, not only for a waterfront, but ings, among which is KCAP’s loft build- also for other urban areas. The unpre- ing, Fountainhead (Figure 16). A big dictability of urban development ap- step forward towards a certain degree pears to be only controllable by the ar- of mixed functionality is the allotment of chipelago city, consisting of islands with private patio houses that make living- clearly recognisable urban and func- working activities at street level possible Figure 18: KCAP: Pakhuizen, OHK, Amster- tional characteristics. This phenomenon (Figure 17). A real mix of functions is dam. Photo: Jan Bitter can also be observed in Rotterdam with DISP 154 9 2003

tions for the Müllerpier from “The City as Loft” (Figure 25): The key concept here is “loft.” The concept of the loft implies a space for living and working used by culturally committed and globally thinking people. It is a space with character and large dimensions that can be occupied with few but effective means. No wonder that when we design a new building for sites as described above, we say we have designed an “occupied attic.” Buildings in these sites are flexi- Figure 19: OMA, KCAP, West 8, UN-Studio, ble; they have a lot of light, large sur- Neutelings Riedijk: Waterfront Amsterdam the successive development of different demonstrated in London, which has one peninsulas in the harbour. of the most successful urban cultures in Most remarkable in the Rotterdam the world, and is mainly based on ter- case is the successful leap across the race houses. river, symbolised by the Erasmus Bridge Despite all this, these designs are not (Figure 20). Cities mostly lie on one side radical enough to create anything more of a river, like Amsterdam, or grow onto than traditional patterns of use, espe- two banks over the centuries, like Paris. cially during periods of shrinking de- Contrary to this rule, Rotterdam suc- mand for real estate due to the stagna- ceeded in transforming from a city on tion of the economy. Also the difficulty in Figure 20: Kop van Zuid, Rotterdam the river into a city where the river runs s(t)imulating the freedom of the individ- through. This is especially the result of ual lot, due to the large-scale organisa- the Dutch consensus attitude (the “pold- tion of the Dutch building industry, has ermodel”). Knowing that no investor frustrated the ambitions to realise “lofty” would dare to take the first step in such living-working units on the Müllerpier. an enterprise, but would wait until a crit- Therefore, new experiments have been ical mass was generated, Rotterdam initiated, for instance, at Lloydpier (Fig- made a deal with the State and a con- ure 23), where tall towers with rental sortium of developers. Civil services, apartments built by investors are mixed like the court, the tax and customs of- with small-scale projects for “personal fice, the Luxor Theatre and the Port Au- housing”, an extreme contrast that is be- thority were moved artificially to the coming normal in the Rotterdam skyline. other side of the river as long-lease ten- However, all these schemes lack a ants of buildings built by the consortium. radical mixture of traditional “urban” Figure 21: KCAP: Stadstuinen, Rotterdam. Photo: Hans Werlemann The next step was the realisation of sev- functions with large-scale elements of eral thousands of housing units for dif- contemporary society, like distribution ferent income groups, financed by an centres, clean and transparent produc- artificially low land price and subsidies tion facilities and transport logistics. Of for social and private housing. This all places, the harbour is the best breed- partly explains the presence of luxury ing ground for this exciting potential for town-houses. The construction of spa- real contemporary urbanity. For the cious houses with flexible ground floors Waalhaven in Rotterdam and the water- near the city centre, such as those built front in Oslo (Figure 24), KCAP has de- on Kop van Zuid (Figure 21) and the veloped a phasable structure of city Müllerpier (Figure 22) in Rotterdam, is blocks. Apart from the obligatory com- not only the result of increasing demand mercial functions, up-market townhouses from the well-to-do who want to move and cultural amenities, there is place for back to town, there is also a growing a transferium, a distribution centre in awareness that precisely these residents combination with a small container ter- will function as catalysts for a sustain- minal, or an Ikea centre. Figure 22: KCAP: Müllerpier, Rotterdam. Ren- able urban culture. The phenomenon is Finally, there are the original ambi- dering: Group A DISP 154 10 2003

Figure 23: KCAP: Lloydpier Rotterdam Figure 24: KCAP: Bjorvika, Oslo faces and high ceilings. Yet they are not flexible in the usual sense that leads to conventional structures lacking in quality. Instead, they provide powerful, adaptable architectural spaces. In these sites, one can observe that the concept of the loft is also applicable to the larger urban planning context. Re- gardless of the exact shape taken by the buildings, open space creates a powerful, architectonic spatial unit that gives a site a clear orientation and fixes it in the Figure 25: The City as Loft city. It is partly formal, partly available for occupation. Both the open space and the buildings can be made of materials that show the contrast between new and old recycled materials from that piece of land, such as cobble- stones, parts of railway tracks and other found objects. The re-used materials ac- quire a new interpretation and provide historical depth at the same time. The buildings can be free-standing sculp- tures or blocks of urban spatial units. This “flip-flop” effect conveys a completely new kind of feeling for urban space. The depth of the buildings creates specific typologies, often with semi- public inner realms that give the urban Prof. Kees Christiaanse architectural context a two-fold basis. KCAP Architects and Planners These spatial conditions make it possi- Piekstraat 27 ble to apply the loft’s properties out- Postbus 50528 doors and to cause its spacious, dy- NL-3007 JA Rotterdam namic and functionally varied qualities The Netherlands to take effect in the city. [email protected] DISP 154 11 2003 Tony Struthers

The Redevelopment of Salford Quays, Greater Manchester Its Impact on Urban and Regional Development from 1983 to 2003

In the last twenty years, there has been a major transformation in the heart of the Greater Manchester Conurbation. From a declining industrial base with high unemployment, poor housing and a degraded physical environment, the area is rapidly becoming transformed into a post-industrial city, with all the attributes of modern European living. High tech industries, new flats and apartments, retail, leisure and sporting facilities, museums, art galleries together with a new tram network are contributing to this renaissance. At the same time the rivers and canals are being cleansed and opened up for public Figure 1: Manchester Docks in the 1970’s access, trees have been planted and new walkways, squares and gardens are creating a softer and more welcoming environment. The Manchester Docks located at the head of the Manchester Ship Canal, some 50 kilometres from the sea, but within the administrative area of the City of Salford, were virtually closed by 1983. Their redevelopment as Salford Quays over the next twenty years symbolised the changes that have taken place and illustrates the extent of the transformation. This article seeks to put this regeneration project in context and to evaluate its impact on the wider urban Figure 2: Salford Quays Location Plan and regional development of its sub-region. the third Port in the U.K. in terms of ton- were increasing in size and could no nage. longer use the Canal; most importantly At the head of the Canal were the containerisation and increasing links to Manchester Docks with the Trafford Park continental Europe changed the tradi- 1 Introduction Industrial Estate opposite, employing at tional trade pattern that had existed The construction of the Manchester Ship its peak 75,000 workers. Immediately with the USA, Canada and the Com- Canal was a major achievement of the adjacent in Ordsall, was working class monwealth. Victorian era. It allowed sea-going ves- housing that provided living accommo- The early 1980’s marked a low point sels to penetrate from the River Mersey dation for the dockworkers and their in the economic fortunes of Greater into the heart of Manchester, providing families. Manchester. There was a dramatic loss direct competition with Liverpool and In 1972, the docks handled two mil- of jobs and population and the inner stimulating the development of huge in- lion tonnes of cargo; by 1983 this was city areas close to the Docks were par- dustrial estates, exporting and import- almost zero. The decline reflected sev- ticularly badly hit. Unemployment was ing industries and the overall prosperity eral factors – significant changes in the over 20%; many industries were clos- of Manchester and its neighbouring bor- industrial economy of Greater Manches- ing; the council housing that had been oughs such as Salford. By the 1950’s ter – engineering, cotton, coal, steel built to replace the slums was in a very the Port of Manchester, including its and general manufacturing suffered se- poor state and the waterways were pol- lower and higher reaches had become verely from overseas competition; ships luted and contaminated. Much of the DISP 154 12 2003

2 Planning Context all parts of the development are related The Docks were some three kilometres to water. Some places […] should be from the City Centre, enclosed by a wall vast and urban […] other places should and filled with polluted water. There be very closed-in […]”. It was not a tra- was no infrastructure or services; ditional land-use plan, instead it pro- derelict warehouses covered the site vided a design framework; it identified and access to the road network was the main views and vistas, suggested a poor with no public transport. There variety of external spaces and empha- Figure 3: Manchester Docks and the Enter- was virtually no private housing at that sised those land uses that would be vital prise Zone (1981) time in inner Manchester or Salford and to success, those that were acceptable residential agents did not believe that and those that would be unsuitable. anybody would want to live in the docks Case studies illustrated how imple- area, office employment was concen- mentation could be achieved and it pro- trated in the city centre and there were posed that the reclamation programme no shops nearby. should concentrate on the three most im- The acquisition by the City Council of portant aspects of the site: the Docks meant that there was an ur- • Water – isolating three of the dock gent need to reassure investors about basins from the polluted water of the their long-term future. By early 1984, it Ship Canal, with bunds, installing an was evident that there needed to be a aeration system to improve water qua- Plan to clarify and guide future develop- lity to support fishing and water sports, ment and ensure that any reclamation an entrance lock to provide access to works had a programme and context. the basins from the Canal and construc- Figure 4: Manchester Docks in 1983 At that time the statutory plan for Salford ting two new canals to link the basins. was the Greater Manchester Structure • Roads and services – a new road lay- Plan, which did not anticipate the clo- out to provide development plots with transport infrastructure needed renewal sure of the Docks and although there two new loop roads incorporating wa- and the general environment meant that was a draft local plan, this had been left ter, gas and electricity services. those who could afford to were leaving in abeyance when the Enterprise Zone • Public access and landscaping – re- to live in the suburbs and beyond. was created since it also envisaged that moving the Dock Wall, new walkways Both central and local government the Docks would continue to be opera- along the quay edges, canals and recognised that new initiatives were re- tional. roads, a riverside footpath linking to the quired. In 1978, an Inner City Partner- City Centre together with major tree ship had been established for the inner 2.1 Salford Quays Development Plan planting and landscaping incorporating parts of Manchester and Salford that In June 1984, the Council appointed high quality design features. A large re- provided access to the Government’s Ur- Shepheard, Epstein and Hunter, Archi- dundant Railway Bridge, currently on ban Programme funds; by 1981 the tects and Town Planners together with the site, would be moved to provide new Conservative Government had cre- Ove Arup and Partners to prepare a De- new pedestrian access across the lar- ated an Enterprise Zone [1] covering velopment Plan working with the coun- gest basin. parts of Trafford Park, the non-opera- cil’s planning and engineering staff. It The City Council approved and tional part of the Manchester Docks and was intended that the Plan would pro- adopted the Plan, recognising that it adjoining vacant land in Salford. De- vide for the use and the treatment of the presented a unique opportunity to se- spite these initiatives, it seemed likely former docks, the need to install roads cure the redevelopment of the Docks in that the Docks would cease operation and services and show how the environ- an imaginative manner for the overall and that major public funding would be ment could be transformed in an attrac- benefit of the City. Its publication was required for their reclamation and rede- tive manner that would help to secure used to convince Central Government to velopment. The Manchester Ship Canal new investment. Central Government assist the Council with a grant-funded Company, a private company were the had made it clear that it would not programme of works to reclaim and owners and in 1983 they agreed to sell grant-aid the redevelopment of the service the site. the majority of the Docks to the local au- Docks until the private sector was com- By early 1986 it was felt that there thority, Salford City Council [2] in order mitted to investment. was a need to refine the Plan to ensure that government funds could be ob- Salford Quays – the Development that opportunities could be created for tained to undertake the necessary works Plan for Salford Docks was published in the leisure and tourist industries to at- to secure private investment. This was May 1985; it sought to create “a new tract visitors, recognising that these the catalyst that sparked the renaissance quarter of the City which has a unique could be prejudiced if all the site was that became known as Salford Quays. character derived from the way in which simply developed for housing and of- DISP 154 13 2003

3 Implementation through Reclamation, Provision of Infrastructure and Water Treatment Figure 5: Salford Quays Development Plan Reclamation and provision of infrastruc- (1985) ture commenced on a major scale in early 1996 and included the clearance and preparation of sites for development by the private sector; enclosure of the water basins, treatment, cleaning and testing of the water; construction of canals, bridges, walkways, roads and services; relocation of the railway bridge and its renovation for pedestrian use; hard and soft landscaping throughout the site and the installation of street furniture, lighting and safety equipment. It was a complex programme, involving over eighty different contracts, all re- quiring approval and funding from a variety of government and EU sources. The programme was coordinated by an on- site Project Team working under the di- Figure 6: Salford Quays under construction rection of the City Council. It was also (1987) able to benefit from the Mersey Basin Campaign. [4] The Development Plan proposed the creation of a single water fices. A tourism and visitor strategy was aged bars, restaurants and shops close body isolated from the Ship Canal, ex- prepared and recommended a series of to the water, complementing major com- cept through a lock, in order to ensure leisure nodes, a framework for leisure mercial uses. It identified key commer- that the water could be cleaned through use of the water area and a manage- cial sites; major leisure opportunities; the installation of an artificial mixing ment strategy. This stimulated more transport proposals; car-parking; design system. This allowed the creation of ideas and discussion and during 1987, quality and scale required and the likely an oxygen rich environment, leading to various options were explored including benefits for employment, environmental the development of a thriving aquatic a Centre for the Performing Arts and a quality and access. ecosystem. Water plants and artificial Water Fun Centre. The Review set the context for fu- reefs were introduced, together with fish The increasing interest by the office ture development proposals, particu- stocking of Roach, Perch, Trout and market in investing in the Quays, to- larly larger scale offices, which were Carp. The result has been a clean water gether with the leisure ideas and the now being considered as a result of im- environment that has proved highly suc- prospect that it might be possible to ex- provements in the market generally and cessful and allowed the development of tend Metrolink [3] into the area – the the increasing recognition of the Quays a water sports centre for activities such first stage was then under construction – as an investment opportunity outside the as sailing, dragon boat racing, rowing, highlighted the need to update and re- traditional City Centre locations. canoeing, windsurfing and skin diving. view the Development Plan. It also ensured that the key compo- Fishing is undertaken and managed nents that ultimately shaped the future by the local community and the Quays 2.2 Development Strategy Review development of Salford Quays were put During 1988, the City Council prepared in place at an early enough point in time and published a Development Strategy before too much was committed on the Review, which sought to maintain the ground. principles and flexibility of the original This informal planning guidance was Plan, with the aim of seeking “to create ultimately incorporated in the statutory a new quarter of the City which has a Unitary Development Plan for Salford, unique character derived from the way which was formally approved in 1995. in which all parts of the development The latest revised version (2003) sup- are related to water. The mixture of uses ports the Quays as a prime location for already established needs to be contin- the development of mix of land uses in ued but made richer still […].” It envis- Greater Manchester. Figure 7: Salford Quays, water sports (1993) DISP 154 14 2003

has hosted major boat rallies as well as the Commonwealth Games Triathlon’s swimming competition in 2002. Following the success of improvements within the Quays, it was decided to tackle the problem of water quality in the harbour area of the Ship Canal outside the enclosed basins and in the rivers that fed into the canal from up- Figure 8: Salford Quays, The Lowry and foot- stream. Serious problems of pollution bridge (2000) existed, together with waterborne debris, causing health hazards and dis- est from 35 different European architec- and access roads, together with a trans- couraging private investment. A part- tural practices, followed by a short-list- portation building and footbridge over nership involving the principal agencies ing exercise and visits to projects in the the Ship Canal, will be provided. Adja- was launched to undertake the improve- UK and Europe. This resulted in James cent will be commercial and leisure de- ments required, including oxygenation, Stirling and Michael Wilford Associates velopments and the Digital World Cen- education and promotion of public being appointed to prepare a Master tre.” awareness and addressing the problem Plan for the centre on a site in the Quays Detailed assessments by the Lottery of debris and litter. This work is currently called Pier 8. funders enabled the project to be se- in progress under the auspices of the The brief required a “Performing Arts lected by the Millennium Commission Mersey Basin Campaign. Centre and cultural facility of European, for joint funding with the Arts Council national and regional standing, within a and the Heritage Lottery Funds, addi- building of outstanding architectural tional funds came from the City Council, 4 Three Major Projects merit.” It was intended that “the land the European Regional Development It had always been recognised that pub- and water based activities will fully ex- Fund and government regeneration lic access to the Quays was critical to ploit the unique characteristics of the agencies. The Lowry Trust was formed both its public acceptance within Sal- site.” The preparation of the Master Plan to take forward the project and build ford and to its overall success as a re- enabled a wide range of consultations and operate the centre. It was com- generation catalyst in the wider region. to be undertaken, following its publica- pleted in April 2000 and opened with Three major projects have now made tion in June 1992. The concept was the Paris Opera Ballet in a spectacular this a reality. taken further during 1993/1994 with version of La Bayadère. Since then, it the appointment of specialist consultants has hosted ballet and dance compa- 4.1 The Lowry – a Major Arts Complex and the setting up a Steering Group to nies, opera, and drama and theatre The possibility of promoting a Centre for promote the project and to seek Lottery companies from around the world. The the Performing Arts had been identified [5] funding. Lowry Centre was widely praised and as part of the work on leisure and In March 1995, the Lowry Centre was won “Building of the Year Award in tourism and incorporated as proposal in launched at public events in London and 2001.” the 1988 Development Strategy Review. in Salford involving the local community In addition to the main building, the The property recession that hit the British and schoolchildren. It was described as plaza and access roads were con- economy in the early 1990’s had reper- “a visionary project for the Millennium, structed, together with a lifting pedes- cussions on the Quays, since lack of de- which will have a national and interna- trian bridge across the Ship Canal, link- mand meant that it was possible to re- tional impact. As a catalyst for culture, ing Salford with Trafford Park and its serve land for public use, as it was evi- creative and economic activity it will se- wharfside. The “Lowry Footbridge” has dent that commercial land was now cure business and community benefits itself become an icon, featuring as part longer at a premium. not only locally but for the region and of the introductory sequence to local The City Council therefore took a num- the whole country.” It was announced BBC TV Regional News and winning ber of steps to test the practicality of as the “first purpose-built cultural centre building awards and accolades. building a major Arts facility. A series of to fully integrate the visual and perform- feasibility studies were commissioned ing arts in a unique land mark building 4.2 Imperial War Museum North – covering land use, market assessment of architectural significance it would Trafford Park and finance, together with interviews comprise a main theatre of 1600 ca- Trafford Park was the world’s first and seminars involving a range of po- pacity; a 400 seat adaptable theatre to- planned industrial estate, built as a re- tential users, operators, local interests, gether with galleries to house the City sult of the opening of the Ship Canal, and developers. Council’s L.S. Lowry art collection [6] with many heavy industries such as en- During 1991, a limited competition and a unique and innovative Children’s gineering, vehicles, cereals and petro- was held involving expressions of inter- Hands On experience. A new plaza chemicals. However, the decline in tra- DISP 154 15 2003

ditional industries, together with the clo- 1992 and connected Bury in the north preneur, who managed to secure fund- sure and contraction of many firms left to Altrincham in the south using the for- ing for a hotel, a multiplex cinema, fol- much land derelict and disused. By the mer heavy rail tracks, except in Man- lowed by offices in an area of the Enter- mid 1980’s it was recognised that a chester City Centre, where there was prise Zone known as Dock 6 together radical solution was needed to arrest on-street running. It proved a huge suc- with houses and flats alongside the ad- further decline and by 1987, the Traf- cess, with over eleven million passen- jacent Dock 7. ford Park Development Corporation was gers per annum within five years. Con- This initial investment triggered other established. With funding from central sultations with the GMPTA on the origi- developments, including more offices, government, it undertook major recla- nal Development Plan had indicated housing and leisure developments. By mation schemes, transport improve- that there was a possibility of extending the late 1980’s there was sufficient con- ments, environmental projects and se- the system into the Quays and following fidence in the Quays and the local econ- cured substantial private investment a feasibility study; a proposed route omy for three large-scale office develop- leading to nearly 30,000 new jobs. It was incorporated into the Development ments to be constructed, in part to bene- sought to promote major projects and Strategy Review. Considerable effort fit from the Enterprise Zone benefits be- encouraged the Imperial War Museum was then put in to seek private sector fore they ceased in 1991. However, which had no branches in the north of contributions to assist its construction. with recession in the early 1990’s it took the country and was keen to find an ap- Eventually, it was agreed that with cen- a long time for these to be fully let and propriate site, to locate in Trafford Park tral government support and a combina- this inevitably meant that investment on land that was close to and linked to tion of private/public funding, Metrolink slowed and it was several years before the Lowry by its new bridge. Funded by would be extended through the Quays confidence returned. the private and public sectors, the Impe- to Eccles, a suburb of Salford that was it- At the same time, the rest of Greater rial War Museum North was designed self in need of renewal and investment. Manchester was undergoing a major by Daniel Liebeskind and depicts the Prime Minister Blair opened the first renaissance. Urban Development Corpo- world as a globe shattered by war and section to Salford Quays in December rations in Trafford Park and in Central man’s self-destruction. It opened in Sum- 1999 and the extension to Eccles Manchester pursued a policy of encour- mer 2002 and attracted widespread opened in July 2000. As a result, the aging private investment in their areas, praise from the public and the architec- Quays has become linked into a public the Manchester Ship Canal Company tural press. transport network that will eventually be became a major land owner and prop- As architectural landmarks with new expanded to other parts of Greater erty investor, building the Trafford Cen- leisure attractions, the Lowry, the Mu- Manchester, including the International tre, a large out of town retail complex seum and the footbridge are marketed Airport. and investing in the Quays. Manchester together with Manchester United Foot- City Council developed a growth related ball Team at the nearby Old Trafford programme of projects associated with Stadium as a critical mass for attracting 5 Private Investment sport (two Olympic bids and new facili- visitors and tourists to Salford Quays. In 1983, the prospect of investing in a ties including a Velodrome and Arena), “The Quays” is now used as the overall derelict docklands would have seemed culture – a new concert hall and an in- destination for advertising purposes in bizarre to most investors. There was no clusive approach to local business that tourist literature. market for housing and although some was in marked contrast to its left wing offices had been built in south Manches- agenda of the mid 1980’s in opposition 4.3 Metrolink ter, Salford was not attractive for this to Margaret Thatcher’s government. The first stage of the Greater Manches- sort of investment, apart from some as- Its City Pride Prospectus [7] of 1994, ter Metrolink System was opened in sociated with the docks. The Enterprise prepared in partnership with neighbour- Zone was seen as offering incentives to ing councils, businesses and many local assist investment, but developments organisations set out a vision that saw were restricted to traditional industrial “Manchester and neighbouring areas of units in the surrounding area, rather Salford and Trafford by the year 2005 than in the Docks themselves. The City will be unchallenged as Council had made efforts to attract in- • a European regional capital – a cen- vestors and central government had tre for investment growth not regional made it a condition of any grant aid of- aid; fered for reclamation and infrastructure, • an international City of outstanding but it needed the confidence provided commercial, cultural and creative poten- by the Development Plan to stimulate the tial; first stage of private investment in early • an area distinguished by the quality Figure 9: Salford Quays, Metrolink tram 1986. of life and sense of well being by its re- (1999) This was undertaken by a local entre- sidents.” DISP 154 16 2003

Government approved the prospectus dential apartment block. This was area that was dominated by rented pub- and despite a huge IRA bomb that dev- opened in 2001. In its first year, the lic housing; astated the city centre in 1996, the con- Lowry had some 1.3 million and the De- • changed the socio-composition of fidence generated by City Pride to- signer Outlet Mall had over 3 million residents, encouraging higher income gether with an up-turn in the local econ- visitors. groups to live in the Quays and assisted omy provided the opportunity to rebuild The restoration in confidence saw the the development of other private apart- the city centre and secure new invest- construction of additional commercial ment and housing schemes in the vicin- ment from the retail sector; the housing office space, followed by planning ap- ity in areas that previously had none; market became buoyant with private de- proval for further residential blocks, ho- • helped to reverse the population velopers regenerating derelict ware- tels, retail and leisure uses on sites in movement out of the inner city and en- houses and redundant commercial and around the Quays. courage inward migration; premises and a successful bid for the • provided new job opportunities for 2002 Commonwealth Games gave the local residents in the service and leisure impetus for new sports facilities includ- sectors, giving a wide mix of employing a stadium and swimming complex. 6 Impact on Urban and ment particularly for women and young The 1997 City Pride Prospectus 2 re- Regional Development people, in contrast to the male domi- flected these developments and pre- The impact of Salford Quays can be nated industries of the docks and heavy sented an up-beat assessment of the op- measured in terms of its effect on the en- engineering; portunities now available for investment vironment and on the social and eco- • encouraged a new attitude to arts in the area. It highlighted the Regional nomic vibrancy of the local area [8] and and culture, promoting activities such as Centre as a “major economic area, vital the wider region. [9] No detailed evalu- ballet, opera, theatre, painting and pho- to regional and national wealth, with a ation has been undertaken, so any as- tography for local residents; concentration of, both nationally and in- sessment must be subjective and quali- • created a focus for recreation and ternationally, important commercial and fied with reservations. However, it is leisure pursuits, such as fishing and wa- corporate finance activity, cultural cre- reasonable to come to some interim con- ter sports, providing opportunities for ativity, entertainment facilities and high clusions, now that twenty years have young people that had previously never quality education and health provision. passed since work started on its rede- been available; It is a focus and a barometer of the velopment. At a local level, for the envi- • developed a new image for Salford, strength of the regional economy and ronment it has promoted pride and confidence in the the quality of life of local people.” In- • created a clean water area, within city and a new vision for the area; cluding Salford Quays as one of its the former docks, that was formerly pol- • changed the focus for tourism and Strategic Locations, it stated, “The de- luted and inaccessible to the public; visitors to Greater Manchester, by development and enhancement of linkages • enabled the development of fishing veloping a critical mass of facilities such between the rebuilt core and the rest of and water sports activities; as hotels, cinemas, theatres, art gal- the Regional Centre are of crucial im- • allowed local people to use the leries, museums, shops, restaurants and portance in strengthening the role and Quays for recreation and leisure, partic- water attractions. function of the regional capital […]. The ularly the young; For the economy, it has Lowry Centre […] and the Imperial War • introduced bio-diversity, encouraging • provided new premises for inward in- Museum […] will be focal points in the plants, fish and birds to flourish; vestment and local businesses, securing development of the waterways corridor • stimulated measures to clean the wa- retention of jobs and the creation of em- and a celebration of the areas water- ter in the Ship Canal and local rivers; ployment; front up to and beyond the Millennium.” • ensured the planting of over 1500 • enabled the creation of over 10,000 By the late 1990’s, confidence had re- trees, the creation of new walkways, jobs within the Quays and another 6000 turned to Salford Quays with the con- hard landscaping and street furniture; in the immediately adjacent areas; struction of the Lowry and Metrolink re- • developed a high quality design of • created a new waterfront area, with sulting in considerable private invest- its infrastructure and set the standard for a wide range of new industries and a ment. As part of the negotiations for regeneration programmes in the area; variety of opportunities in employment, grant aid to build the Lowry, it had been • promoted architectural quality and such as computing, banking, financial agreed that there need to be adjacent, landmark buildings and inspired cre- services, call centres, communications major commercial developments that ativity, by enabling local artists and and the media, leisure and retail; would assist cross funding by securing a sculptors to contribute to developments; • made a profound impact on the rental stream. This resulted in the con- • created an outdoor arena for shows economy of Salford, by reversing the struction of a large shopping complex and water events attracting many thou- decline in jobs and ensuring a wide with restaurants, a cinema, and retail sands of participants. economic base, allowing new industries units (The Designer Outlet Mall @ The In respect of social impact, it has to develop in the surrounding area and Lowry), together with a high-rise resi- • introduced private housing into an at the University; DISP 154 17 2003

• developed a new housing and leisure market and assisted the creation of city centre living as a way of life for those who would have formerly moved to the outer suburbs and surrounding towns; • enabled Metrolink to be built, linked to the wider network and the City Cen- tre, and extended to Eccles, thus assist- Figure 10: Salford Quays, housing developing its regeneration; ments (1995) • provided a venue for ballet, dance, opera and theatre companies from around the world, a focus for entertain- lected and derelict areas are being the social structure of the local popula- ment and a tourist hub for Greater Man- transformed by private investment and tion. More investment and development chester; the commitment of government and is now in the pipeline and the area has • added to the Regional Centre, con- local authorities.” It has provided the achieved its own momentum. tributing to its diversity and attractive- focus for national events such as the The regeneration is now as successful ness, thus increasing its viability and vi- Inland Waterways National Boat Rally as the original Docks and a symbol of brancy; in 1998 and internationally for the the wider transformation of Greater • introduced new development pres- Commonwealth Games Triathlon and Manchester. A recent issue of the UK’s sures, with rising house and land values Marathons in 2002. Guardian Newspaper identifies five both in the Quays and its immediate cities that “offer a glimpse in to the fu- neighbourhood. ture.” Along with Dubai, Kuala Lumpur, It also had an additional impact on 7 Conclusions and Reflections Portland and Rotterdam, Manchester is the administration and planning of pro- This article attempts to put the redevel- highlighted with its attractions such as jects in Salford. The introduction of a opment of Salford Quays in context. As the Lowry Centre and Daniel Libeskind’s Project Team to coordinate the redevel- an inland Port, the former Manchester impressive Imperial War Museum firing opment programme was replicated Docks had a huge impact on the “Manchester’s urban renewal”. for other major renewal projects. Multi- Greater Manchester Conurbation, they Salford Quays has had an impact far disciplinary teams involving planners, were successful and prosperous and beyond that originally envisaged twenty engineers, architects, surveyors, land- served a wide range of industries, many years ago. It is no longer a derelict scape architects and administrators based in the adjacent Trafford Park. docklands but part of a wider urban ren- were assembled to manage and handle Their decline reflected the changes both aissance, as important and as signifi- neighbourhood renewal schemes else- in the local economy and in the national cant both locally and regionally now, as where in the city. In addition, the ap- economy of the UK in the 1970’s. the docks were in their heyday. A vision proach of an informal plan and design The opportunity to undertake their re- that has become a reality – a hundred statement was also used in other rede- development was grasped in the early years after a similar vision created the velopment schemes to guide decision- 1980’s by Salford City Council. The Manchester Ship Canal. making and enable implementation. publication of the Salford Quays Devel- The regional impact of Salford Quays opment Plan gave the necessary confi- lies in part in its contribution to the dence to the private sector to invest in Notes Mersey Basin Campaign as a flagship commercial premises, leisure and hous- [1] In 1981 the Conservative Government in- and case study in water treatment and ing. Dramatic changes to the environ- troduced Enterprise Zones (EZ) in several regeneration, in its development of the ment made it possible to develop tourist older industrial areas in the UK, together with Lowry and Imperial War Museum as and visitor attractions that became criti- Urban Development Corporations in London major visitor and tourist attractions, and cal to future success. The construction of Docklands and Merseyside. Designation of in its creation as a significant employ- major architectural landmark buildings the EZ was for ten years, provided tax ex- ment regional economic growth point and improved transport access changed emptions for private investors and simplified and as focus for inward investment to the perception of the Quays and planning procedures and controls. the region. brought visitors to the area in large num- [2] Salford had a population of about 230,000 and severe social, economic and As a national symbol of Urban Re- bers. Salford Quays is now part of the environmental problems. The Council had al- naissance, it has always been very im- Regional Centre and is seen as a major ways had a large Labour Party majority of portant. It was used as the front cover growth point in the region. It has al- local councillors in power. for the UK Government’s Action for ready had a major impact on the local [3] Metrolink is a Light Rapid Transit system, Cities booklet, launched by Prime Minis- urban area, assisting in the creation of owned and managed by the ten Local Au- ter Thatcher in 1988 and quoted as over 16,000 jobs, providing over 1000 thorities in Greater Manchester with private an “outstanding example of how neg- houses and apartments and changing sector support. It was the first of several new DISP 154 18 2003

tram networks to be introduced into the UK HINDLE, B.R.; JOHNSTON, D.T.; KEMP- during the 1990’s. TON, R.C. and MORGAN, J.H. (1989): Sal- [4] The Mersey Basin Campaign is a 25-year ford Docks Urban Renewal: Design, Con- initiative to clean up the rivers and canals struction and Management of Civil Engineer- and estuary of the Mersey Basin and improve ing Works. Proceedings of the Institution of degraded land. Launched in 1985 by the Civil Engineers 86: pp. 1067–1087. then Department of the Environment and sup- LAW, Christopher M. (1988): Urban Revitali- ported initially by the European Regional De- sation, Public Policy and the Redevelopment velopment Fund, it covers an area of 4630 Port Zones: Lessons from Baltimore and Man- square kilometres, some 2000 kilometres of chester. In: HOYLE, D.S., PINDER, D.A. and watercourses and is one of the largest river HUSAIN, M.S. (eds.): London Revitalising the basin projects in the world. Evolving over the Waterfront. Belhaven Press. years it has become a partnership involving the public, private and voluntary sectors in a MANCHESTER CITY COUNCIL (1994): City wide range of environmental projects. Pride: A focus for the future. [5] The National Lottery was launched in No- MANCHESTER CITY COUNCIL (1997): City vember 1994, with initially four Funds to Pride 2: Partnerships for a successful future. benefit from its proceeds – Millennium, Arts, MERSEY BASIN CAMPAIGN (1997): Build- Heritage and Sports. The Lowry became one ing a Healthier Economy through a Cleaner of twelve Landmark Millennium projects. Environment. Mid Term Report. [6] L.S. Lowry (1887–1986) painter and il- lustrator of industrial life and local scenes in MYERSON, Jeremy (2000): Making the Salford and Manchester, one of the UK’s Lowry. Salford, Lowry Press. most popular artists. RAVETZ, Joe (2000): City-Region 2020: Inte- [7] In 1994, the Conservative Government grated Planning for Sustainable Environment. invited City Pride bids from Birmingham, Lon- London, Earthscan Publications Ltd. don and Manchester local authorities, to provide a framework for the future funding of ur- SALFORD CITY COUNCIL (1985): Salford ban projects. Quays – Development Plan for Salford [8] So far as the local area is concerned, it is Docks. best to define this in respect of the inner core SALFORD CITY COUNCIL (1988): Salford of the Greater Manchester conurbation – Quays – Development Strategy Review. most of Salford, inner Manchester, and inner SALFORD CITY COUNCIL (1995): Unitary Trafford – an area mostly within the M60 Mo- Development Plan. torway. [9] The region is the standard region of SALFORD CITY COUNCIL (2002): The Story North West England (Greater Manchester, of Salford Quays. Merseyside, Cheshire, Lancashire and Cum- TAYLOR, Ian; EVANS, Karen; and FRASER, bria). Penny (1996): A Tale of Two Cities: A Study in Manchester and Sheffield. London, Rout- ledge. WHITE, K. N.; BELLINGER, E.G.; SAUL, A.J.; References SYMES, M.; and HENDRY, K. (eds., 1993): CABINET OFFICE (1988): Action for Cities. Urban Waterside Regeneration: Problems London, HMSO. and Prospects. Chichester, Ellis Horwood Limited. DODSON, Sean (2003): Forward Planning: Five Cities that Offer a Glimpse to the Future. WHITE, H.P. (ed., 1980): The Continuing In: The Guardian, 11 January 2003. Conurbation: Change and Development in Greater Manchester. Farnborough, Gower GREEN, Charles (1993): The Manchester, Publishing. Salford and Trafford Integrated Development Operation (MST IDO): A Programme for Re- generation. In: ROBERTS, Peter; STRUTHERS, Tony Struthers Tony and SACKS, Jeffrey (eds.): Managing Former Director of Development Services and the Metropolis, Metropolitan Renaissance: Deputy Chief Executive New Life for Old City Regions. London, Ave- City of Salford, Civic Centre bury. Chorley Road GREATER MANCHESTER COUNCIL (1981, Manchester M27 5BW 1986): Greater Manchester Structure Plan, UK Approved Written Statement. [email protected] DISP 154 19 2003 John McCarthy

Spatial Planning, Tourism and Regeneration in Historic Port Cities

Many historic port cities have in recent sures, which have been combined with riod; and importance of cruise travel for decades experienced redevelopment for opportunities for redevelopment arising the economy of the region or city (Brut- new “post-industrial” uses, often related from industrial relocation. Such pro- tomesso 2001a). The number of passen- cesses may provide the potential for cre- gers provides perhaps the clearest indi- to tourism. Such uses may offer the po- ating more sustainable and liveable cator of cruise market activity, and in tential for creating more sustainable and cities, for instance by allowing re-use of 2000, there were 10 million cruise pas- liveable cities, for instance by means of land and increased mixing of uses sengers, with 7.5 million from the USA greater mixing of uses, and re-use of va- (Millspaugh 2001; Kotval and Mullin and 2 million from Europe. Hence the cant or under-used land. Equally, how- 2001). However, the replacement of cruise market in the USA represents port or industrial uses by tourism-related around 2% of the US tourism market, ever, they may lead to problems such as uses in such cities does not necessarily while the cruise market in Europe repre- erosion of heritage, and loss of amenity lead to a more sustainable environment, sents less than 1% of the European through congestion and pollution. Such and there is often a tension between tourism market. issues are crucial to the future of many aims for heritage preservation and eco- In the Mediterranean, the cruise mar- Mediterranean port cities, since increas- nomic development (Marshall 2001). ket has been expanding around 11 to Moreover, Mediterranean port cities of- 12% per annum since 1992, with an ing pressures for tourism-based uses in ten exist within a relatively congested average cumulative increase of 137% the region are exacerbating conflicts be- coastal environment, which may lead to in the nine years since 1992. This is due tween economic development and her- conflict between port and tourism-based to a number of factors. First, the cruise itage preservation in many cities. The uses; in Italy, for instance, the need for market is aided by the diversity of the case of Valletta’s cruise passenger termi- new tourism and residential uses has led Mediterranean region, which enables to conflict with the demands of port au- innovative itineraries for cruises to be nal illustrates such tensions and pres- thorities (Seassaro 2001). arranged within a relatively small area. sures, and suggests implications of rele- This paper uses the issue of cruise pas- Consequently, cruise companies have vance to historic port cities in other con- senger terminal developments to ex- begun to look to the Mediterranean as texts. plore the way environmental and eco- both a source market and a cruise desti- nomic objectives are resolved in historic nation. Second, there have been recent port cities. The example of such a devel- improvements in security standards and opment in Valletta in Malta is used to il- port facilities such as passenger termi-

This article is based on a paper presented to the lustrate basic issues and themes, and to nals. Third, the global cruise market has Third Joint ACSP/AESOP Congress, Leuven/Bel- suggest lessons for other contexts. expanded significantly in terms of ca- gium, July 8–12, 2003. pacity, with larger ships and a bigger cruising season. As a result of such fac- 1 Introduction 2Cruise Passenger tors, fifty cruise ships (many able to The post-industrial development of port Terminal Developments carry over 2000 passengers) are cities has in recent years involved a The demand for cruise passenger termi- planned for construction between 2001 range of new land uses such as housing, nal developments is derived from the and 2005, resulting in an extra commercial and recreation, as well as function of the tourist cruise industry. 140,000 berths of which 25 to 30% of tourism-related uses (McCarthy 1995, This industry expanded significantly in which will be based in Europe (Capoc- 1998), and an extensive literature has the 1960s, and in the 1980s and accia 2001). emerged that seeks to explain such 1990s, when an element of standardis- In order to explore the effects of processes from an economic, geograph- ation was introduced. This expansion tourism-related development in historic ical or spatial planning perspective led to the provision of increased capac- port cities, the positive and negative ef- (for instance Hoyle 1996; Hoyle et al. ity in terms of both ships and terminal fa- fects of such developments – using the 1981, 1988; Malone 1996; Breen and cilities, as well as reorganisation of example of cruise passenger terminals – Rigby 1994, 1996). In many Mediter- many of the operating companies in- will now be considered. ranean port cities, the shift of industrial volved, by means of acquisitions and uses away from port areas, often as a mergers, creating fewer, larger compa- 2.1 Positive Effects consequence of development of road nies which increasingly operated over Tourism-related development can un- and rail infrastructure, has led these larger areas. More recent growth in the doubtedly bring about regenerative out- cities to capitalise on their advantages cruise industry is shown by an increase comes in city waterfront areas (Kotval of location and climate in order to cre- in all the following indicators: flows of and Mullin 2001). This has led to com- ate a new tourism-based role. Indeed, travellers; cruise ships built (as well as petition amongst port cities for such de- the Mediterranean region has increased increase in size and capacity); number velopment, and the visitor numbers and its share of global tourism since 1991; of trips on offer; cruise terminals started associated spending power that they this has brought high development pres- and completed; length of operating pe- bring (Millspaugh 2001). In particular, DISP 154 20 2003

cruise passenger terminals can bring fered to ship owners. In addition, many other adverse environmental impacts economic benefits for the cities and re- services provided on land do not bene- (Bruttomesso 2001a), to which the regu- gions involved, including the generation fit local companies since they are con- latory infrastructure was often slow to re- of new service industries in the wider tracted by the cruise companies them- spond. Clearly, areas of heritage value port area (Figueira de Sousa 2001). selves, and income from products sold are likely to be highly vulnerable to such They may also generate additional rev- on board ships accrues direct to ship impacts (Marshall 2001b). One way in enues as a result of year-round activi- owners (Figueira de Sousa 2001). which the evaluation of such develop- ties; this is because such terminals may, Moreover, tourism-related regeneration ments could be progressed would be by where they are open to the general pub- strategies for economic regeneration the application of generic criteria to as- lic, act as a venue for activities such as may create long-term vulnerability to ex- certain the potential contribution of concerts, conferences, exhibitions and ternal factors such as visitor numbers cruise-related development schemes in retail uses, in addition to their primary (Bianchini 1993). Furthermore, cruise port cities in terms of broader regenera- function (Capocaccia 2001). Hence terminals can lead to problems of inad- tion outcomes. The following criteria there may be a synergetic effect on the equate infrastructure because of in- may be suggested as a starting-point: regeneration of the wider area (Brut- creased passenger flows. These prob- (1) internal functional integration of an tomesso 2001). More generally, activi- lems may impact particularly on sensi- appropriate mix of land uses, including ties based on maritime transport are tive historic urban cores, where heritage re-use of historic buildings where appro- also desirable in terms of the achieve- conservation and enhancement is a key priate; (2) integration with the surround- ment of sustainable development out- aim (Shaw 2001). Since much pre- ing area, particularly the city centre; (3) comes (Matvejevic 2001), and re-use of dicted new passenger traffic will be via regeneration effects on the city as a urban land in itself contributes to objec- ships catering for over 2000 passen- whole; and (4) inclusive partnership in tives for sustainability (Millspaugh gers, many ports will face logistical the development of the scheme. 2001). Furthermore, the aesthetic im- problems arising from inadequacy of These criteria reflect a degree of con- age of the (large) ship, which may lend access and resulting congestion. In ad- sensus that has developed around no- an enhanced image of modernity, dition, while cruise companies may co- tions of good practice in waterfront de- leisure and luxury to the city (Figueira operate on scheduling to maximise effi- velopment and regeneration. For inde Sousa 2001); such image enhance- ciency of use of the terminal, the sea- stance, Bruttomesso (2001b) stresses ment is valuable in marketing and pro- sonality of the cruise industry means that the desirability of a plurality of functions moting the city as a whole. In addition, congestion is difficult to avoid, a par- and activities. In addition, the desirabil- developers of cruise terminals may pro- ticular problem for Mediterranean ports, ity of adaptive re-use of historic build- vide “planning gain” or community ben- which lack space in comparison to ings is highlighted for instance by efits that offset some of the environmen- northern European ports. These prob- Rogers and Power (2000), who indicate tal and social effects of such develop- lems are likely to be particularly severe that regeneration led by historic conser- ments. For instance, in the case of in the case of “home” ports, with pas- vation principles can act as a catalyst Palma de Mallorca, the development of senger terminals that may need to cater for wider regeneration outcomes. More- a new ferry terminal was dependent for over 10,000 passengers per day, over, Marshall (2001a) sets out the im- upon an agreement for the provision of and deal with more than one ship at the portance of linking the scheme with the a new road system, a new public walk- same time (Capocaccia 2001). Other surrounding area, Tunbridge and Ash- way, and the handing-over to the muni- issues include environmental pollution worth (1992) show that leisure and cipality of the ownership and manage- arising from noise and reduced air, tourism-related uses have often resulted ment of the seafront promenade (Triay ground and water quality as well as loss in conflict with adjacent uses, and Van 2001). of natural habitats (Matvegevic 2001). der Knaap and Pinder (1992) suggest the need to provide adequate linkage with city centre uses. Furthermore, Bur- 2.2 Negative Effects 2.3 Implications wood and Roberts (2002) highlight the There are also several negative effects There would therefore seem to be a importance of broadly-based, inclusive associated with such developments. For need for careful regulation of the and equitable partnerships as an essen- instance, the economic impact of cruise process of development and expansion tial element in order to ensure that re- terminals is very difficult to estimate, be- of cruise terminals, and for rigorous generation projects are sustainable; in- ing largely dependent on the number of evaluation of potential impacts. An deed, Jauhiainen (1995) suggests that passengers visiting the port. There is a analogy may be suggested in terms of lack of inclusion of community involve- consensus that the economic impact of the container “revolution” in port opera- ment has been the major failure in many visiting cruise ships is relatively small, tions which led to fundamental changes waterfront development projects. because the competition amongst host in the way ports operated, since, in ad- ports leads to relatively small fees for dition to wealth generation, this also in- users, as well as concessions being of- volved problems of congestion and DISP 154 21 2003

3 Case Study of Cruise-related environmental policy sectors (Chapman high-profile developments, of which the Development: Valletta, Malta 2000). However, the system of spatial Valletta Waterfront Project, discussed planning was largely rudimentary up to below, is a significant example. 3.1 Malta: Context and 1992. Before this time, there was no for- Spatial Planning Issues mally approved policy guidance and lit- 3.2 The Valletta Waterfront Project Malta comprises a small archipelago of tle technical support for decisions relat- The city of Valletta has faced rapid pop- islands with a resident population of ing to development, which were made ulation decline since 1957, and incomes around 400,000 people, and the histor- by the Minister of Works. Consequently, and residential rents are significantly ical and cultural context has shaped the in 1992 the Development Planning Act lower than the national average. Conse- issues and problems in relation to land established the present Planning Author- quently, both the Grand Harbour Local use planning, as well as the country’s re- ity, with responsibilities for forward plan- Plan (Maltese Planning Authority 1997) sponse. The significant architectural ning, development control and enforce- and the Structure Plan for the Maltese Is- legacy has arisen in large part from the ment (Maltese Planning Authority 1992). lands (Maltese Planning Authority 1990) influence of the Knights of the Order The system allows interested parties to incorporate aims for economic develop- of St. John, though the islands have comment on a planning application, and ment as well as conservation and envi- also fallen under the influence also of a report recommending refusal is sent to ronmental protection. Indeed, the Local the Phoenician, Carthaginian, Roman, the applicant who may then submit Plan encourages development to reverse Byzantine, Arab, Norman and Spanish counter-arguments; there is also an ap- population decline, and prioritises occupations. International recognition peal mechanism. Local Plans are pre- tourism uses for Valletta. It also identifies of the value of the cultural heritage has pared after extensive consultation with the area covered by the Waterfront Pro- been indicated by the designation of ex- Government departments, local authori- ject as the most suitable location for a tensive World Heritage Sites (Chapman ties and the public, and plans must also new cruise passenger terminal. 2000). Such factors, combined with the conform to the Structure Plan for the Mal- By 2002, work had started on the Val- climate, the associations with the United tese Islands and to wider Government letta Waterfront Project, involving devel- Kingdom, the reputation of the people policy (Ebejer 2002). opment of part of the Grand Harbour as as welcoming and friendly, and the out- The current system is therefore highly a cruise passenger terminal, with asso- standing landscape and coastline, have centralised, and local councils – in the ciated uses. This US$50 million project led to an economic reliance on tourism, framework introduced by the 1993 Lo- follows the selection from three bidders and the tourism sector continues to in- cal Council Act – have no responsibili- of a winning consortium known as Viset crease in importance. In 2001, for in- ties for land use planning and policy im- plc, comprising the M. Demajo Group, stance, there was a record number of in- plementation, though they are consulted AX Holdings, Malta International Air- coming tourists into Malta, and hotel oc- on planning applications affecting their port, FSG Ltd, Bank of Valletta plc, Port cupancy, at 87%, represented an in- areas (Constantinides 2001). Indeed, Ventures Inc. (USA) and Slipform Ltd crease of 2% above the rate for 2000, local councils’ main functions and re- (Hong Kong). The Maltese Government with a 10% increase in occupancy rates sponsibilities are relatively limited, and is the landowner of most of the site, and in the 5-star category. Hotel revenue councils have no power to collect their a lease agreement with the development also increased in 2001, with a 4% in- own taxes, being reliant on central Gov- consortium was signed in November crease over 2000. ernment for most funding. 2001. All previous property owners However, there are clear tensions in Perhaps the most important issue spa- within the scheme area are to be ac- Malta between the need for economic tial planning in Malta seeks to address commodated within the site, allowing development by means of tourism, and is that of sustainable development. This their previous space to be used for the the need for the protection of environ- requires the balancing of economic, so- Project. The scheme covers an area of mental quality. These tensions are par- cial and environmental interests (Cassar 21,550 square metres in size, and it in- ticularly significant in Malta because the 2002; Ebejer 2002), and it is a major corporates a new cruise liner terminal, population density is high, around objective of the amended Development as well as a shopping area, an enter- 1159 persons per square kilometre. Planning Act and the new Environment tainment and cultural complex, and a This is significantly higher that the Protection Act. However, in recent years water plaza that will provide an area equivalent figure in the Netherlands, the Maltese Government has actively for outdoor entertainment. Completion which, at 380 persons per square kilo- used the attractions of Malta as a means is anticipated in 2005. metre, has the highest population den- of encouraging investment from interna- The Valletta Cruise Terminal Develop- sity of any European Union member tional developers and speculators, since ment Brief (Maltese Planning Authority, state (Chapman 2000). the country is increasingly competing on 1998) sets out the Government’s objec- The small size of Malta would seem to a global scale for visitor numbers tives for the scheme. The essential ra- offer the potential for effective integra- (Millspaugh 2001). Specifically, the tionale for the scheme is the opportunity tion of national and local spatial plan- Government has sought to persuade the – for both the area, and Malta more ning policy, and of social, economic and private sector to progress several large, generally – to benefit from the expan- DISP 154 22 2003

sion of the cruise market and the rise in gic location comprising the entire Flori- city has promoted culture and tourism- demand for cruise passenger trips. All ana waterfront on the Grand Harbour based uses. However, it may be argued major cruise lines now offer a service to side (Maltese Planning Authority 1998). that Genoa presents a case of good one of Malta’s ports, and the number of However, the area is also of great his- practice in terms of regeneration of a cruise liners visiting Malta has in- toric interest, since it was used for trade historic port city, including the effective creased in line with traffic to the and commerce particularly in the 18th incorporation of cruise passenger termi- Mediterranean area as a whole, which century, and the wealth it generated nal developments, which are seen here is the fastest expanding area for cruises was used to build many of the Baroque as essential – as in Malta – to strengthen after the Caribbean. Indeed, Cunard’s architectural palaces of Valletta, though Genoa’s position within Europe as a ter- QE2 visited Malta in 1998, and a total many of the area’s buildings are in a minal for cruise traffic. The positive ele- of 248 cruise calls took 193,000 visi- state of decay (Maltese Planning Au- ments of practice here would seem to tors through the port in 1999, with an thority 1997). Consequently, the Brief arise from a number of factors. First, increasing number of deluxe-class ves- requires the rehabilitation of important there have been relatively enlightened sels. In 2001, over 300 cruise liners en- historic buildings. The remainder of the and positive relationships between the tered Malta’s Grand Harbour, and area is presently of poor quality, com- Port Authority and the municipality; sec- spending by cruise liner passengers in prising many vacant and derelict ond, a master-plan approach (by means Malta as a whole was estimated in spaces, and part of the area is unoffi- of the Genoa Port Master Plan, which is 2002 at around MTL 7 million per an- cially used for car parking and port-re- in addition to the city’s General Master num. It is expected that such spending lated storage uses that are visually intru- Plan) has allowed effective mediation will increase as a result of new retail sive (Maltese Planning Authority 1998). between opposing interests; third, a uses in the immediate vicinity of the Val- The uses specified in the Brief are as “design-led” approach has involved the letta Waterfront. follows. First, a new-build cruise passen- Port Authority engaging with design fac- While the expansion of the cruise ger terminal facility with the capacity to tors in all aspects of decision-making; market is expected to continue, Malta process 1000 passengers per hour is re- and fourth, there has been a recognition faces much competition from Greece quired, incorporating all necessary of the need for a wide range of benefits, and Turkey, which traditionally cater for amenities and services, and connected with a proposed new cruise terminal be- the largest cruise lines. Hence the essen- to the quays by an underground pas- ing planned to operate all year round, tial objective of the Waterfront Project is senger walkway. A new-build duty-free to combine passenger services with to expand Malta’s share of the cruise retail complex is also required, together commercial and other tourism-based ac- market. It is also anticipated that the with retail, recreation or tourism-related tivities, and to provide a valuable link scheme will allow Valletta to become a uses in the refurbished Forni Stores. Re- between the port and the city (Marshall “home-port” (a starting and finishing furbishment of the old power house is 2001a; Matvejevic 2001). While, as in point for cruises) so that Malta can pro- also seen as desirable, possibly for com- other contexts, there is some doubt of vide fly/cruise programmes. Indeed, the mercial or retail use. Finally, a new ferry the adequacy of transport infrastructure Brief suggests that Malta is ideal as a terminal in place of the existing one is to cope with the influx of passengers as base for home-porting since cruise oper- suggested, together with a landscaped a result of the scheme (Martini 2001), ators can reach both the western and open space and a new walkway adja- the Port Master Plan seeks to overcome eastern parts of the Mediterranean in a cent to the waterfront. The Brief also sets the problems of the obsolete transport few hours. Moreover, the island is well detailed conditions in relation to the de- infrastructure, including redesigning the located for short cruises within the sign of buildings. For instance, it re- vehicular linkages between the port and Mediterranean, for instance to destina- quires the external facade of the recre- the city by generating a functional inde- tions in North Africa (Maltese Planning ated Stores to be an exact replica of the pendence between traffic flows (Mar- Authority, 1998). It is felt by the Maltese existing buildings. In addition, it re- shall 2001a). Hence the approach in Government that the improvement of in- quires all the buildings to be at an ap- Genoa is one of partnership based on a frastructure in terms of a passenger ter- propriate scale, though this does not of spatial planning context that incorpo- minal facility is essential in this context. course take account of the large scale of rates an assertive design framework, the While these are the principal aims of the ships that are to be moored adjacent need for wider-ranging benefits, and ac- the Project, associated (but clearly sec- to the terminal. The cruise passenger ter- tion to address the issue of inadequacy ondary) aims for the Project include the minal itself is to be completed as the first of transport infrastructure. refurbishment of historic properties in phase of the development (Maltese Plan- decay, the improvement of access to the ning Authority 1998). waterfront, and the improvement of 4 Analysis range of facilities in the area. 3.3 An Alternative Approach: The Valletta Waterfront Project raises a The Development Brief suggests that the Case of Genoa number of questions which are relevant chosen site is ideal for a cruise passen- As in many other port cities, tertiary for the regeneration of waterfront areas ger terminal, since it provides a strate- services are replacing others, and the in port cities on a wider basis, in terms DISP 154 23 2003

of the balancing of cruise terminal-re- plans to provide improved pedestrian of the scheme, in part a result of the pri- lated development with environmental access between these areas. While the ority given to realising the potential for protection. Clearly, the Project is in- site is close to the city centre, a major national economic regeneration af- tended to exploit growing international problem is the change in level from the forded by the area, and in part a struc- demand for cruise tourism, and to pro- waterfront to the centre of the city, and tural weakness within the development mote Malta as a Mediterranean hub for the proposals for the scheme do not ad- planning system in Malta, since for in- passenger vessels. Indeed, the Develop- dress this issue. Moreover, if the existing stance it may be suggested that local ment Brief for the site states that “Given access road to the site were to be main- plans frequently do not incorporate rig- its strategic geographic location, and tained, the Development Brief suggests orous enough requirements for commu- the importance of tourism to its econ- that industrial and warehousing uses nity benefits (Constantinides 2001). omy, Malta cannot afford to miss the op- close to the site would have to be re- Even where such benefits are provided, portunity to capitalise on this trend.” moved since they are incompatible with for instance in terms of increased access (Maltese Planning Authority 1998:4, the Project. This could have a negative to the waterfront, this may be seen as emphasis added) Certainly, the poten- economic impact on the area. In addi- primarily of benefit to visitors. tial impact on the tourism industry is sig- tion, the scheme is likely to result in in- Many of the potential problems asso- nificant, and around 25% of Malta’s creased congestion in the immediate ciated with the scheme may be linked to economic activity is already dependent area, a designated Urban Conservation the nature of the planning system, which upon tourism-related activities. It is esti- Area, as well as surrounding areas of was based on the UK system (Home mated that around 400 permanent jobs sensitive heritage quality. 1997), and the use of discretion in will be created as a result of the Project, Third, in terms of wider regeneration Malta’s system of land use planning has which is also intended to enhance the effects on the city as a whole, the been criticised since it may compromise international image of Malta by provid- scheme is intended to provide a regen- aims for environmental quality (Home ing an important landmark. erative boost to Valletta and Malta as a 1997). It may therefore be suggested However, it is now appropriate to test whole. The potential economic benefits that a “master plan”, incorporating a the proposal against the criteria estab- are clear, and the Grand Harbour Local clear design-led vision for the Valletta lished above, in order to inform the Plan indicates that the area within which waterfront, would have been beneficial trade-off between economic and envi- the site is located is suitable for uses re- in providing a more detailed framework ronmental aims. First, in terms of inter- lated to cruise passenger services, for development of the wider area than nal functional integration of an appro- leisure and tourism. Thus the proposals that afforded by statutory plans. In priate mix of land uses, the mix of uses are broadly in line with spatial planning Genoa, for instance, such a master plan broadly follows the requirements of the policy. However, much experience in provided a design vision for the area in- Development Brief since the scheme pro- other contexts suggests that waterfront corporating the proposed cruise passen- vides new entertainment and cultural redevelopment often fails to address ger terminal. uses as well as a public plaza (Maltese the social and economic problems of Planning Authority 1998). The scheme port cities (Hayuth and Hilling 1992; also illustrates a degree of adaptive re- McCarthy 1995, 1998), and the Grand 5 Conclusions use of the historic built fabric. However, Harbour Area suffers from many such The case of cruise passenger terminal the Grand Harbour Local Plan indicates problems including relatively low in- development in historic port cities illus- the need in the functional zone that incomes. It may therefore be suggested trates a range of issues related to more cludes the Project site for a broader that the uses within the scheme will cater general tourism-related development range of uses, including commercial primarily for visitors rather than local in sensitive contexts. Indeed, tourism- and hotel uses, in order to strengthen people. The visual impact may also de- based uses associated with the cruise in- links with the wider city. Moreover, Brut- tract from the unique historical context. dustry are increasingly being encour- tomesso (2001) suggests the desirability Indeed, the Structure Plan requires that aged in many port cities, and a primary of residential uses within waterfront ar- any new development must not ad- economic imperative often leads such eas so as to avoid the artificiality of pre- versely affect views into or from Urban cities to encourage a whole range of dominantly commercial and entertain- Conservation Areas (Maltese Planning tourism-related uses including passen- ment or tourism-based uses; the Project Authority 1990). Furthermore, the dis- ger terminal developments and associ- does not incorporate such a breadth of tinctiveness of place that is critical for ated cruise ship visits. However, the uses and may lead to the dominance of the attraction of Malta as a global question must be asked: at what price tourism-based uses in the wider area. tourism destination (Chapman 2000) are such developments to be encour- Second, in terms of integration with could be compromised by the ho- aged? The case of the Valletta Water- the surrounding area, the scheme does mogenisation of the environment that front Project crystallises both the ten- not contribute significantly to connecting may result from such a scheme. sions between economic and environ- the waterfront area of Valletta with the Fourth, inclusive partnership does not mental aims within port cities, and the city centre, though there are associated seem to have been a significant feature inherent problems faced by the plan- DISP 154 24 2003

ning system in seeking to resolve such West European Experience, pp 199–213. HAYUTH, Y. and HILLING, D. (1992) Techno- tensions. In this case, the approach of Manchester: Manchester University Press. logical Change and Seaport Development; in the Planning Authority was one of clear BREEN, A. and DIGBY, D. (1994) Water- B.S. HOYLE and D. PINDER (eds) European Port Cities in Transition, pp 40–58. London: acceptance of the over-riding need to fronts: Cities Reclaim Their Edge. New York: Belhaven Press. exploit and facilitate the increasing de- McGraw-Hill. mand for cruise tourism, and it may be BREEN, A. and DIGBY, D. (1996) The New HOME, R. (1997) Of Planting and Planning: argued that opportunities for broader Waterfront: A Worldwide Urban Success the Making of British Colonial Cities. London: regeneration benefits have not been Story. New York: McGraw-Hill. E and F N Spon. maximised. Furthermore, in this case, as BRUTTOMESSO, R. (2001a) Editorial. In: HOYLE, B. (1996) Cityports, in B. HOYLE in many others, cruise tourism or similar Portus, September, p 5. (ed.) Cityports, Coastal Zones and Regional Change: Perspectives on Planning and Man- developments may ultimately prove BRUTTOMESSO, R. (2001b) Complexity on agement. Chichester: Wiley. counter-productive if they lead to the the Urban Waterfront, in R. MARSHALL homogenisation of image and the ero- (ed.) Waterfronts in Post-Industrial Cities, HOYLE, B. (1998) Development Dynamics at sion of identity based on unique her- pp 39–50. London: E and F N Spon. the Port-city Interface, in B. HOYLE, D. PIN- TER, and M.S. HUSAIN (Eds) Revitalising the itage value (Krieger 2001). The case of BURWOOD, S. and ROBERTS, P. (2002) Waterfront: International Dimensions of Genoa, by contrast, shows that some of Learning from Experience. The BURA Guide Dockland Redevelopment, pp 3–19. London: the tensions between economic develop- to Achieving Effective and Lasting Regenera- Belhaven Press. ment and conservation can be amelio- tion. London: British Urban Regeneration As- rated by more rigorous concern for, and sociation. HOYLE, B. and PINTER, D. (1981) Cityport application of, spatial planning princi- CAPOCACCIA, F. (2001) Cruising in the Industrialization and Regional Development: ples and policy. Mediterranean. In: Portus, September, Spatial Analysis and Planning Strategies. Such factors also apply in other port pp 14–19. Oxford: Pergamon Press. city contexts where cruise tourism is not CASSAR, G. (2002) A New Vision for Plan- HOYLE, B., PINTER, D. and HUSAIN, M.S. a factor; indeed, the opportunities and ning – a View from a Mediterranean Island, (1988) Revitalising the Waterfront: Interna- problems presented by cruise ferry ter- Planning for the Natural and Built Environ- tional Dimensions of Dockland Redevelop- minals are similar to those arising from ment, 31 May, p. 22. ment. London: Belhaven Press. more general tourism development CHALINE, C. (2001) Urbanisation and Town JAUHIAINEN, J. (1995) Waterfront Redevel- (Figueira de Sousa 2001). Neverthe- Management in the Mediterranean Coun- opment and Urban Policy: the Cases of less, in terms of more conventional post- tries. Assessment and Perspectives for Sus- Barcelona, Cardiff and Genoa. In: European industrial development in port city wa- tainable Urban Development. Barcelona: Planning Studies 3, pp 3–23. Mediterranean Commission on Sustainable terfront areas, practice over a long pe- KOTVAL, Z. and MULLIN, J.R. (2001) Water- Development. riod throughout the world has led to the front Planning as a Strategic Incentive to development of concepts of good prac- CHAPMAN, D. (2000) Developing Planning Downtown Enhancement and Liveability, in tice based on design and sustainable in Malta, paper presented to the Planning Re- M.A. BURAYADI (ed.) Downtowns: Revitalis- land use. Large-scale cruise passenger search 2000 Conference, London. ing the Centers of Small Urban Communities, pp 179–196. New York: Routledge. terminals, however, are a relatively re- CHARLIER, J. (1992) The Regeneration of cent development that perhaps requires Old Port Areas for New Port Uses, in B.S. KRIEGER, A. (2001) Reflections on the a similar set of concepts. This could lead HOYLE and D. PINDER (eds) European Port Boston Waterfront, in R. MARSHALL to a more rigorous approach to the ac- Cities in Transition, pp 137–154. London: (ed.) Waterfronts in Post-Industrial Cities, counting of costs and benefits, inform- Belhaven Press. pp 173–181. London: E and F N Spon. ing the trade-off between economic and CONSTANTINIDES, G. (2001) Urbanisation MALONE, P. (1996) City, Capital and Wa- environmental aims. and Town Management in the Mediterranean ter. London: Routledge. Countries. Sub-regional Study: Malta and Cyprus. Barcelona: Mediterranean Commis- MALTESE PLANNING AUTHORITY (1990) sion on Sustainable Development. Structure Plan for the Maltese Islands. Val- letta: Maltese Planning Authority. References EBEJER, J. (2002) Baptism of Fire: the First MALTESE PLANNING AUTHORITY (1994) AMIN, A. and THRIFT, N. (1995) Globalisa- Nine Years of Malta’s New Planning System, Urban Conservation Areas. Valletta: Maltese tion, Institutional “Thickness” and the Local Planning, 22 February, p. 26. Planning Authority. Economy, in P. HEALEY, S. CAMERON, S. FALK, N. (1992) Turning the Tide: British Ex- GRAHAM and A. MANDANI-POUR (eds.) perience in Regenerating Urban Docklands, MALTESE PLANNING AUTHORITY (1997) Managing Cities: the New Urban Context, in B.S. HOYLE and D. PINDER (eds.) Euro- Grand Harbour Local Plan (draft). Valletta: pp 91–108. pean Port Cities in Transition, pp 116–136. Maltese Planning Authority. London: Belhaven Press. BIANCHINI, F. (1993) Culture, Conflict and MALTESE PLANNING AUTHORITY (1998) Cities: Issues and Prospects for the 1990s, in FIGUEIRA DE SOUSA, J. (2001) The Tourist Valletta Cruise Passenger Terminal. Ap- F. BIANCHINI and M. PARKINSON (eds.) Cruise Industry. In: Portus, September, proved Development Brief. Valletta: Maltese Cultural Policy and Urban Regeneration: The pp 6–13. Planning Authority. DISP 154 25 2003

MARSHALL, R. (2001a) Connection to the John McCarthy waterfront; in R. MARSHALL (ed.) Water- The Geddes Institute fronts in Post-Industrial Cities, pp 15–38. Lon- School of Town and Regional Planning don: E and F N Spon. University of Dundee 13 Perth Road MARSHALL, R. (2001b) Waterfronts, Devel- Dundee DD1 4HN opment and World Heritage Sites; in R. MAR- United Kingdom SHALL (ed.) Waterfronts in Post-Industrial [email protected] Cities, pp 137–159. London: E and F N Spon. MARTINI, S. (2001) Autorità Portuale di Genova. In: Portus, March, p 72. MATVEJEVIC, P. (2001) Mediterranean Cities between Past and Present. In: Portus, March, p 63. McCARTHY, J. (1995) The Dundee Water- front. A Missed Opportunity for Planned Re- generation. In: Land Use Policy 12(4), pp 307–319. McCARTHY, J. (1996) Waterfront Regenera- tion in The Netherlands: the Cases of Rotter- dam and Maastricht, European Planning Studies 4(5), pp 545–560. McCARTHY, J. (1998) Waterfront Regenera- tion: Recent Practice in Dundee. In: European Planning Studies 6(6), pp 731–736. MILLSPAUGH, M.L. (2001) Waterfronts as Catalysts for City Renewal, in R. MARSHALL (ed.) Waterfronts in Post-Industrial Cities, pp 74–85. London: E and F N Spon. ROGERS, R. and POWER, A. (2000) Cities for a Small Country. London: E and F N Spon. SEASSARO, L. (2001) Waterfront: a New Resource Between Tensions and Expecta- tions. In: Portus, March, pp 38–45. SHAW, B. (2001) History at the Water’s edge, in R. MARSHALL (ed.) Waterfronts in Post-Industrial Cities, pp 160–172. London: E and F N Spon. TRIAY, F. (2001) The Reorganisation of the Port of Palma de Mallorca. In: Portus, Sep- tember, pp 48–55. TUNBRIDGE, J. and ASHWORTH, G. (1992) Leisure resource development in cityport revitalisation, in B.S. HOYLE and D. PINDER (eds) European Port Cities in Transition, pp 176–200. London: Belhaven Press. VAN DER KNAAP, B. and PINDER, D.A. (1992) Revitalising the European Waterfront: Policy Evolution and Planning Issues, in B.S. HOYLE and D. PINDER (eds) European Port Cities in Transition, pp 155–175. London: Belhaven Press. DISP 154 26 2003

Wie verankern sich Häfen im Raum? Drei Fragen an Anton Kreukels, Professor am Departement für Stadt- und Regionalplanung der Universität Utrecht

Drawing on the examples of the seaport phol betreffen, werden heute in Head- Während die negativen Folgen der ver- of Rotterdam and the International Air- quarters ausserhalb der Niederlande änderten Rahmenbedingungen auf der gefällt. Die Entscheidungsfindungspro- lokalen Ebene nach wie vor deutlich zu port Schiphol, Anton Kreukels, Professor zesse werden komplexer und sind be- spüren sind, werden für den Hafen und of Urban and Regional Planning at the deutend geringer lokal verankert. Las- die Region Rotterdam relevante strategi- University of Utrecht, points out three sen Sie mich dies am Beispiel des Ha- sche Entscheidungen immer mehr in remain issues concerning the relationship fens Rotterdam erläutern: Die Stadt Rot- gionalen, nationalen und internationa- of ports and city-regions: (1) Strategic de- terdam und der Hafen Rotterdam haben len Netzwerke von Organisationen und sich in der Vergangenheit immer um ein Institutionen getroffen. Diese Tendenz ist cisions affecting seaports as well as air- Miteinander bemüht und erfuhren in auch für den Flughafen Schiphol fest- ports are no longer dominated by local ihren gemeinsamen Anstrengungen, die stellbar. actors but related to national and inter- Hafeninfrastruktur auszubauen und ha- national levels. (2) Increasingly the hub- fenbezogene Handels- und Produkti- Wie steht es um die lokale Verankerung onsaktivitäten zu fördern, die Unterstüt- and-spoke-system, a well-known phe- der Hafenaktivitäten? zung der niederländischen Regierung. nomenon in air traffic networks, is also Eine enge Kooperation zwischen der Die Häfen – und das gilt für Seehäfen manifest with regard to seaports. This re- Stadtverwaltung, der Hafenbehörde und Flughäfen gleichfalls – organisieren sults in a network with other – often und den «Hafen-Baronen», d.h. den sich zunehmend in Netzwerken und ent- lower ranking – seaports by feeder trans- einflussreichsten Unternehmen im Ha- wickeln sich von isolierten, lokal veran- port, and in a network with inland termi- fen, war traditionell der Motor für den kerten gross dimensionierten Infrastruk- Ausbau des Hafens Rotterdam – erst tureinrichtungen zu Funktionseinheiten in- nals cooperating with international sea- zum Europort und seit den späten nerhalb eines hierarchisch organisierten ports like Rotterdam and enabling effi- 1950er-Jahren zu einem Hafen von internationalen Infrastrukturnetzwerkes. cient and reliable container transship- Weltrang. In den 1960er-Jahren kon- Diese Netzwerke sind in immer grösse- ment. (3) Spatial planners have not yet zentrierte sich diese, auf lokaler Ebene rem Masse von ihrem Hinterland unab- adjusted their planning procedures to this verankerte Koalition sogar auf zwei hängig. Das «hub-and-spoke-System» zentrale Entscheidungsträger: den so- der Flughäfen ist seit einigen Jahren reality of national- and international- zialistischen Bürgermeister Thomassen weithin bekannt. In sehr ähnlicher based decision-making and hierarchical- und den Direktor der Städtischen Hafen- Weise organisieren sich jedoch auch organized logistics infrastructures. behörde Posthuma. In den 1970er-Jah- die Seehäfen: Die grossen Hubs wie ren öffnete sich der Hafen Rotterdam in beispielsweise Rotterdam verfügen über Richtung Metropolregion, was nicht zu- ein dichtes Netzwerk von intermodalen letzt auch darin Ausdruck fand, dass «inland terminals», die entlang der Bin- der 1969 publizierte Plan 2000+ eine nenwasserstrassen ein effizientes und DISP: Wie lässt sich gegenwärtig das Expansion des Hafens in den südlichen zuverlässiges Container-Transhipment Verhältnis zwischen Häfen und ihren Teil der Randstad vorsah. Die Delta-Re- ermöglichen und einen Einzugsbereich Stadtregionen charakterisieren? Sind – gion sollte ausreichende Kapazitäten für von 150 Kilometer haben. Der Hafen gerade auch im Zeitalter der Globalisie- hafenbezogene Infrastrukturen, einen Rotterdam zum Beispiel ist in ein Netz- rung und der Netzwerk-Gesellschaft – Flughafen und Bahnlinien sowie Sied- werk von rund 50 «inland terminals» Veränderungen zu verzeichnen? lungsflächen sichern. In erster Linie aber eingebunden (siehe Figur 1), die insbe- Anton Kreukels: Nehmen wir das Bei- stellten die 1970er-Jahre den Hafen Rot- sondere in Deutschland und der spiel der Randstad – hier finden sich terdam vor grosse Herausforderungen. Schweiz neben dem Anschluss an das gleich zwei grosse Hafeninfrastruktur- Während die enge Zusammenarbeit Strassenverkehrsnetz auch ein bahnba- einrichtungen: zum einen der Seehafen zwischen den «Hafen-Baronen» und der siertes Transhipment in Richtung Zent- Rotterdam als der grösste westeuropäi- Hafenbehörde bestehen blieb, begann ral- und Osteuropa anbieten. In ähnli- sche Seehafen und zum zweiten der in- sich die traditionsreiche Koalition zwi- cher Weise lässt sich die Tendenz zu internationale Flughafen Schiphol in Ams- schen Stadtverwaltung und Hafen- termodalen Logistikkonzepten übrigens terdam. Für beide ist in zunehmendem behörde zusehends abzuschwächen. auch für den Luftfrachtbereich beobach- Masse feststellbar, dass die Entschei- Gleichzeitig verlor der Hafen Rotterdam ten: Die Flughäfen Schiphol, Frank- dungen nicht mehr wie früher überwie- in einem verstärkt international furt/Main und Paris Charles de Gaulle gend auf der lokalen Ebene getroffen umkämpften Markt seine Bedeutung als haben eine Kooperation lanciert, in der werden, sondern sich immer mehr auf Standort für den Schiffsbau. Als Folge sie am Pilotprojekt «Intermodal Freight- die regionale, nationale und internatio- des Wegbrechens dieses arbeitskräftein- port Schiphol» arbeiten. Ziel ist es, zwi- nale Ebene verschieben. Viele strategi- tensiven Industriezweigs leidet Rotter- schen diesen drei kontinentaleuropäi- sche Entscheidungen, die den Seehafen dam noch heute unter einer überdurch- schen Mainports auf absehbare Zeit ei- in Rotterdam oder den Flughafen Schi- schnittlichen Arbeitslosenquote. nen bahnbasierten Logistik-Service ein- DISP 154 27 2003

Figure 1: Rotterdam Mainport Europe mit «inland terminals». (Quelle: Rotterdam Municipal Port Manage- ment) zurichten. Insgesamt entwickeln sich Hä- werken. Für die Zukunft ist es wichtig, fen immer mehr zu Logistikzentren, die eine Sichtweise zu wählen, die einen als Knoten in einem hierarchischen breiter angelegten territorialen Ansatz Netzwerk effizienten Zugang zu trans- zu Grunde legt und insbesondere den europäischen Frachtkorridoren ge- Blick auf regionale bis internationale Zu- währen. sammenhänge eröffnet.

Die Fragen stellte Martina Koll-Schretzenmayr Welche Folgerungen für die Raumpla- nung lassen sich im Kontext von See- und Flughafeninfrastrukturen aus diesen Entwicklungen hin zu Netzwerkstruktu- Prof. Dr. Anton Kreukels ren sowohl bei Prozessen der Entschei- Universiteit Utrecht dungsfindung als auch innerhalb der Lo- Faculteit Ruimtelijke Wetenschappen gistik-Organisation ableiten? Heidelberglaan 2 NL-3584 CS Utrecht Weder Raumplaner noch kommunale The Netherlands Verwaltungen haben bisher auf die ver- [email protected] änderten Rahmenbedingungen, innerhalb derer sich See- und Flughäfen heute bewegen, in geeigneter Weise reagiert: Probleme und Problemlösun- gen werden nach wie vor überwiegend auf der lokalen Ebene gesucht. Dieses Vorgehen entspricht jedoch nicht mehr der Realität von regional, national und international basierten Entscheidungs- prozessen und der Organisation von Lo- gistikabläufen in hierarchischen Netz- DISP 154 28 2003 Maurits Schaafsma

Airports and Cities in Networks

Airports are main gateways to the cities centrated routes. This leads to lower ical OD airports: big, with considerable of the network society. In this “age of ac- costs for the airlines and lower prices international travel, but with very limited cess” the international status of metropol- and higher frequencies for the passen- roles as hubs. gers. The disadvantage is that passen- In Europe, deregulation is taking itan regions might be increasingly related gers often have to change planes in the place at a more gradual pace than in to the position of its airports in the net- hub airport. “Going to heaven or to the USA. In the 1990s, many airlines works of air transportation. This article is hell, you always have to change planes were (partly) privatised. There is no uni- about the interaction between city, air- at Atlanta.” Hub airports attract much fied European playing field yet. The port and airline networks. If the position more traffic and have networks with hub-and-spoke system was also applied many more destinations than would in Europe, but the (former) national of an airport in the airline network is of have been possible on the basis of just carriers still dominate the national mar- vital importance to a metropolitan re- point-to-point traffic, otherwise known kets. Burghouwt and Hakfoort (2001) gion, what could be the impact of the de- as origin/destination (OD). The hub air- recognise four primary hubs (London velopment of global airline alliances? Do port gets a higher market share, and the Heathrow, Paris Charles de Gaulle, the alliances build networks that put rele- metropolitan region gets a better net- Frankfurt/Main and Amsterdam) and work with more destinations and higher eleven secondary hubs (e.g., Brussels, vant world cities in central positions? frequencies. Madrid, Rome and Munich). There are How do airports develop their positions After a process of consolidation and twelve medium-sized airports (e.g., Lis- as gateways; what infrastructure do they integration of the so-called trunk airlines bon, Barcelona and Helsinki) and thirty- provide and what is their role in metro- with feeder/commuter airlines, a limited four small airports (e.g., Cologne, politan areas? This article gives a frame- number of very large carriers remained. Naples, Porto). Finally, there are 458 Names like National, Pan Am, TWA, very small airports (e.g., Rotterdam, work for considering airline and city net- Braniff, Western and Eastern do not ex- Antwerp and Florence). works; it is a quick scan based on the ist any more. At this point in time, a new The alliances that were formed in the data available from the current literature. round of consolidations and bankrupt- 1990s increased the concentration of cies is expected. intercontinental traffic flow at the four To maximise its interchange potential, hub airports, at the cost of the second- 1Network Developments a hub airport has to be located along ary hubs. Secondary hubs like Copen- The status of an airport is determined by one of the major traffic routes. These are hagen and Vienna recently saw a great the networks of its airlines or home car- basically north-south (along the East portion of their hub traffic being moved riers. In the last quarter of the 20th cen- Coast, the West Coast and centrally to Frankfurt, the major hub of the Star tury, air travel grew approximately 6% from Chicago to the South) and east- Alliance, in order to reduce the cost every year. This means that it doubled west. of the networks. Belgium and Switzer- every 10 to 15 years. But the distribu- Atlanta, Chicago and Dallas Ft Worth land saw their home-carriers go bank- tion of air travel over the globe is un- are the biggest hub airports, both in rupt. So the actual developments seem even: half of all global air traffic takes size and dominance of the home carri- to be moving ahead of the slow pro- place in the USA. Every American citi- ers. New York and Los Angeles are typ- cess of deregulation and European inte- zen on average takes at least one round trip every year, which is twice as much Airport Hub-carrier Share in traffic Passengers as in Europe and ten times as much as (1990) of hub-carrier in millions the rest of the world. (1990) (2000) The modern airline network was de- Atlanta Delta 57 80,2 veloped in the USA. In 1978, the Airline Eastern (now American) 36 Deregulation Act removed the barriers Chicago United 49 72,1 to open competition in the USA. It American 34 changed the aviation industry dramati- Dallas Ft Worth American 63 60,7 cally. New airlines entered the market, Delta 30 while old ones went bankrupt. The tradi- San Francisco United 39 41,0 tional carriers had to reduce costs to Denver United 49 38,7 face the competition of new entrants. Continental 39 They chose to organise the networks Newark Continental 48 34,2 into so-called hub and spoke systems, in- Detroit Northwest 69 35,5 stead of point-to-point connections. Con- Minneapolis St Paul Northwest 80 36,7 centrating the network around a central interchange, or hub airport, enables the Table 1: Hub airports in the USA with more optimal use of bigger aircraft on con- than 30 million passengers. DISP 154 29 2003

Metropolitan area Airport Airport (Inhabitants in millions) (Passengers in millions) (Cargo in million tonnes)

1New York (18.1) 1 New York1) (92.5) 1 Memphis (2.5) 2 Los Angeles (14.5) 2 Atlanta (80.2) Hub 2 Los Angeles (2.0) 3Chicago (8.2) 3 Chicago (72.1) Hub 3 New York1) (2.9) 4 San Francisco (6.2) 4 Los Angeles (66.4) 4 Anchorage (1.8) 5 Philadelphia (5.9) 5 Dallas Ft Worth (60.7) Hub 5 Miami (1.6) 6 Detroit (4.7) 6 San Francisco (41.0) Hub 6 Louisville (1.5) gration of regulation. Only when that 7 Boston (4.2) 7 Denver (38.7) Hub 7 Chicago (1.5) process moves some important steps fur- 8Washington DC (3.9) 8 Las Vegas (36.9) 8 Indianapolis (1.1) ther, will the reorganisation of European 9 Dallas Ft Worth (3.9) 9 Minneapolis St Paul (36.7) Hub 9 Dallas (0.9) air travel move ahead at full speed. 10 Houston (3.7) 10 Phoenix (36.0) Hub 10 Atlanta (0.9) The future position of the Eastern Eu- 11 Miami (3.2) 11 Detroit (35.5) Hub 11 San Francisco (1.6) ropean airlines and airports are difficult 12 Atlanta (2.8) 12 Houston (35.2) Hub 12 Dayton (0.9) to predict. Up to now, they have mainly 13 Cleveland (2.8) 13 Miami (33.6) served as feeders for the Western Euro- 14 Seattle (2.6) 14 Orlando (30.8) pean hubs. Berlin and Vienna would 15 San Diego (2.5) 15 St Louis (30.5) like to be hub airports for Eastern Eu- 16 Seattle (28.4) 17 Boston (27.4) rope, but do not have enough volume. In Asia, air transport has a different 1) Newark, JFK and La Guardia structure. Big planes carry large num- Data sources: ULI (Metropolitan area); ACI for 2000 (Airports) bers of passengers per aircraft and Table 2: Hierarchy of urban size and airport fly on heavily used routes. There is not size in the USA. very much feeder traffic (in contrast to the USA and Europe). Traffic flow is liances, hub airports are connected with have different network characteristics. concentrated on the economic centres each other to make multi-hub systems. They only fly point-to-point on routes around the Pacific. Planes at Asian hub These multi-hub systems can create where they can use their aircraft more in- airports carry more than 150 passen- heavy traffic flows where one would not tensively than the traditional carriers and gers on average (even 220 at Tokyo). In expect them. Amsterdam is linked to De- they don’t offer (expensive) interchange the USA, planes at hub airports carry troit by the Wings Alliance, offering four products. The low-cost carriers may force 65 to 85 passengers (95 at New York connections daily with wide-body traditional airlines to change their busi- and San Francisco), reflecting the large planes. Almost 800,000 passengers ness and new point-to-point routes will be number of small feeder turboprop air- are flown between Amsterdam and De- developed. However, a hub-and-spoke craft. In Europe, the planes carry 90 to troit annually, while 450,000 are flown model in some form is likely to dominate 100 passengers (138 at Heathrow, 123 between Amsterdam and New York. An long-distance air travel in the future beat Gatwick). The big hub airports in OD market between Amsterdam and cause of its advantages. Thus, a global Asia are the homes of the national carri- Detroit does not actually exist, while be- network of hub airports will emerge, cre- ers of Singapore, Thailand, Korea, tween Amsterdam and New York there ated by the global alliances with their Malaysia and the Philippines. Singa- is a real OD demand. If it lasts, this sup- hub-and-spoke networks. It will give hub pore and Hong Kong are the dominant ply between Amsterdam and Detroit airports a central position by connecting hubs. Bangkok and Seoul are in the sec- could create an OD market, for exam- them to other hub airports. ond league. Kuala Lumpur has not yet ple, from the automotive industry plac- been successful in its race for a hub po- ing European distribution centres in the sition, in spite of the huge new hub air- Amsterdam region. port that has been built. “Hierarchies of world city connectivity 2 Airports and In Japan, Tokyo is the focus of air are dynamic, fluid and extremely plas- Metropolitan Regions transportation. In spite of the size and tic.” (Keeling 1995) The alliances are If the hub-and-spoke system is indeed population of Japan, the other airports not stable yet. The Wings Alliance is too the model for the future, then it will are considerably smaller, even the ex- small to have a future on its own and probably interact with the global posi- pensive new Osaka airport. In China, seems to be moving towards the Sky tion of the metropolitan areas. Today, the government decided that Beijing, Team. It is difficult to predict the outcome the structure of the airline industry is still Shanghai and Guangzhou will be the of the present crisis in the aviation indus- different on the various continents. And, hubs for the three major carriers: Air try. What would happen to the Star Al- the relation of the hierarchy of metropol- China, China Eastern and China South- liance if United and Canada Air should itan areas and the hierarchy of airports ern. Internationally, these airports still go bankrupt? In addition, the low-cost shows different patterns. Theoretically, if handle relatively small volumes, but they airlines are threatening the present posi- geographically at the right spot, a have huge growth potential. Within tion of the traditional carriers. Southwest, 100% hub airport could be located any- China, Hong Kong and its home carrier Jet Blue, EasyJet and Ryanair are com- where, independent of a large metro- Cathay Pacific have a position on their peting successfully with the traditional politan area. On the other hand, an im- own. They will have to compete with the carriers on the feeder routes to their hubs portant metropolitan area that gener- hubs designated by the government. with simple and cheap travel. They have ates a lot of traffic does not necessarily In the hub-and-spoke system, connec- in fact re-invented the airline business have or need a hub airport. tions between hub-airports often are in- and operate at approximately half the In the USA, some important urban ar- tensified. Within the three global al- cost of the traditional carriers. They also eas have relatively small airports. This is DISP 154 30 2003

Metropolitan area Airport Airport (Brunet score 1989 in pts.) (Passengers in millions) (Cargo in million tonnes)

1 London (83) 1 London1) (108.5) Hub 1 London (1.8) 2 Paris (81) 2 Paris2) (73.6) Hub 2 Frankfurt (1.6) 3Milan (70) 3 Frankfurt (49.3) Hub 3 Paris (1.4) 4Madrid (66) 4 Amsterdam (39.6) Hub 4 Amsterdam (1.2) 5 Frankfurt (65) 5 Madrid (32.8) Hub 5 Brussels (0.7) 6Munich (65) 6 Rome3) (27.1) Hub 6 Luxemburg (0.5) 7 Rome (64) 7 Milan4) (26.7) 7 Cologne (0.4) Amsterdam also has a relatively large 8 Brussels (64) 8 Munich (23.1) 8 Zurich (0.4) airport. In this case, the airport serves 9 Barcelona (64) 9 Zurich (22.6) 9 Madrid (0.3) the whole metropolitan area of the 10 Amsterdam (63) 10 Brussels (21.6) 10 Milan (0.3) Randstad Holland (six million inhabi- 1) Heathrow, Gatwick and Stansted tants), but the airport is still big relative 2) Orly and Charles de Gaulle to the small Dutch home market. In Bel- 3) Fiumicino and Ciampino gium, Brussels seems to have a small 4) Linate and Malpensa airport, in spite of being one of the most Data source: ACI for 2000 (Airports) international cities of Europe. Of the European metropolitan areas, it hosts Table 3: Hierarchy of urban size and airport most of the international organisations, size in Europe. among them the EU and Nato. The metropolitan region comprises a major part of Flanders with more than three million Urban area Airport Airport (Inhabitants in millions) (Passengers in millions) (Cargo in million tonnes) inhabitants (the Flemish Diamond: Brus- sels, Antwerp, Leuven, Gent). 1Tokyo (27.0) 1 Tokyo1) (83.8) Hub 1 Tokyo1) (1.9) In Italy, Milan, as the dominant eco- 2 Shanghai (13.6) 2 Seoul (36.7) Hub 2 Hong Kong (2.3) nomic centre of the country, always has 3 Seoul (11.6) 3 Hong Kong (32.7) Hub 3 Seoul (1.9) struggled with Rome as the (artificial) 4 Beijing (11.3) 4 Bangkok (29.6) Hub 4 Singapore (1.7) centre of the country and the hub of 5Osaka (10.6) 5 Singapore (28.6) Hub 5 Taipei (1.2) Alitalia. Opening the new airport of 6 Bangkok (6.6) 6 Beijing (24.2) 6 Osaka (1.0) Malpensa hardly improved the position 2) 7Hong Kong (6.5) 7 Shanghai (21.7) 7 Bangkok (0.9) of Milan. 8Guangzhou 8 Guangzhou (13.8) 8 Beijing (0.8) The typical cargo airports in Europe 9 Pusan 9 Shenzen (7.8) 9 Subic Bay (0.6) are Luxembourg, Cologne and Liège. 10 Singapore In the Asia Pacific region, the dynam- 1) Haneda and Narita ics in China are important. In China, air 2) Hongqiao and Pudong traffic has grown more than 10% annu- Data sources: The World in Figures 2000, The Economist (Urban areas); ACI for 2000 (Airports) ally for a long time now. In Beijing, Shanghai and Guangzhou, the desig- Table 4: Hierarchy of urban size and airport size in the Asia/Pacific region. nated hubs for the three major carriers (Air China, China Eastern and China Southern), huge airport development the case with some old metropolitan ar- relative to their size as cities. In terms of programmes are under construction or eas like Boston, Philadelphia, Washing- size and importance, the Berlin’s posi- close to starting construction. According ton and Detroit. Some “new” (Sunbelt) tion is interesting: it is missing from the to Airport World the future of Hong cities have relatively large airports: At- table. The hierarchy of cities was made Kong as a passenger hub is linked lanta, Dallas, Denver, Las Vegas, Or- around the time of the unification of the to the success of Cathay Pacific, but lando, and Miami. Minneapolis/St Paul city and before its designation as the na- will probably suffer from the rise of and Phoenix also have big hub airports. tional capital of Germany. Up to now, it Shanghai and the airport projects in the The most important metropolitan areas, lacks intercontinental destinations and Pearl Delta: Guangzhou, Shenzen and New York and Los Angeles, have large has no role as a hub, despite its multi- Macão. This development reflects the airports with heavy international traffic, million size: its three airports handle dynamics of the Chinese metropolitan but these are not hub airports. For cargo twelve million passengers annually. As hierarchy where Hong Kong is sup- airports, the pattern is more difficult to Lufthansa already has its hub at Frank- posed to give way to Shanghai as a fi- interpret. Some huge cargo airports are furt and a sub-hub in Munich, there is lit- nancial centre. Managing a very regu- not related at all to big cities: Memphis, tle prospect of a hub role for the main lated aviation scene, the Chinese gov- Anchorage, Louisville, and Indianapo- German carrier in Berlin. Also missing is ernment has the instruments to execute lis. Even more than in the case of pas- the Rhein/Ruhr area. In spite of its al- an integrated strategy of metropolitan- senger airports, cargo hubs can be lo- most ten million inhabitants, there is no economical, airline and airport policy. cated anywhere as long as they follow hub airport. Düsseldorf and Cologne In the Pacific region, Osaka has a rel- the hub logic geographically. are the main airports. Frankfurt seems to atively small airport (20.5 million pas- In Europe, the urban hierarchy and be a real hub, centrally located, con- sengers) and Singapore has a relatively the size of airports seem to match more necting routes within the German home large one. The urbanised corridor from than in the USA. In Germany, Frankfurt market (and is now the Star Alliance’s Tokyo to Osaka is internally organised and Munich have a strong hub position home market). around the Shinkansen high-speed train DISP 154 31 2003

other hub airports. Denver is a typi- Passengers in millions Connections to World Centers cal example, where airport planning 1 Atlanta Hartsﬁ eld 80.2 1 London 125 played a role in the economic strategy 2Chicago O‘Hare 72.1 2 Paris 119 of opening the local economy to world 3 Los Angeles Intl. 66.4 3 Frankfurt 116 markets. In Asia too, the competition be- 4 London Heathrow 64.6 4 New York 115 tween the metropolitan regions around 5 Dallas Ft Worth 60.7 5 Moskow 102 the Pacific has produced huge airport 6Tokyo Haneda 56.4 6 Amsterdam 100 projects. 7 Frankfurt 49.4 7 Zurich 84 The global airline alliances have put 8 Paris Charles de Gaulle 48.2 8 Los Angeles 80 the airports and the metropolitan areas 9 San Francisco Intl. 41.0 9 Miami 67 into airline networks that might offer 10 Amsterdam Schiphol 39.6 10 Tokyo 67 new perspectives for (world) city net-

Data sources: ACI for 2000 (Airports); Direct airline service to major world cities, works. The secondary hubs have re- Ofﬁ cial Airline Guide 1992, from Keeling (1995) gional networks and frequent connec- Table 5: Size of airports and connections to tions with the primary hub. Table 6 world centres. shows which airports and metropolitan areas are connected to which alliances. All alliances have hub airports in the and works as one huge urban system. In The top ten internationally well-con- major metropolitan areas in Western Eu- fact, the new Osaka airport got its traf- nected airports reflect Friedmann’s classi- rope. Star Alliance has the strongest net- fic from the heavily congested Tokyo air- fication rather well. According to David work of secondary hubs in Europe. The ports. Singapore has a very interna- J. Keeling (1995), Paris has excellent Star Alliance has hub airports in the tional economy and is an important re- connectivity, but is more oriented to for- USA in the Midwest and West. In Asia, gional centre, traditionally in competi- mer colonies than to new economic cen- Star has the strongest presence of all the tion with Hong Kong. tres. Some of the main US hubs appar- alliances. The Japanese airlines are min- Therefore, the size of an airport is not ently play a mostly national role: Atlanta, imally involved in the global alliances. enough to indicate its position. A more Dallas Ft Worth, Denver and even With ANA, the Star Alliance has a hub important indicator is its connections to Chicago are not in the top ten airports in Tokyo. JAS and JAL are not actively other world cities. with connections to major world cities. involved. In Europe, One World has a The top ten internationally linked air- The dominant world cities, New York, potential second hub, after congested ports show a parallel to the hierarchy of London and Tokyo, are not primarily London, in Madrid. In the USA, One world cities. Saskia Sassen (2002) de- hub airports. London has a lot of trans- World serves hub airports in the Mid- scribed London, New York and Tokyo as fer traffic, but is not an ideal hub air- west and South. the dominant global decision centres. port. The basic conditions for a hub air- Sky Team has a presence in Italy, David Smith (2002) identified the struc- port can hardly be met here: being lo- southern USA and Korea. Wings is pres- turally dominant global cities (London, cated central to the market, being able ent in the US Midwest. Sky Team has lit- New York, Frankfurt and Tokyo, joined to offer reliable schedules, control over tle presence in the leading world cities, by much smaller Amsterdam and Zurich) the airport by the hub airline (De the global financial and multinational and the gateway cities (Miami, Los An- Neufville, Odoni 2003). These world- articulations. Atlanta and Dallas are not geles, Hong Kong, and Singapore) that city airports are typically driven by de- on Friedmann’s list or any other. Seoul is seem to link the different economic mand. They have such a strong OD mar- not a leading international centre in zones. ket that there will always be an elabo- Asia. If the Wings Alliance should join John Friedmann (1995) classified rate network connecting it to the world. Sky Team, their presence in the northern world cities as follows: Whether these airports are hubs is not part of the USA would improve, but a • Global financial articulations: Lon- particularly important. This is clearly the position in a leading world city with a don, New York and Tokyo; case in New York, where a system of hub would still be missing. • Multinational articulations; Miami, three airports handles mainly OD traffic There seems to be a relationship be- Los Angeles, Frankfurt, Amsterdam/ and only Newark has a limited hub op- tween the status of a metropolitan re- Randstad Holland, Singapore; eration. London and Tokyo also have gion and the status of its airport. The • Important national articulations: Pa- multi-airport systems and congestion at network dynamics of the global airline ris, Zurich, Madrid, Seoul, Sydney; their airports. alliances might produce new intensified • Subnational/regional articulations: Supply-driven airports deliberately of- relationships between metropolitan re- Osaka/Kobe, San Francisco, Seattle, fer the infrastructure needed for a hub gions that would offer opportunities for Houston, Chicago, Boston, Vancouver, operation and actively compete to at- exchange. Toronto, Montreal, Hong Kong, Milan, tract hub operators. Their hub operators All alliances have hub airports in the Lyon, Barcelona, Munich, Rhine-Ruhr. compete with other hub operators at major metropolitan areas in Western Eu- DISP 154 32 2003

With a hub only in Hong Kong, One Alliance Airline Hub Secondary hub World serves Asia much less than Star Alliance. One World Sky Team concentrates its European Europe (leader) British Airways London Heathrow London Gatwick operation at Paris. Rome and Milan Manchester have little hub potential. In the USA it Europe Iberia Madrid has hubs in the South. In Asia its Seoul Aer Lingus hub is the only foothold. Finnair Helsinki The Wings Alliance has the smallest North America American Chicago Miami Dallas Ft Worth network. Amsterdam is its European hub South America LanChile Santiago and it lacks an Asian partner. A merger of the Wings alliance and Sky Team is Asia Cathay Paciﬁ cHong Kong likely and would improve their strength. Australia Qantas Sydney Their position in Asia however is still Star Alliance weak. Europe (leader) Lufthansa Frankfurt Munich There is a relationship between the Europe SAS Copenhagen status of a metropolitan region and the Austrian Vienna status of its airport, but it is a compli- Lauda Air cated one. In a fully deregulated situa- British Midland tion one might distinguish three groups Spanair of airports and cities. First are the big North America United Chicago OD-world cities with their own strong in- San Francisco Denver ternational markets. Next are the cities Air Canada Toronto with hub airports that can benefit from South America Varig São Paolo their relatively extensive airline net- Asia Singapore Airlines Singapore works. Notably in the cases of relatively Thai Bangkok small cities with big airports, they can ANA Tokyo have big benefits in status from their hub Asiana airport status. The third group is the Air New Zealand group of cities with regional airports that might have difficulties in developing Sky Team an international status, independent of Europe (leader) Air France Paris Charles de Gaulle their sometimes considerable size. Europe Alitalia Rome Milan The development of the airline al- North America Delta Atlanta Dallas liances might have a big pact on the sta- South America Aeromexico Mexico City tus of the airports and the cities. Asia Korean Seoul

Wings Europe (leader) KLM Amsterdam 3 Airports USA Northwest Detroit How do airports develop in this context? Minneapolis The configuration of an airport does not Continental Newark always reveal its status. Some hubs Denver don’t seem to have a hub runway layout Asia Malaysian Kuala Lumpur or terminal layout, while some airports Africa Kenya Nairobi that look like hubs are in fact not hubs at Table 6: Hubs of the alliances. all. In many cases, history or local cir- cumstances have determined the runway configuration. “Primary airports” rope. Next to its major hub Frankfurt, alliances. ANA is partner in the Star Al- have a terminal building next to the run- Star Alliance has the strongest network liances, bringing Tokyo as a hub into way system. Some primary airports of secondary hubs in Europe. In the their network. have extensive runway systems and a USA it has hub airports in the Midwest One World mainly has Madrid as an high capacity (Madrid with four run- and West. In Asia it has the strongest alternative for its congested London ways). But even with just one runway, presence of all alliances. The Japanese hub. In the USA its presence is concen- capacity can be considerable (Gat- airlines are hardly involved in the global trated in the Midwest and the South. wick’s 32 million passengers). DISP 154 33 2003

When strong winds from different di- all these entrances. Hub passengers sion project under construction to in- rections occur, more complicated run- have to walk long distances or cross the crease its capacity from its present 35 to way configurations are necessary; the road. In the USA, airlines often have 65 million passengers: two new run- so-called central and tangential types. their own terminals at airports. At New ways, a new OD terminal and a new Chicago (seven runways) and Amster- York JFK and Boston Logan, many rela- satellite hub terminal. For the south-east dam (five runways) are examples. Both tively small terminal buildings make up UK (London), a planning process is un- have the potential to grow to at least a typical OD airport, like a village of der way to add runway capacity at 100 million passengers per year by terminals. Heathrow, Gatwick and/or Stansted. adding runways. Runways and terminals sometimes Meanwhile, Heathrow is building its The modern airport that is not too vul- make surprising combinations. Paris fifth terminal. As planning processes in nerable to wind has two parallel run- Charles de Gaulle and Dallas have a Germany and the UK are time-consum- ways and maybe one extra runway for potentially super hub runway system but ing and the outcome is uncertain, Frank- cross-winds. The terminal is located be- an OD terminal configuration. Some air- furt and London will remain congested tween the two runways (Munich, Oslo, ports have a high runway or airport ca- for the foreseeable future. London has Athens, Hong Kong, Kuala Lumpur, Bei- pacity but operate at a much lower optimised the use of the limited runway jing). The advantage of this system is level, for example, Orlando, Kulala infrastructure by using larger aircraft. that even with only two runways, the ca- Lumpur and Denver. Lufthansa developed Munich as a sec- pacity can be high, up to more than 80 With an annual growth of air travel ondary hub for Frankfurt. million passengers in some cases. A su- world-wide of approximately 5 to 6%, Asia shows the most dynamism in air- per hub airport, with a capacity above airports are in a constant process of port development. New airports were 50 million passengers, is preferably an planning for growth. In the USA, for opened in Osaka, Hong Kong, Seoul extension of this parallel type. It typi- most modern airports this is not a big and Kuala Lumpur. In Bangkok and cally has four parallel runways in two problem. Atlanta is building its fifth run- China, new airports are being built. All pairs with the terminal in the middle. way, Denver can grow from its present Asian hubs are new, modern airports, (Los Angeles, Atlanta, Orlando). Cross- five runways to twelve, etc. Hub airports except for Tokyo. The parallel runway wind runways can be added to reduce are sometimes in direct competition with system dominates. There are no super the vulnerability to wind. Dallas has six each other when airlines merge or re- hubs in Asia yet. parallel runways and two additional view their networks and hubs. Airports The global alliances have different po- runways for crosswinds. It has the that are located too close to built-up ar- sitions: One World has a congested Lon- biggest capacity in the world today. Or- eas are often congested and have lim- don hub but could divert southern traffic lando can also add two more runways. ited or no opportunities to grow: Boston, to Madrid when the new facili- Potentially, the most extreme is Denver, New York JFK and La Guardia, San ties there are completed. Star Alliance which has five runways now. Its master Francisco and Washington Dulles. shows the same picture: congestion at plan includes twelve runways; eight par- In Europe, a new generation of air- the main hub in Europe in Frankfurt. In allel, four crosswind. ports with parallel runway systems have the USA and Asia, growth will not be a As is the case for the runways, termi- been built in the recent past: Munich, major problem, considering the capac- nals can also be better or worse suited Oslo and Athens. Munich recently ity available at Chicago, Dallas, Miami for their role in a hub airport. Basically, opened its second terminal, dedicated and Hong Kong. Sky Team seems to one can distinguish between centralised as a secondary hub for Lufthansa. Still have the best opportunities for growth and de-centralised terminal configura- to be constructed is the new Berlin Bran- as it has super hub capacity in Europe tions. Centralised configurations have denburg International Airport, which as well as the USA. Terminal buildings one central terminal building where all will replace the Schönefeld, Tegel and at Paris and Dallas, however, are less fit passengers arrive and depart. The ad- Tempelhof airports. for hub operations but could be modi- vantage of the system is that it can be Of the European hubs, Paris has the fied. Wings has adequate facilities but very suitable for a hub operation. Pas- largest potential for growth. It has three only Denver and perhaps Amsterdam sengers don’t have to be moved from parallel runways and can add a fourth, have a super hub perspective. one terminal to another. Commercial making it the only European super hub. and non-commercial facilities, like re- New extensions to Terminal 2 will make tail, can also be concentrated, which of- it suitable for a hub operation. Frankfurt fers the possibility of high service levels. plans an extra runway and a new termi- 4 The Airport as a City The decentralised configuration con- nal area to increase its capacity with 25 Another response of airports was to be- sists of linear buildings in the so-called million passengers. Amsterdam recently come cities in themselves. Over time, gate arrival concept. The building has completed its new Polderbaan, bringing the location of airports has shifted out of many landside entrances that are close the capacity to 65 million passengers, the city, sometimes into the sea. Al- to the gates (Paris, Dallas). All facilities and is preparing the procedure for a though today some typical city airports have to be multiplied to be available at sixth runway. Madrid has a huge exten- exist (Berlin Tempelhof, London City), DISP 154 34 2003

environmental restrictions are prohibi- late to their context, history or human in- authorities. They don’t have to make tive for urban airports. Up until now, air- teraction. money. But it is a “thin” public owner- ports that are located too close to the When Oslo built its new Gardemoen ship. Everything that is done at the air- (expanding) city move outwards: Mu- Airport, the Norwegian parliament port is private: terminal buildings, park- nich, Oslo, Hong Kong, etc. But the city specifically stated that it should be a ing, aircraft handling, etc. Airlines dom- has followed the airport in its outward Norwegian airport, build with Norwe- inate the way terminals are built, movement. Eventually, airports them- gian materials. Thus Norwegian wood, through ownership or through contracts. selves became cities. “[…] the airport is stone and concrete (!) were applied. In In effect, they approve all major deci- a new type of city, perhaps the most co- Seville, architect Moneo designed a sions on terminal development. herent of a fresh generation of post-in- terminal building with a regional iden- European airports are companies that dustrial cities. In this the terminal build- tity, using historic forms and colours. are owned by national governments. ing is its marketplace, cathedral and Ricardo Bofill created a Rambla in his But in many cases, they are semi-inde- municipal town hall all rolled into one.” new terminal for Barcelona. In Kuala pendent or even privatised. It is a typi- (Brian Edwards 1998) “Clearly, this is Lumpur, Kishu Kurokawa made refer- cal European development to maximise as highly charged a part of the urban ences to Islamic architecture, the Ma- non-aviation revenues with retail and realm as Trafalgar Square. By most rea- laysian house and incorporated little is- real estate at the airport. Asian airports sonable definitions, it is as urban an en- lands of rain forest into the hearts of the are also state-owned and follow the Eu- vironment as you can get, a forum as satellites. ropean model, but on a much bigger well as a gateway.” (Sudjic 1992) The New York JFK has a trio of chapels in scale (except for China). only things lacking that would make it a the heart of the terminal area: the Tri- Airports are changing as companies. real city is housing and democratic city Faith Chapels Plaza. In Riyadh at King Traditional airports are oriented to oper- governments. Khaled International Airport, the central ations, technology, traffic volume, mar- Airport terminals, the cathedral, town building is a huge dome, a mosque for ket share, fixed assets and architec- hall etc. of the airport city, were mainly 5,000 worshippers. In Europe, shop- ture/layout. Modern airports are ori- modernist buildings until the mid-1980s. ping facilities were extended to improve ented to customer priorities, profitability, They were designed in Machine Age ar- the quality of the airport as a place share of value, innovation and business chitecture, culminating in Terminal 1 at where you are forced to wait. Amster- design (Mercer Management Consult- Charles the Gaulle. The organisation of dam Schiphol has placed its Plaza landing). Airports started to develop busi- traffic flow and the orientation of the side shopping centre on top of the rail- ness opportunities to increase non-avia- passengers led the design process. Ar- way station. It is designed to be an in- tion income. chitecture got a stronger hold on termi- door urban square. These are steps to Le Tourneur (2001) distinguishes four nal buildings with Norman Foster’s de- turn the airport into an airport city. In waves of airport cities: sign for London Stansted. It is one of the spite of all these efforts, airports are still • First wave, adapted European air- first of this new generation of airports. considered non-places. But with the de- port cities: Heathrow, Gatwick, Schi- Often the wing, bird or insect (Osaka by velopment of a variety of airport city phol, Frankfurt, Copenhagen; Piano, Hong Kong by Foster, Paris concepts, the “place” aspect is becom- • Second wave, planned in Asia and Charles de Gaulle T2 by Andreu) are ing more and more dominant. However, Australia: Hong Kong, Osaka, Singa- chosen as metaphors for air travel. But, in the USA, air travel is more like bus pore, Sydney and Melbourne; “the international airport is a modern travel and airports tend to be less • Third wave, adapted and planned in kind of placeless city. It lacks the sense equipped with such facilities. North America: Los Angeles, Chicago of geographical justification that is evi- Airports and the areas around air- O’Hare, Denver, New York JFK, San dent in most urban areas.” (Brian Ed- ports became cities by developing their Francisco and Vancouver; wards 1998) Mark Auge (1995) calls potential as a site for businesses that are • Fourth wave, planned at regional air- them non-places, not involved in con- based on the dynamic, just-in-time ex- ports in North America: Detroit, Phoe- text, history or human interaction. No change of people and goods. The ways nix, Orlando, and Pittsburg. The airport organic life is possible here. But, air- that airports develop into airport cities city plans of the secondary European ports are more than just non-places: differs. Airports around the world are airports can also be added to this fourth “Once manifestations of ultimate neu- companies in different contexts and with wave: Vienna, Zurich, and Helsinki. trality, airports now are among the most different owners and they behave ac- In Europe, airport city developments singular, characteristic elements of the cordingly. are supported by good public (rail) generic city, its strongest vehicle of dif- The 1926 Air Commerce Act dele- transport between airports and central ferentiation. […] In terms of its iconog- gated responsibility for the design of air- cities. Amsterdam and Paris are early raphy/performance, the airport is a ports in the USA largely to local govern- examples. In Paris, Roissy Pole is a concentrate of the hyper-local and the ments, though in accordance with fed- mixed economic development. In Ams- hyper global.” (Rem Koolhaas 1995). eral standards. Airports are owned by terdam, the AirportCity became one of Many airports have indeed tried to re- local governments and regional airport the top office locations, sharing the DISP 154 35 2003

highest office rents of the country with ignated as Wayne County’s new image fices, 2400 hotel rooms and 6000 park- Amsterdam. The landside AirportCity of builder. Denver is developing its Airport ing spots will be developed at Kowloon Schiphol comprises a World Trade Cen- World for cargo, manufacturing, distri- and 90,000 square meters of offices ter, several other multi-tenant offices, a bution, hotels, leisure and entertain- and 1200 hotel rooms at Central. In ad- Sheraton Hotel, a Hilton Hotel, etc. ment. The Mall of America in Min- dition, a new Disney World is under de- Most of these buildings are directly neapolis/St Paul and the Dolphin Mall velopment. linked to the terminals via a covered in Miami are connected to their airports Thus, there are different economic walkway. They are integrated in a co- by shuttle buses. The retail developer, profiles connected to these airport city herent urban concept. Mills Corporation, has chosen airport developments: logistics and services Much economic activity is concentrat- locations for a series of shopping and at Amsterdam, logistics and industrial ing near airports and in the corridors entertainment centres (Phoenix, Dal- production or leisure/entertainment/ between the central city and the airport: las/Ft Worth, Los Angeles). In general, tourism in many US cases, services and Niederrad in Frankfurt, Orestad in the economies of American metropoli- tourism in Hong Kong and Seoul and Copenhagen and Oerlikon in Zurich. In tan areas are depending heavily on air technology in Kuala Lumpur. These de- Amsterdam, a regional development access, for example, the leisure econ- velopments contribute to maximising the company, Schiphol Area Development omy of Orlando and Las Vegas, and economic effect of the presence of the Company, is a public private partner- Denver as a convention centre. airport. ship between the airport, the municipal- In Asia, some major integrated proj- The present generation of airport ities of Amsterdam and Haarlemmer- ects are underway. Rinku Town in Os- cities, Aerotropoli and airport corridors meer and the Province of North Hol- aka is situated just on the shore near the may be considered as a first generation. land. Its aim is to develop land around access road to the airport island. In If globalisation and the importance of the airport to attract European distribu- Seoul, the Winged City is located on the air travel keep growing, a local network tion centres and European head offices airport island. It offers facilities for air- of airport cities, central business districts of mainly Japanese and American firms. port-related businesses, trade, an exhi- and technology parks bound into the In the USA, airport business parks are bition centre, a new town (60,000 global networks by airline alliances developed mainly around the airport. In houses in the first phase) and many may become a global space of concen- general, there is more space available parks and resort facilities to attract tration of management, production and and the publicly owned airports have tourists. In Kuala Lumpur, the corridor innovation, especially at hub airports. less incentive for commercial develop- between the new airport and the ments. John Kassarda (2000) calls the Petronas Towers downtown is desig- economic developments around airports nated as the Multi-Media Supercorridor. 5 Conclusions Aerotropolis. The Aerotropolis fits into Accessibility by air, road and informa- Air transportation might be a main the model of edge city developments tion is the key to the concept. The 40 driver or indicator of the spatial pattern that characterises American urban de- kilometres corridor includes the new of globalisation. If so, the cities with a velopment. Accessibility is the most im- government administrative centre (Putra- central or hub position in the networks portant commercial real estate organis- jaya) and an IT capital (Cyberjaya). of the global alliances are likely to be ing principle. Basic drivers for Aerotrop- In Hong Kong, construction of the Sky places of concentration of economic ac- olis development are advanced telecom- City at the airport still has to start: of- tivities within the western world, either munications, new supply-chain manage- fices, retail and leisure, hotels and an because they already have a strong ment systems, time-based competition, exhibition centre. It is part of the huge world city status, or have the air acces- production flexibility and mass customi- development of the whole axis between sibility and the potential to become a sation, and perishability. In the global the new airport and central Hong Kong. world or gateway city. The hub-and- world, companies need to be agile, in Around the airport railway and express- spoke networks of the global alliances the struggle for survival, only the fastest way, 170 hectares of land is being re- may create new relationships between and most agile companies will survive. claimed at Tung Chung, West Kowloon metropolitan areas. Airports become 65% of all cargo in the US is express and Central. At the stops of the new 34 cities in themselves, offering excellent now. Airport-linked business clusters are kilometres airport railway, extremely conditions for time critical processes of freight forwarding and third party logis- dense developments are planned or un- people and goods, with an emphasis on tics, e-commerce fulfilment centres, just- der construction. Projects include Tung exchange. The challenge is to integrate in-time manufacturing, perishables and Chung New Town near the airport with these airport cities into society, make cold-chain centres, high technology in- housing for airport workers (20,000 them the true intersection points be- dustries, business services and regional people). Residential, commercial and tween the local and the global by giving headquarters. (Kassarda 2000 a, b) leisure activities are projected for the them meaning as urban places. Examples are Dallas Ft Worth with In- West Kowloon station. Some 5000 fomart, Market Centre and Las Colinas. apartments, 80,000 square meters of In Detroit, the Pinnacle Aeropark is des- retail, 265,000 square meters of of- DISP 154 36 2003

References

AUGE, Marc (1995): Non-places. Verso. BURGHOUWT, Guillaume and HAKFOORT, Jacco (2001): The Evolution of the European Aviation Network, 1990–1998. In: Journal of Air Transport Management 7, Elsevier Sci- ence. EDWARDS, Brian (1998): The Modern Termi- nal. Routledge. FRIEDMANN, John (1995): Where We Stand: a Decade of World City Research. In: KNOX, Paul L. and TAYLOR, Peter J. (ed): World Cities in a World System. Cambridge University Press. KASSARDA, John (2000): Aerotropolis: Air- port-driven Urban Development; ULI on the Future: Cities in the 21st Century. Urban Land Institute. KASSARDA, John (2000): Planning the Aero- tropolis, Airport World, October/November 2000. KEELING David J. (1995): Transport and the World City Paradigm. In: KNOX Paul L. and TAYLOR Peter J. (ed): World Cities in a World System; Cambridge University Press. KOOLHAAS, Rem (1995): S M L XL. 010 publishers. LE TOURNEUR (2001), Christopher: The Bricks and Mortar of Global Commerce, Air- port World. DE NEUFVILLE, Richard and ODONI, Amadeo (2003): Airport systems. Mc Graw Hill. SASSEN, Saskia (1991): The Global City. Princeton University Press. SUDJIC, Deyan (1992): The 100 Mile City, Harcourt Brace & Company. SMITH, David and TIMBERLAKE, Michael (2002): Hierarchies of Dominance among World Cities: a Network Approach. In: SASSEN, Saskia (ed.): Global Networks, Linked Cities, Routledge. WILLIAMS, G. (1994): The Airline Industry and the Impact of Deregulation. Cambridge University Press. AIRPORT WORLD, magazine of ACI, several issues.

Maurits Schaafsma Schiphol Real Estate P.O. Box 75776 NL-1118 ZX Schiphol The Netherlands [email protected] DISP 154 37 2003 Guillaume Burghouwt, Menno Huys

Deregulation and the Consequences for Airport Planning in Europe

The regulatory situation in European avi- sion of seat capacity between the desig- lated. The process was completed in ation has changed dramatically in the nated carriers (mostly on a 50/50 ba- 1997. Every package reduced the regu- last fifteen years. One of the major ele- sis). In most cases, the designated carri- latory restrictions and widened the op- ers were the two national airlines or portunities for airlines to set air fares ments of the change has been the dereg- “flag carriers” of each country. Tariffs in and choose frequency and capacity ulation of the European aviation market. ASAs were generally derived from deci- and entry and exit routes (Button et al. With deregulation, the bilateral regula- sions of the International Air Transport 1998). In 2000, the fifteen member tion of air services and IATA tariff regula- Association (IATA), the organisation of states of the European Union, Norway tion was gradually replaced by a regula- international airlines, founded in 1945. and Iceland were part of a single However, the bilateral system only ap- European aviation market (Doganis tory regime of limited competition. As a plied to scheduled traffic. Charter oper- 2001:42). In 2002, Switzerland also consequence, airlines have developed ations were exempted from the system entered the arena. This gradual replace- new network strategies. Airport planners and were relatively free of restrictions ment of the bilateral regulation of air have to think differently about the plan- (Doganis 1991). services and IATA tariff regulation ning and development of airport site ca- During the bilateral period, the Euro- brought in a period of limited competi- pean air transport market was heavily tion. pacity. centred around the national airlines and The new phase of competition is lim- This article addresses two main issues. their respective national airports. Every ited because some regulatory barriers First, the change in European aviation European nation had its own national remain. The European Union has the and the consequences for airline network airline (e.g., KLM, British Airways, Air right to intervene when the market is behaviour. We will look at the new net- France). The network maps created by structurally out of balance, in the case of these agreements covered the world a sustained downward development of work strategies of European airlines such with various overlapping star-shaped fares and in support of necessary but as hub-and-spoke networks and global configurations. There was little room unviable routes to peripheral areas strategic alliances. Second, the article de- for competition since virtually no entry (public service obligation). Moreover, scribes the new context in which airport was possible for new scheduled air- the multilateral deregulation of the EU planners operate. It discusses some con- lines. Besides, ticket prices followed the aviation market only applies to the air IATA conferences. Moreover, the air- services within the EU. For their inter- temporary forms of airport planning such lines were more or less the offspring of continental air services, European air- as the commercialisation of the airport the governments. Most flag carriers lines still depend on the bilateral air product, new airport layout requirements were (partially) owned by their govern- service agreements of the governments and the case for flexible planning. ments and heavily subsidised. The lack of the respective country of registration. of competition resulted in high-ticket Therefore, carriers without a designa- prices for scheduled flights. Airlines had tion in the bilateral treaties cannot set little incentive to reduce costs or im- up an intercontinental network. prove efficiency. Due to these changes in the aviation industry, the major European airlines 1.2 Limited Competition have adopted new network strategies to 1 History During the eighties, the positive experi- cope with the intensified competition. ences with airline deregulation in the The adoption of hub-and-spoke net- 1.1 Bilateral Regulation United States, a lobby of airlines and works, the formation of global strategic From the Second World War on, the consumers in favour of deregulation, alliances and the low-cost concept are trinity of the national government, the new economic theories and the Euro- the most important of these new strate- national carrier and the national airport pean unification process opened the gies. Deregulation and the changing characterised European aviation. Indi- door for deregulation and unification of airline network pattern have signifi- vidual nations negotiated the air serv- the European aviation market [1]. cantly affected the context in which air- ices between two countries on a bilat- In 1987, the European Council adopt- port planners operate. We will first dis- eral basis: the bilateral air service ed the first “package” of deregulation cuss the consequences for airline net- agreements (ASAs) (Doganis 1991; measures, which was the first step to- work development and then the chang- Zacher and Sutton 1996). Governments wards the creation of a single European ing context for airport planners. Finally, reached agreement on the number of aviation market without any significant we will discuss some of the possible im- gateways (airports) accessible to each regulatory restrictions on competition plications for future airport planning carrier of each nation, the frequency on between European airlines. By imple- and development. routes between the two countries, the menting a second and a third package designated carriers operating the routes in 1990 and 1993 respectively, the EU between the two countries and the divi- aviation market was further deregu- DISP 154 38 2003

et al. 1998). Direct flights from medium- sized airports to other medium-sized airports were increasingly replaced by indirect flights via central airports or hubs (see Figure 1). Hub-and-spoke networks offer airlines advantages on the cost and demand side in a highly competitive market. The advantages of these hub-and-spoke systems have been exten- sively discussed elsewhere (see, Button 2002; Hanlon 1996; Pels 2001). Spatial concentration and temporal concentration are the two main features of the hub-and-spoke network (Reynolds- Feighan 2001). The hub carrier concentrates its network spatially around one hub or a small number of hubs (see Fig- ure 1). Reynolds-Feighan (2001) concluded that most large US carriers, such as United Airlines and Continental, did Figure 1: Network of Western before (above) reorganise their networks around a lim- and after deregulation (below). ited number of central airports. Source: Williams, 1994 With respect to temporal concentration, a hub airline operates synchro- 100 nised, daily waves of flights through its hubs (Reynolds-Feighan 2000). The aim of such a “wave-system structure” is to 80 optimise the number and quality of connections offered by an airline (Bootsma 1997). Many US airlines adopted or in- 60 tensified wave-system structures after deregulation, such as Delta Airlines at Atlanta Hartsfield (see Figure 2).

Number of flights 40

2.2 Are European Airlines 20 Forming Hubs? The question arises whether European airlines have followed the same network 0 strategy of implementing hub-and-spoke 6:00 7:70 9:40 11:10 12:80 14:50 16:20 17:90 19:60 21:30 6:85 8:55 10:25 11:95 13:65 15:35 17:05 18:75 20:45 networks by concentrating their route Time of the day networks in both space and time. As we will see, large European airlines do op- Figure 2: The heartbeat of a hub: wave- erate hub-and-spoke networks. How- system structure of Delta Airlines at Atlanta ever, the long-term process of forming Hartsfield in 1999. Source: OAG hubs has been limited to temporal concentration. 2 New Airline Network Strategies deregulation on airlines was the adop- Recalling the situation of European tion and intensification of hub-and- aviation during bilateral regulation, na- 2.1 Hub-and-spoke Networks: spoke networks. Airlines wanted to take tional airlines were, in most cases, the the US Case advantage of the opportunities of the designated airlines in the bilateral air To understand the changing network be- liberalised market and reorganised service agreements. These airlines oper- haviour of European carriers, it is useful their networks. A number of carriers re- ated from the national airports, also to consider the consequences of airline organised their networks from “point- designated in the bilateral agreements. deregulation in the United States in to-point” into “hub-and-spoke” networks Hence, European airline networks were, 1978. One of the most striking effects of (Reynolds-Feighan 1998, 2000; Viscusi in contrast to their American counter- DISP 154 39 2003

parts, already heavily concentrated in space before deregulation. These radial networks were not hub-and-spoke networks in a strict sense since air services were not coordinated in time through a wave-system structure. Even under limited competition, the Figure 4: Route network of Régional Airlines in 1990 and 1999. national carriers such as KLM, Air Source: Burghouwt et al., 2003 France and Iberia are bound to these national airports because their intercontinental services are still subject to bilat- dial, hub-and-spoke system and made more airlines have adopted or intensi- eral negotiations. KLM cannot simply use of the renovated airport of Cler- fied their wave-system structures at cen- move its home base to another EU coun- mont-Ferrand. With its new airport lay- tral airports. KLM, for example, reor- try without losing its portfolio of inter- out, Clermont-Ferrand allowed for very ganised its three to four wave-system continental traffic rights. As a result, the short minimum connection times of into a more effective five wave-system. level of network concentration for Euro- about twenty minutes during the four Lufthansa started a wave-system struc- pean flag carriers has remained re- daily waves of incoming and outgoing ture at the newly constructed airport, markably high and stable even after Eu- short-haul flights of Régional Airlines. Munich II, alleviating some of the ca- ropean deregulation (see Figure 3). Major European airlines did, how- pacity problems at Frankfurt. Initially, Only a few regional airlines reconfig- ever, reorganise their networks in a tem- Air France did not operate any wave- ured their networks from point-to-point, poral sense. Burghouwt and De Wit system structure at Paris Charles de criss-cross networks into radially organ- (2003) have concluded that more and Gaulle or Lyon. However, the carrier did ised hub-and-spoke networks. Régional implement a fully effective traffic pump Airlines is perhaps the best example of at Charles de Gaulle in March 1996 such a network reorganisation (see Fig- 30 (see Figure 5) and a more modest sys- ure 4). Régional Airlines and its prede- tem at Lyon in the same year. cessor Air Vendée used to operate a lin- In contrast to the US airlines, Euro- ear network. After deregulation, the air- pean airlines had entered the phase of 20 line reconfigured its network into a ra- spatial network concentration long before deregulation. In general, these star- shaped networks were not coordinated 10 in time. Transfer opportunities at central

Number of flights airports were mostly created “by acci- 0.9 dent.” With the deregulation of the EU 0.8 0 air transport market from 1988 on, a 0.7 6:00 7:80 9:60 11:40 13:20 15:00 16:80 18:60 20:40 6:90 8:70 10v50 12:30 14:10 15:90 17:70 19:50 21:30 second phase of airline network con- 0.6 Departures Arrivals Wave centre centration started. European airlines 0.5 concentrated their networks in time by 0.4 adopting or intensifying wave-system 30 0.3

Network concentration structures in their flight schedules, trans- 0.2 forming the carriers into hub-and-spoke 0.1 airlines. 0.0 20 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999

low-cost 2.3 Global Strategic Alliances national The airline alliance frenzy of the 1990s regional

extra-EU 10 was another outcome of deregulation in European aviation. From a geographi- Note: A high network concentration index repre- Number of flights sents spatial concentration of airline traffic on a limi- cal point of view, three types of airline ted number of hubs. Low network concentration indi- alliances can be identified. The first 0 ces represent a spatially deconcentrated, point-to- type, the route-specific alliance, is the point network. See for a detailed description of the 6:00 7:80 9:60 11:40 13:20 15:00 16:80 18:60 20:40 6:90 8:70 10v50 12:30 14:10 15:90 17:70 19:50 21:30 network concentration index: Burghouwt et al., simplest and by far the most numerous. 2003. Departures Arrivals Wave centre The second type, the regional alliance, Figure 3: Network concentration indices for Figure 5: Wave-system structure of Air France covers a much wider scale. The third national, regional, low-cost and extra-Euro- at Paris CDG in 1990 (above) and 1999 (be- type is the global alliance. pean airlines, 1990–1999 low). Global airline alliances are the most Source: Burghouwt et al., 2003 Source: Burghouwt & De Wit, 2003 important ones in terms of network ex- DISP 154 40 2003

5 Virgin Express pansion and they have the most far- greater part of the total number of pas- easyJet 0 reaching consequences for the airport. sengers. As a consequence of the con- Ryanair 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 The hub-and-spoke networks of two or centration process of the transfer pas- more large airlines that operate in geo- sengers on these hubs, their market Figure 6: Passenger growth of the three largest low-cost carriers (in millions), 1998 to graphically distinct markets, often on share in intercontinental seat capacity 2002. different continents, are linked by their rose from 44% in 1990 to more than Source: Annual reports Ryanair, easyJet, Vir- respective hubs. This means an increase 50% in 1999. (Burghouwt and Hak- gin Express in the scope and size of the airline net- foort 2001) The growth potential of an works, which normally means an in- airport is therefore largely dependent crease in passengers and freight vol- on the presence or absence of a global The success of the low-cost carriers is ume. Alliances can also lead to a re- alliance at the airport. Airports that are a result of the business model of these duction of costs by producing eco- not a home-base for a global alliance airlines, which can be defined by three nomies of density, size and scope and partner are condemned to growing at a key elements. The most important ele- by joint purchasing of aircraft. A third modest pace, especially because they ment is the low operating costs, caused reason for alliance building is reducing lack the high numbers of transfer pas- by low personnel costs (ticket-less sales, competition, which is most effective sengers. cheap labour), low airport fees (use of when the partners serve the same secondary airports), low costs for main- routes. A final reason for forming al- tenance (single aircraft type) and high liances is to bypass the nationality rules 2.4 The Low-cost Concept levels of productivity (high daily utilisa- and other regulatory barriers that make Sometimes it is said that there are two tion by reducing turnaround time). The cross-border acquisitions and mergers ways to make money in the aviation second element is the simple product impossible for the time being (Doganis business. The first is by creating a hub- (no frills) offered. No free in-flight cater- 2001; Oum et al 2001). and-spoke network with additional al- ing or entertainment, narrow seats At present, four strategic global alliances. The second way is by imple- (higher seating density) and no seat liances can be identified, which make menting the low-cost concept, originally reservations are the most important fea- up about 60% of the world passenger- introduced by the US airline Southwest tures of the product. The third element kilometers. The Star Alliance (i.e., in 1967. of the business design is its positioning United Airlines, Lufthansa, SAS) is the Ryanair started the low-cost revolution in the market. Low-cost carriers offer largest one, followed by the Oneworld in Europe, when it began with genuine high frequency, scheduled, point-to- Alliance (i.e., American Airlines, British low-cost operations on the British Isles in point short-haul services, which they Airways, Iberia), Sky Team (i.e., Air 1991, patterned after the Southwest promote with very aggressive marketing France, Delta, Alitalia) and Wings (i.e., model. The real revolution started after strategies. KLM, Northwest). Until recently, there the implementation of the third deregu- was a fifth alliance, Qualiflyer, but it lation package in 1993, which deregu- ceased to exist after the bankruptcies of lated the international air services 3 Increased Volatility Swissair and Sabena in 2001. One within the European Union. The devel- As we have seen, the period of limited must keep in mind that alliances are opment of low-cost carriers started in the competition in European aviation and only transitional devices on the rocky UK because of the lower labour costs, the resulting network strategies of road to full mergers. the huge London market and the light- European carriers have dramatically It is expected that a period of great in- handed regulatory environment (Doga- changed the context in which airport stability will occur when the nationality nis 2001). Go, Buzz and EasyJet all planners operate. Two main features rules and other constraints are relaxed started there. Since 1999, after the ex- characterise the new context: volatility during the coming years and cross-bor- pansion in the UK, the low-cost carriers and new requirements for airport layout der acquisitions and mergers become began increasingly to take a hold on the and functions. possible. The alliance structures will continental market. The only exception The market environment of European change, which affects the future traffic is Virgin Express, which started with a airports is getting more and more volumes for airports since every alliance home-base in Brussels in 1994. volatile for a number of reasons. First of has its own primary hub. These primary With growth rates of 15 to 60% per all, deregulation abolished the exten- hubs function as the major transfer year, the low-cost carriers have rapidly sive financial state support to European points between the networks of the al- expanded their market power. The pas- carriers. When carriers do not operate liance partners on the different conti- senger growth of the most important efficiently enough, they simply disap- nents. Nowadays, Europe has four pri- low-cost carriers is presented in Figure pear from the arena or merge with an- mary hubs (Paris Charles de Gaulle, 6. It is expected that the low-cost carri- other carrier. The effect on the traffic vol- Frankfurt, London Heathrow, Amster- ers will expand their European market ume of the central airports of these car- dam Schiphol), each bound to a global share from the present 5% to 25% by riers are widely known in Europe and alliance that is responsible for the 2010. the United States. Brussels Zaventem DISP 154 41 2003

25 20 15 10 5 0 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 Brussels Zurich

Figure 7: Number of passengers at Brussels had to cope with the bankruptcies of its cessary information to make a rational Zaventem and Zürich Unique Airport, 1993 home carrier Sabena and its Qualiflyer to 2002. decision and choose the best develop- Alliance partner Swissair (see Figure 7 Source: Statistical Yearbook 2002 Zurich; ment alternative for the airport. and Table 1). The airport lost huge num- BRUtrends 1998 and 2002 • Reactivity: the master plan is one res- bers of passengers, especially transfer ponse to one specific expectation about passengers. the future. Second, airlines are now free to enter transfer passengers to the airport that • Inflexibility: the master plan does not (if capacity is available) and exit routes functions as the primary hub of the al- consider alternative futures for the air- as they wish. For intra-European traffic, liance network. port. carriers are no longer bound to the De Neufville and Barber (1991a) • The role of power: The rational-com- bilateral treaties. In theory, airlines studied volatility in airport traffic before prehensive model assumes a unitary, can build up and abandon hubs in and after US deregulation. They con- powerful actor. It ignores the role and a relatively short period of time – as cluded that volatility in airport traffic has preferences of other important stakehol- happened in the United States after indeed increased due to deregulation ders (e.g., airlines, the public) during deregulation. However, for interconti- and changing network strategies. As far the decision-making process. nental services, European airlines are as Europe is concerned, Burghouwt et However, the changing context in still bound to their country of registra- al. (2003) have concluded that net- which airport planners operate has tion. Relocation of intercontinental hubs works of national airlines were quite sta- made traditional airport master plan- is therefore less likely in Europe for the ble during the first ten years of deregu- ning inadequate for a number of rea- time being [2]. lation. Volatility in airport traffic was sons. First of all, the informational re- Third, the intensification and adoption mainly caused by bankruptcies of quirements of the rational-comprehen- of hub-and-spoke networks by airlines regional airlines, the growth of regional sive master planning are unrealistic. In- has increased volatility of airport traffic, hub airlines (such as Régional Airlines creased volatility in airport traffic vol- since transfer traffic generated by these at Clermont-Ferrand) and low-cost umes has resulted in the fact that air traf- networks (see Table 1) is to a large ex- carriers (such as Ryanair at London fic forecasts, basic to the traditional tent unpredictable. Airports and the Stansted). Recently, however, volatility master plan, are almost always wrong home carrier compete for transfer traf- of airport traffic might have increased (de Neufville and Barber 1991a; de fic. Changes in the quality of the con- significantly due to bankruptcies of ma- Neufville and Odoni 2003; Dempsey et necting service (transfer time, ticket jor European carriers (Swissair, Sabe- al. 1997). The future will likely be very price, frequency, quality of the hub air- na) and specialisation of hubs within different from the master plan forecast. port) may easily result in declining num- global alliance groupings. A master plan based on a single traffic bers of transfer passengers since those Increasing volatility demands that the forecast and a single future therefore transfer passengers can travel through standard process of airport “blue-print” cannot be justified. Moreover, rational- other European hubs (de Neufville master planning be adapted. comprehensive master planning as- 1995; Veldhuis and Kroes 2002). sumes that all policy alternatives and Finally, volatility is further being stimu- consequences are known. But, this is not lated by the increasing importance of 4Volatility Demands correct; planners do not have complete global airline alliances. Secondary air- Flexible Planning and unbiased knowledge. Second, so- ports in networks of global airline al- Traditionally, the rational comprehen- cio-economic and political variables liances may lose the greater part of their sive model was the dominant paradigm cannot be ignored during the decision- in airport master planning (Dempsey making process. Due to deregulation, et al. 1997). A master plan consisted the balance of power in the airline in- of a future vision of the architectural/ dustry has shifted from the governments Airport 1997 2002 engineering development of a single air- to the airlines. Hence, the role of airlines Amsterdam Schiphol 42 % 42 % port (de Neufville and Odoni 2003). de in the decision-making process can no Copenhagen Kastrup 45 % 46 % Neufville and Odoni (2003), de longer be ignored, nor can the role of Frankfurt Fraport 47 % 53 % Neufville (1991b), de Neufville and Bar- the public, especially in dense metropol- Paris Charles de Gaulle 38 % 58 % ber (1991a), Dempsey et al. (1997), itan areas. Brussels Zaventem 25 % 7 % and Hakfoort and Kreukels (1998) state A leading academic on airport plan- Zurich Unique 37 % 38 % London Heathrow 32 % – that the traditional, rational comprehen- ning, Richard de Neufville, argues that sive master planning is characterised traditional master planning needs to Note: Data for London Heathrow 2002 not available. by: be discarded in favour of dynamic Table 1: Transfer traffic (percent in total number • Detailed forecasts: detailed forecasts strategic planning (de Neufville and of passengers) at major European hubs in on future traffic are basic to the plan- Odoni 2003). Comparable planning 1997 and 2002 ning and design of an airport. It is assu- concepts are flexible planning (Demp- Source: Various annual/statistical reports med that planners have access to all ne- sey et al. 1997; Goetz and Szyliowicz DISP 154 42 2003

1997), “marketplace” planning (Caves abandoned the idea that the planning have evolved from origin-destination and Gosling 1999) and contingency authority is the dominant actor during nodes to transfer nodes. Hub-and-spoke planning (Hakfoort and Kreukels 1998). the planning process. Goetz and Szyli- traffic has different requirements than We will call these concepts “flexible owicz (1997) add an organisational di- origin-destination traffic. Hub-and-spoke planning”. mension to this concept. Flexible airport networks imply a concentration of traffic Flexible planning is flexible, proactive planning needs an appropriate organi- in both space and time. From the airline and interactive. It is flexible in the sense sational structure that is robust and re- or alliance viewpoint, spatial concentra- that it recognises uncertainty and risk as silient. The organisation should be both tion requires a vast daily capacity at an inescapable reality. There are differ- prepared and able to continue working the hub airport. Besides, because hub ent ways to deal with an uncertain fu- after unexpected developments. airlines use wave-system structures to ture. First of all, flexible planning does Flexible planning might be the right facilitate transfers, the hub airport not produce a single forecast but multi- answer to the changes in the European should also have a large peak-hour ca- ple traffic forecasts under different sce- aviation industry because it builds in pacity at the runway, the terminal and narios. The determination of initial air- flexibility as an answer to uncertainty. the landside infrastructures. Amsterdam port facility requirements is suitable for The study of de Neufville (1991c) on Schiphol, for example, has presented its several possible levels and types of traf- Sydney Airport has clearly demon- plans for a sixth and seventh runway to fic in different scenarios. Second, the strated the benefits of a flexible plan- stimulate peak hour capacity and make new generation of airport planning ac- ning strategy, whereas the extensive it possible to use two parallel runways knowledges uncertainty because it is in- study of Dempsey et al. (1997) on Den- for both take-off and landing in virtually cremental and phased: it selects the ver International Airport has proven the every wind direction. most suitable initial development that al- failure of traditional master planning in Because airlines compete for transfer lows planners to respond appropriately a volatile market environment. traffic, they will prefer passenger build- to future levels of traffic. “Go/no-go” However, it is not clear to what extent ings that minimise walking distances be- checkpoints might prepare planners for European airports have implemented tween the gates in order to provide the unexpected (Goetz and Szyliowicz flexible planning strategies, although smooth transfers. De Neufville and 1997). After the initial development, some indications show that elements of Odoni (2003) state that midfield pas- new information is used to evaluate the flexibility have been introduced to Euro- senger buildings (such as the passenger situation again and decide about the pean airport planning. After September buildings at Denver International, Lon- next development stage. Incrementality 11 and the SARS outbreak, a number of don Stansted and Pittsburg) are the demonstrates itself physically as modu- airports postponed further development preferred form for transfer traffic, com- larity: facilities such as piers and termi- of piers and terminals, which could be pared to the linear building (e.g., nals are no longer indivisible entities but seen as a form of incrementalism and Munich, Barcelona), the finger-pier consist of various modules that can be phased planning. Amsterdam Schiphol, building (e.g., Frankfurt, Amsterdam built up when traffic grows. for example, decided to build only one Schiphol, London Heathrow) and the Finally, flexible planning deals with module of the terminal extension instead transporter building (e.g., Washington uncertainty because it is characterised of the planned four modules. The picture Dulles). The midfield passenger building by hedging: some kind of back-up sys- is far from complete, however. Given minimises walking distances for transfer tem or insurance protects against an un- the increasingly volatile nature of the Eu- passengers and taxi time for aircraft. foreseen and less favourable develop- ropean air transport industry, more re- Airports with long minimum connec- ment (contingency planning). This can search on this topic is needed. tion times between flights such as Lon- be a financial matter (buying insurance) don Heathrow are generally not very at- but also a technical (e.g., a backup-up tractive transfer points for passengers. baggage system) or spatial matter To ensure the competitive strength of a (reservation of land for future develop- 5 New Requirements for Airport hub, the transfer process should also be ments). Layout and Development reliable and easy. Passengers find trans- In contrast to traditional master plan- fers within one building more attractive ning, flexible planning is proactive. It 5.1 Hub Airports than between different buildings, for ex- seeks to use new opportunities given the The changes in European aviation have ample. Although, it must be borne in strengths and weaknesses of the airport not only resulted in the need for a more mind that the availability of an intelli- instead of waiting for future develop- flexible airport planning process. It also gently managed midfield concourse is ments. Flexible planning is interactive has affected the requirements for the no guarantee for having a hub-and- in the sense that it acknowledges the physical layout of airports. Due to the spoke airline and a large number of preferences of other stakeholders such adoption and intensification of hub-and- transfer passengers. In the case of Brus- as airlines and the inhabitants of the spoke systems, the function of airports in sels Zaventem, the airport opened the airport region (Dempsey et al. 1997; general has changed significantly. A most modern midfield pier in Europe Goetz and Szyliowicz 1997). It has number of central European airports in 2002, but as a consequence of the DISP 154 43 2003

demise of Sabena the excellent transfer ulation, airports were seen as public util- itself as being in the business of “creat- opportunities remain largely unused ities with public service obligations. The ing airport cities” (Schaafsma 2001). (BIAC, 2003). Since transfer traffic is management of the airport was rela- Triggered by the necessity of finding highly unpredictable, the passenger tively simple. Providing infrastructure for additional financing, other than public buildings should have some flexibility in national purposes was the core task and funds, for the building of additional in- their use, for example, they can be ex- only a few business skills and compe- frastructure, airport privatisation be- tended easily when traffic grows. Devel- tencies were required. came a reality in the 1990s. Privatisa- opment space has to be available next Under limited competition, however, tion reduces the need for public sector to existing airport facilities. airports have to meet the needs of the investment and gives access to commer- new airline customers (such as hub car- cial markets. Privatisation can also im- 5.2 Low-cost Airports riers, alliances and low-cost carriers) prove efficiency and accommodate fur- Of course, not all hub airports fit the de- and passengers to compete in a volatile ther commercialisation of the airport in- scription in a strict sense. Only 22 out of marketplace. One of the strategies air- dustry. On the other hand, it is feared 461 EU airports with scheduled services ports used to fight the increasing com- that the needs of the community and air- had some kind of wave-system structure petition and uncertainty was to modify lines will be neglected and that airports in 1999, while about 40 airports were and diversify their product. So, during will become natural monopolies after hub airports in the sense that they pro- the 1980s the commercialisation of the privatisation (CPB 2000). In Europe, vided more than ten indirect connec- airport industry began to gain momen- only some of the airports in the United tions per day but they did not have a tum. The commercialisation process in- Kingdom have been fully privatised to clear wave-system structure (Burghouwt troduced a more business-like, market- date (Humphreys 1999). The airports of and de Wit 2003). The rest of the air- orientated approach to the manage- Zurich, Vienna, Copenhagen, Rome ports can be considered non-hub air- ment of airports (Jarach 2001). The in- and Frankfurt are partially privatised. ports. creased focus on non-aeronautical or Privatisation of airport authorities in An interesting group of airports commercial revenues, the more proac- many countries were planned for the among the non-hub airports are the tive role of marketing and the introduc- beginning of the 21st century, for home-bases of low-cost carriers. The on- tion of new business skills like financial example, in the Netherlands (Schiphol going low-cost revolution has had seri- management and quality management Group) and Belgium (BIAC), but have ous consequences for these airports. Re- are visible indications of the commer- been postponed as a result of the pres- gional airports benefit the most from the cialisation of airports (Graham 2001). ent-day uncertainties in the rather unsta- low-cost revolution because they can of- The rise of the airport city can be seen ble aviation sector. fer low-cost airlines remarkable opportu- as the result of the differentiation and nities for growth: they are uncongested commercialisation strategies of the air- and charge relatively low airport fees. port site as a way to spread the risks The expansion of Ryanair’s operations and reduce the dependence on the 6 Conclusion: Towards a New at Brussels South (Charleroi) and at aeronautical revenues. The largest air- Generation of Airport Planning? Frankfurt-Hahn are good examples of ports of Europe are increasingly being Due to the deregulation of the European booming low-cost operations from a re- integrated into the regional and high airline industry, airlines have become gional airport. The point-to-point opera- speed train networks, which makes them market-driven entities. Governments, air- tions make the specific facilities for easy focal points of landside transport. Be- lines and airports are no longer a trinity transfers unnecessary and the low-cost cause of their central network position in bilateral air service agreements. Bi- carriers are certainly not willing to pay on the airside (mega hub) and their lateral regulation has now been transfor an expensive hub infrastructure. The landside connections (multimodal inter- formed into a situation of limited com- price tag for making the airport suitable change node), these airports become petition. Airlines have adopted new net- for low-cost carriers includes providing an attractive development pool (Cofar work strategies to cope with the intensi- the necessary infrastructure and facili- 2001). In particular, the primary hubs fied competition. The adoption and in- ties. These facilities include single storey of Schiphol, London Heathrow and tensification of hub-and-spoke networks terminals, lower (and cheaper) service Frankfurt are turning into powerful cen- by airlines and global alliances as well levels, quick turnaround times and high- tres of urban development by concen- as the low-cost concept are among the speed check-in facilities. trating various functions at the airport most important of these strategies. site like office buildings, shopping The new network strategies have had 5.3 Commercialisation malls, casinos, hotels, conference halls, some significant consequences for the The changing network behaviour of air- etc. (Burghouwt 2002). At these pri- context in which airport planners oper- lines has also changed the management mary hubs, the commercial activities ate, especially regarding the new air- structure of airports, which seems to have brought in up to 50% of the airport layout requirements and the in- have serious implications for the func- port’s profits (Güller and Güller 2001). creased uncertainty for airport planners. tioning of airports. During bilateral reg- The Schiphol Group especially presents We have discussed some of the possible DISP 154 44 2003

impacts of the new context for airport Notes DEMPSEY, P. S., A. R. GOETZ and J.S. planning practices. The case for the SZYLIOWICZ (1997): Denver International [1] See Button (1998), Doganis (1991), Na- midfield passenger building, the need Airport; Lessons Learned. New York, Mc- yar (1995), Dagtoglou (1994) and Williams Graw-Hill. for a more flexible planning model and (1994) for a detailed description of the DOGANIS, R. (1991): Flying Off Course. the commercialisation and diversifica- deregulation process. The Economics of International Airlines. Lon- tion of the airport product may be the [2] Recently, however, the EU transport minis- don, Routledge. most important aspects of a new gener- ters have opened the door for one bilateral ation of airport planning. treaty between the EU and the United States. DOGANIS, R. (2001): The Airline Business The fact that airport planners are This bilateral will replace the umbrella of air in the 21st Century. London, Routledge. nowadays confronted with a very unsta- service agreements of the individual member GOETZ, A. R. and J. S. SZYLIOWICZ ble market environment deserves atten- states. (1997): Revisiting Transportation Planning tion. Investments in airport capacity and Decision-making Theory: the Case of are high-cost, long-term developments Denver International Airport. In: Transporta- whereas airlines’ network behaviour tion Research A 31(4): 263–280. is increasingly dynamic. Examples from References GRAHAM, A. (2001): Managing Airports: the United States (Denver International BIAC (2003): Annual Report, Brussels Airport an International Perspective. Oxford, Butter- Airport) and Canada (Montreal Mira- Zaventem 2002. BIAC, Zaventem. worth-Heinemann. bel) have clearly demonstrated the fail- BOOTSMA, P. D. (1997): Airline Flight ure of traditional airport master plan- GÜLLER, M. and GÜLLER, M. (2001): From Schedule Development; Analysis and Design Airport to Airport City. Barcelona, Litogama. ning approaches where detailed fore- Tools for European Hinterland Hubs. Utrecht, casts of future traffic volumes are central University of Twente. HAKFOORT, J. R. and A. J. M. KREUKELS to decisions on future developments and (1998): Planologische theorie en de BURGHOUWT, G. and J. R. HAKFOORT master plans are of a high “blue print”, besluitvorming rondom Schiphol. Colloquium (2001): The European Aviation Network, Vervoersplanologisch Speurwerk, Amster- centralised character. 1990–1998. In: Journal of Air Transport dam. A new generation of airport master Management 7(5): 311–318. planning is therefore needed. This new HANLON, P. (1996): Global Airlines. Com- BURGHOUWT, G. (2002): De onweerstaan- generation of airport planning adopts petition in a Transnational Industry. Oxford, bare opkomst van de airport city. In: Ge- flexibility in order to cope with a highly Butterworth-Heinemann Ltd. ografie (September 2001). unstable market environment. The ques- HUMPHREYS, I. (1999): Privatisation and tion remains as to what extent European BURGHOUWT, G., J. R. HAKFOORT and J. R. RITSEMA VAN ECK (2003): The Spatial Commercialisation. Changes in UK Airport airport authorities have already adopt- Configuration of Airline Networks in Europe. ownership patterns. In: Journal of Transport ed flexible planning approaches. More In: Journal of Air Transport Management Geography 7: 121–134. research is needed to answer this ques- 9(5): 309–323. JARACH, D. (2001): The Evolution of Airport tion. It is certain, however, that the BURGHOUWT, G. and J. DE WIT (2003): management Practices: Towards a Multi- changes in European aviation have had The Temporal Configuration of European Air- point, Multi-service, Marketing-driven Firm. a structural impact on airline network line Networks. Air Transport Research Soci- In: Journal of Air Transport Management behaviour. The context in which airport ety Conference, Toulouse. 7(4): 119–125. planners operate has changed forever. BUTTON, K., K. HAYNES and R. STOUGH NAYAR, B. R. (1995): Regimes, Power and (1998): Flying Into the Future. Air Transport International Aviation. In: International Orga- Policy in the European Union. Cheltenham, nization 49(1): 139–170. Edward Elgar Publishing Limited. DE NEUFVILLE, R. and J. BARBER (1991a): BUTTON, K. (2002): Debunking Some Com- Deregulation Induced Volatility of Airport mon Myths about Airport Hubs. In: Journal of Traffic. In: Transportation Planning and Tech- Air Transport Management 8(3): 177–188. nology 16: 117–128.

CAVES, R. E. and G. D. GOSLING (1999): DE NEUFVILLE, R. (1991b): Understanding Strategic Airport Planning. Amsterdam, Perg- and Using Forecasts. Foreword to Passenger amon. Forecasts for Logan International Airport. COFAR (2001): Airport City and Regional Boston. Embeddedness. Project Interreg IIC, Theme DE NEUFVILLE, R. (1991c): Strategic Plan- 2.3. Paris, IAURIF Prins DC. ning for Airport Capacity: an Appreciation CPB (2000): Schiphol: een normaal bedrijf? of Australia’s Process for Sydney. In: Aus- Den Haag, Centraal Planbureau. tralian Planner 29(3): 174–180. DAGTOGLOU, P. D. (1994): Air Transport DE NEUFVILLE, R. (1995): Designing Airport and the European Union. Essays and Com- Passenger Buildings for the 21st Century. In: ments. Deventer, Kluwer. Transport Journal 111(May): 83–96. DISP 154 45 2003

DE NEUFVILLE, R. and A. R. ODONI (2003): Drs. Guillaume Burghouwt Airport Systems. Planning, Design and Man- Faculty of Geographical Sciences agement. New York, McGraw Hill. Department of Urban and Regional Planning Utrecht University OUM, T. H., C. YU and A. ZHANG. (2001): Heidelberglaan 2 Global Airline Alliances: International Regu- NL-3508 TC Utrecht latory Issues. In: Journal of Air Transport The Netherlands Management 7: 57–62. [email protected] PELS, E. (2001): A Note on Airline Alliances. In: Journal of Air Transport Management 7: Drs. Menno Huys 3–7. Faculty of Geographical Sciences REYNOLDS-FEIGHAN, A. (1998): The Im- Department of Urban and Regional Planning pact of US Airline Deregulation on Airport Utrecht University Traffic Patterns. In: Geographical Analysis Heidelberglaan 2 30(3): 234–253. NL-3508 TC Utrecht The Netherlands REYNOLDS-FEIGHAN, A. (2000): The US [email protected] Airport Hierarchy and Implications for Small Communities. In: Urban Studies 37(3): 557–577. REYNOLDS-FEIGHAN, A. (2001): Traffic Dis- tribution in Low-cost and Full-service Carrier Networks. In: Journal of Air Transport Man- agement 7(5): 265–275. SCHAAFSMA, M. (2001): Planning Schiphol Airport City. Flughafen- und Raumentwick- lung. In: B. SCHOLL and E.-A. BUDAU. Karls- ruhe, Institut für Städtebau und Landespla- nung, Universität Karlsruhe: 7–15. VELDHUIS, J. and E. KROES (2002): Dynam- ics in Relative Network Performance of the Main European Hub Airports. European Transport Conference, Cambridge. VISCUSI, W. K., J. M. VERNON and J.E. HARRINGTON (1998): Economics of Regu- lation and Antitrust. Cambridge, MIT Press. WILLIAMS, G. (1994): Airline Industry and the Impact of Deregulation. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. ZACHER, M. W. and C. J. SUTTON (1996): Governing Global Networks: International Regimes for Transportation and Communica- tion. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. DISP 154 46 2003 Joost Schrijnen

The Port of Rotterdam in a Regional and Supra-regional Context

This article explains the spatial chal- land. The Rhine axis has been con- and 1970s. The Dutch government and lenges that face the world’s largest port nected to the Danube and to tranship- business community had embarked with in the context of national spatial planning ment hubs for road and rail transport tremendous vigour on reconstructing the along the entire length of the river. bombed-out city and port after World and the resulting regional spatial trans- Existing and created conditions in The War II. There was robust economic formations caused or enabled by the port Netherlands have been instrumental in growth driven principally by Germany’s and urban development. By embracing a expansions of the Port of Rotterdam. post-war economic recovery. Quality of long time-horizon, the article shows how Over the past fifty years, these expan- life and urban quality were relegated to fundamental long-term prospects conflict sions have been justified time and again second place by the desire to work, the by the global organisation of transport. demand for housing and the need for with the investments required for major The world’s largest oil and container production. The government only be- projects for spatial development of the ships can dock at the terminals directly came aware of the one-sidedness of port. Within a window of twenty years, from the open sea thanks to the repeat- these developments in stages. The first the Netherlands has passed through the edly deepened navigable channel in the stage was an awareness of the impend- stages of economic crisis, a strong na- North Sea. There is an ingenious tran- ing demolition of old residential districts shipment network in the port that con- dating from the 19th century to make tional spatial economic strategy and an nects with the sea, inland waterways, way for offices. This necessitated relo- intensive but delaying public debate (the the road network and the railway sys- cating the residents to new parts of the “Polder model”) to arrive at a stage of in- tem. This local and regional spatial po- city. Opposition began to mount in the ternational disorientation and renewed sition and the scaling-up process have districts. It was to drive urban renewal economic crisis. Yet, in the course of these their roots more than one hundred years of the old working class districts under in the past. The port’s configuration has the banner of self-determination. In the two decades we have become the owners changed continuously over the years, 1970s, environmental awareness grew of some major projects. Following the cri- yet always with considerable internal because of industrial accidents and sis of the early 1980s and the emergence dynamics within the port itself. Through- smell and noise problems in residential of European optimism, the Netherlands out the 19th century and up to 1920, districts around the new petrochemical used new money to finance spatial plan- the port was principally urban in nature. plants. The response included establish- Residential districts and port areas were ment of a regional body called the Rijn- ning, large infrastructure and urban proj- originally located on the right bank of mond Central Environmental Agency ects. These projects were held to be a ve- the River Maas, intermingling with the and authorities dedicated to the Rijn- hicle for transforming the Netherlands original city centre. Later, they were mond region. The first attempt was a re- from an industrial and agricultural econ- mixed mainly on the left bank of the gional administration for Rijnmond, but river Maas with districts that housed it was absorbed into the provincial gov- omy into a distribution country connected working class families. The 1920 to ernment. Rijnmond was the predecessor to main ports, with a services and knowl- 1945 period saw the emergence of of today’s Greater Rotterdam that ulti- edge economy leaning more towards ur- Waalhaven and the first large ports mately will have to be transformed into banisation. At the same time, the mono- for the petrochemical industry. In terms a metropolitan authority with the dual centric urban areas developed into urban of surface area, they were larger than status of city and province. This formula the entire Rotterdam city centre. From was rejected in a referendum in the regions, urban wings heading towards a 1950 onwards, the Botlek area began 1990s. The public perceived the cre- Delta Metropolis – a networked city in the to take shape, followed in the 1960s ation of a Greater Rotterdam as herald- Delta. by Europoort. In the early 1970s, this ing the disintegration of city and people setting was moulded into the present failed to understand the reason for such port territory, through the creation of a step. There continues to be a regional Spatial Position of the the first Maasvlakte. This spawned a form of collaboration with an indirectly Port of Rotterdam port and industrial area of approxi- elected authority. Rotterdam is the world’s largest port and mately 10,000 hectares, including some The economic crisis of the late 1970s by far the biggest in northwest Europe. 5,500 hectares of allocatable sites. and early 1980s was the real driving This is not so much a status to be proud force behind a fundamental review of of as a circumstance that stems from nat- the one-sided nature of spatial and eco- ural geography and the way it has been Mental Map up to 1980 nomic development. By this time, the exploited. The Rhine is the bearer of Sizeable nature areas have been sacri- outlines of a new Europe were becom- central European urbanisation and Eu- ficed over the years in order to expand ing visible. From the baseline of the rev- rope’s largest population concentra- the Port of Rotterdam. The environment olutionary 1960s, this opened up new tions. The river is a navigable axis that and quality of life in the Rijnmond area prospects in the early 1980s for the de- reaches deep into the European hinter- deteriorated dramatically in the 1960s sired spatial and economic growth on a DISP 154 47 2003

areas in the city for functions other than port-related activities. This awareness dawned only in stages. Figure 1: Rotterdam Seaport.

National Spatial Policy Since 1985 and the Rotterdam Case Work started in the 1980s on ex- ploratory spatial studies in preparation for the Dutch government’s Fourth Policy Memorandum on Spatial Planning that the Lower House of Parliament adopted in 1988. The exploration process was centred on the unfolding Europe unification, the scaling up of urbanisation and

Figure 2: Detail A: Harbor transformation in the city.

Inland watertransport European scale, accompanied by a 1986: 34.1 (71%) 2010: 58.3 (63%) translation into national and regional Rail scales. 1986: 4.6 (10%) 2010: 18.0 (20%) Road 1986: 9.1 (19%) 2010: 16.2 (17%)

The Port in the 1990s This table highlights very clearly the Figure 3: Harbor transport by water (black The importance of the main port of Rot- importance of the Rhine as a transport line) and rail (dotted line) to hinterland. terdam as a turntable for intercontinen- axis. The table shows the relatively small tal and European transport streams is contribution of rail transport but also the undisputed. The total transhipment vol- predicted strong growth of transport by ume far exceeds 300 million tonnes per road and rail. Even if, from the current year. The largest flows include chemi- vantage point of 2003, these forecasts cals, fruits and containers. The transport prove realistic only in the longer term, it sector is hugely important to the Dutch is evident that the infrastructure and spa- economy. The sector contributes approx- tial planning of the 1980s and 1990s imately 7.5% to the gross national prod- needed to be robust. uct (GNP) and employs about 350,000 A fourth important element exists people, approximately 7% of the Dutch alongside the turntable function, indus- labour force. The port itself provides ap- trial activity and environmental con- proximately 70,000 jobs directly and straints. It is the continual internal trans- another 300,000 port-related jobs. The formations within the port area. Since direct added value to the GNP is about the start of the 20th century, a progres- 2.5%. For all port-related activities to- sive westward shift has been in progress gether, the figure comes to about 11%. from the original port basins in the city The Port of Rotterdam Authority stated in towards the sea. The scaling up of the its Port Plan 2010 that the breakdown transport sector and industrial sites according to modalities (in billions of forced this development. Since the late Figure 4: Harbor transport by road to hinter- tonne kilometres) is: 1970s, this shift to the west has freed up land. DISP 154 48 2003

activities aimed at overcoming the eco- ready and an immediate start could be nomic crisis. The strategies sought to im- made on fleshing out the idea for the prove the embedding of the nation’s two Erasmus Bridge of Ben van Berkel. The main ports, i.e., Schiphol Airport and Port Plan 2010 was not finally adopted the Port of Rotterdam, in continental Eu- by the Rotterdam City Council until rope’s transport network and at the 1993, almost simultaneously with an ac- same time to accommodate the need for tion plan for Rijnmond’s spatial plan- their expansion. ning and an environmental plan with a Figure 5: Rotterdam between Deltametropolis In parallel with these developments, programme that included no fewer than and Rhine-Scheldt Delta. there was a growing awareness of the 77 distinct projects plus a voluntary city’s economic function. Urban quality, agreement on policy. A noteworthy suitable housing stock and a cultural en- point is that, within this same time vironment became bearers of an ex- frame, work began on plans for devel- panding services economy functioning oping Schiphol and the high-speed rail enormous costs of embedding the line. also at a European or global level. In link, without the impact of those plans The costs have risen from approximately the light of this internationalisation, key on the Rotterdam case being recog- EUR 1 billion in the early 1990s to ap- urban projects were planned nationally nised. This recognition did not occur un- proximately EUR 4.5 billion today. The with a view to enhancing the quality of til later in the 1990s. line will not open until the end of this business sites for internationally ori- decade, close to the end of the period ented companies and to raising urban covered by the Port Plan 2010. More- residential and living quality locally. Rijnmond Spatial Planning and over, the line will not be constructed in These effects were driven by a number Environmental Plan as an full. The branch to the north of the of strategies, including Integrating Framework for the Netherlands has provisionally been • the aforementioned key urban pro- Port and Beyond shelved and only the branch to Ger- jects, By approving the integral Rijnmond many will be completed. Plans for a • the development and expansion of Spatial Planning and Environmental branch to Antwerp are too expensive for the main ports, Plan, all municipalities in the region and the time being. • the integral approach towards spa- the central government approved the The financing of the second Maas- tial and environment quality of the main basic principles set out in the Port Plan vlakte has still not been finalised, al- ports in spatial planning and environ- 2010. But this did not yet regulate and though it may now be nearing comple- mental projects. finance everything in every respect. The tion. A key planning decision has now In Rotterdam’s case, this meant that framework created by the Rijnmond been taken (see below). Only 50% of development of the port could no longer Spatial Planning and Environmental the financing has so far been secured be viewed solely from the point of view Plan had to produce results in the fields for enlargement of the road infrastruc- of economic or port policy, but that it of the environment, urban quality and ture around the port. In other words, nu- had to become part of an overall deci- organisation of mobility, so as increase merous ambitions from the 1980s were sion-making framework. This framework confidence in the parties while simulta- fulfilled as envisaged in 1990s, but would be the product of an integral neously allowing central government many still await fulfilment. Schiphol Air- strategy developed for the area in con- and Rotterdam to prepare the major port has been enlarged. The high-speed sultation with parties in society, with the projects for expanding the road infra- rail link (HSL) to Paris is under construc- harmonisation of the environment, mo- structure, the Betuwe freight rail line to tion, but the HSL to Germany on a sepa- bility, urban/rural development and the Germany and the second Maasvlakte as rate track has been scrapped for the development of the port. The port au- an enlargement of the port towards the time being. The present economic situa- thority found itself in a totally new insti- sea by 1,000 to 2,000 hectares. In the tion is obviously one of the reasons why tutionalised, project-driven setting. Netherlands, plans of this kind are sub- some plans have not moved forward. The situation also had major signifi- ject to a key planning decision. What’s But there are other reasons, too. An cance for the city of Rotterdam. Not only more, the state, port and prospective enormous increase in the national infra- did the envisaged port development be- private parties had to give some thought structure budget was necessary to un- come the subject of government atten- to the financing of all this new infra- dertake major projects (expansion of tion, the development of the former port structure. Schiphol, the high-speed rail link, en- area was declared a key national proj- So how do things stand now with largement of the Port of Rotterdam and ect. This cleared the way for the Kop some of the envisaged projects? Today, construction of the Betuwe freight rail van Zuid project. In point of fact, the ten years on, work on constructing the line). The budget was already low, but plan for Kop van Zuid was conceived Betuwe line is in full swing, albeit under in the meantime society has ceased to long before the plan to expand the main continuing protest from some sections of give top priority to the main port strat- port. The plan for Kop van Zuid was the community, partly because of the egy. DISP 154 49 2003

The Second Maasvlakte, an Exceptional Decision The stalemate in constructing possibly the last major port expansion sea- wards, by adding approximately 1,000 hectares to the existing 10,000, was broken in a very exceptional way. In 1999, there was an exploration of the conditions under which expansion of the Rotterdam Port might be acceptable to all parties concerned. The exploration was undertaken under the civil service leadership of the Director of the Urban Planning and Public Housing department in collaboration with the Direc- Figure 6: Development of the port area. tor of the Rotterdam Port Authority and the two largest nature and environmental organisations (Nature Monuments Association and the more radical Na- ture and Environment Foundation). The Maasvlakte Development Company more urbanisation will be added. The inspiring title of the exploration was “Vi- (with the involvement of Rotterdam and third generation of projects integrated sion and Daring”. The parties lined up central government), the City Ports De- the port function with new urban func- with their backs towards each other in a velopment Company (with the involve- tions. The port was not completely discussion about usefulness and neces- ment of Rotterdam city and port compa- pushed aside, but was allowed, albeit sity, each with its own unverifiable fore- nies) and the interposed traditional port modestly, to remain in the urban setting. casts of growth, with major questions re- (which would become a city-owned lim- This is particularly evident in Katen- garding the capacity of the present port ited company). drecht and surrounding area. This has area. The parties reached agreement on major implications in terms of obser- three points. Expansion of the port was vance of environmental laws in those ar- acceptable with a maximum focus on Transformation from City Ports to eas, including special nuisance clauses densification of the existing port area, City in Four Phases and the expensive embedding of com- and when there were substantial nature This final step keeps in motion a port panies. The latest generation is on the and environmental compensations pro- transformation process that has been horizon. The development of city ports vided in the form of large regional parks underway for 30 years. Rotterdam has into an integral port and urban area in covering about 750 hectares. All of the experienced several types of transfor- the coming thirty years, embracing a decision-makers involved ultimately ac- mations from port area to city area. The surface area twenty times larger than cepted this proposal, which the Lower first generation dates from the 1970s Kop van Zuid, must be started from an House of Parliament subsequently linked when parts of the port became avail- entirely different perspective. The port is and anchored to the decision for the able alongside the run-down workers a given reality and the city may join it. second Maasvlakte. In other words, districts built in the 19th century. The ur- Interventions must start there now. there would be no new Maasvlakte un- ban renewal started there claimed the At the same time, the added value of less there were compensations for na- freed-up space mainly for low-cost hous- the new port has yet to crystallise out. ture and further densification of the port ing. This is how Carel Weeber’s famous Can Rotterdam become more than a area. Peperclip came to be built in a vacated turntable for European and world trade Today, the South Holland provincial area of the port. The second generation and a transhipment hub for containers? government is tackling the plans for the combined the tourism quality of the port Or is it possible to let some of the added development of nature and recreation, basins with mixed programmes of hos- value trickle down into Rotterdam in the the Rotterdam Port Authority and De- pitality establishments and residential same way as happened with oil as a re- partment of Public Works are grappling dwellings. This transformed the old port sult of the large chemical plants and re- with the Maasvlakte and a development and gave birth to a new Water City in fineries? company has been established for the Rotterdam. The most important project city ports with the task of working out was obviously Kop van Zuid, an integral the operational side of the densification urban project now under construction Creating a Metropolis strategy for the ports located more in- that will definitively urbanise and inter- Planners are now refocusing their atten- land. This may result in the Port of Rot- connect the two sides of the river. In the tion from a local urban orientation to- terdam consisting of three entities: the coming years, a third city bridge and wards regional and supra-regional ur- DISP 154 50 2003

banisation and the development of the The Dutch Dilemma jects. In the intervening time, the social Randstad into a metropolis. The posi- Spatial location and the Dutch trading and governmental reality changes, the tions of Rotterdam and Amsterdam will spirit are what produced the two main economy changes and the usefulness change as a result of the high-speed rail ports of Schiphol and Rotterdam. The and necessity of a project start to be dis- links to Paris and Germany. This new mental map of the one-sided reconstruc- cussed from a new social context. New link will connect the two cities in twenty tion in the period up to 1985 was bro- perspectives are outlined and the proj- minutes in 2007, which means that des- ken open in the 1990s. This was fol- ects are delayed or scrapped alto- tinations in Rotterdam and Amsterdam lowed by renewed rejection phenom- gether. This dilemma at the interface be- will be separated from each other by a ena driven by the enormous transforma- tween long-term perspectives and proj- time line of only 45 minutes (now 60 to tion of urban and rural areas in the ects requires considerable ingenuity on 90 minutes). There will be a metropoli- Netherlands, caused partly by the new the part of government and society. The tan closeness. The economies of the Rot- approach and partly by other develop- conclusion is that perspectives change terdam and Amsterdam regions are ments. The enormous growth of popula- and that the projects that survive are mainly complementary to each other, tion and increased mobility and pros- only those that can be fitted into several but they will increasingly integrate. This perity were arguably even more impor- perspectives (see Frieling 2002). These is a circumstance of major significance tant causes of the transformation of the are projects that meet a variety of rele- to Rotterdam. After all, the one-sided Dutch landscape. But the main ports vant goals in society. That is why the economic and social development of the strategy has now become, at least high-speed rail link between Amster- city and region, i.e., intensified by the briefly, the victim of this situation. In my dam, Brussels, Paris and London is not total change of population whereby view, the choice was inevitable, as was controversial despite the high costs. It is more than 50% of residents now origi- the further transformation of the west of part and parcel of the development of nate from outside the Netherlands, calls the Netherlands from a collection of new urban centres and will promote the for powerful boosts to widen the econ- stand-alone cities to a multicultural me- internal dynamics of the Randstad as it omy and bring about a change in the tropolis, one where urban bustle has heads towards becoming a metropolis. one-sided composition of the popula- made way for a cohesive whole and So the original one-dimensional objec- tion. The construction of Kop van Zuid with the cultural landscape as the tive of connecting Schiphol Airport to and the new city centre (now world fa- bearer of a sustainable delta. However, the international high-speed rail network mous), the transformation from port to the present generation who actually ex- has proven to have a wider effect, but city over a length of more than ten kilo- perienced the change remain unim- without diminishing the value of the ini- metres (now only at the halfway stage) pressed by what has happened. It will tial objective. The situation is less clear and the further densification of the port be truly enjoyable only by a future gen- when it comes to the Betuwe freight rail area to create a mixed port and urban eration with a different baseline. For link. The uncertainty about the future of setting are changes that will create new them, the metropolis will be the given re- the Port of Rotterdam, the continuing ten- opportunities for a very high quality ality, just like the port once was and still sion between Rotterdam and Antwerp metropolitan urban environment that is is for Rotterdam. as regards proposed routes and the an attractive setting for internationally high costs of this mono-functional trans- oriented companies. port concept is why the discussion rum- Rotterdam was a city bordering on the Dilemma and Conclusions bles on even though the line is already world, with the city quay, De Boompjes, for Planning under construction. At the same time, it bordering on the world (loosely trans- The aforementioned regional and na- has given rise to a basic discussion lated from Han Meijer’s City and Port). tional spatial plans and policy memo- about the fundamental, inevitable posi- The riverside quay was the city’s port in randums outline long-term prospects or tion of the Port of Rotterdam. By so do- the Middle Ages and the Golden Age perspectives for the development of the ing, the Netherlands has raised its basic and the quay bordering on the world port, city and region and the Delta Me- position in Europe for discussion. Per- where people sauntered and departed. tropolis in the European perspective. haps there is still hope. If the ports of The new Rotterdam will boast urban res- The plans summarise the accompanying Rotterdam and Antwerp were simultane- idential environments along its river, a projects. Some of the projects already ously to be incorporated into self-sup- high-speed rail link, Schiphol Airport on receive financing in the phase of devel- porting state- or city-owned limited com- the doorstep and a new port connected oping the perspectives, while others do panies, there is a possibility that they to the whole world and all the places not obtain financing until later, often in would together be able to form the Eu- from where its present residents origi- a more sector-driven context based on ropean Delta Harbours Company. This nate. As the diversity of socio-spatial autonomous project procedures. There would raise the prospect of a discussion and economic dynamics take shape, is a very long timeline between govern- to a higher level of the position of the with the supervision of quality, the city mental examination and adoption of entire delta of the Rhine, Maas and will become more and more part of the policy and perspective memorandums Schelde as a turntable. This new reality Delta Metropolis. and the actual decision-making on pro- will dawn if we progress a little further DISP 154 51 2003

down the road towards European unification. Only then will there be a truly European perspective. However, this path will only lead to success if agreement is reached with the principal organisations in society on how the objective is to be achieved and if deals are made about projects that will fulfil several perspectives. This much is evident from the “Vision and Daring” project of Rotterdam and the nature and environmental organisations. In turn, this awareness has created a new form of community participation and decision- making in spatial planning.

References

BESTUURLIJK OVERLEG MAINPORT (2000): Vision and Daring. Rotterdam. FRIELING, D. (2002): Design in Strategy. In: DE JONG, T.M. (ed.): Ways to Study. DUP Science, Delft. GEMEENTE ROTTERDAM (1993): Haven- plan 2010. Rotterdam. MEYER H. (1997): City and Port, e.v. Utrecht MINISTERIE VROM (1988): Vierde Nota over de Ruimtelijke Ordening, deel a. Den Haag. MINISTERIE VROM (1993): Vierde Nota over de Ruimtelijke Ordening Extra, deel 4. Den Haag PORT OF ROTTERDAM (1998): Ruimtelijke Dynamiek in de Rotterdamse Haven. Rotter- dam. STUURGROEP ROM RIJNMOND (1993): Plan van aanpak en Beleidsconvenant ROM Project Rijnmond. Rotterdam.

Prof. Joost M. Schrijnen Province of South Holland PO box 90602 2509 LP The Hague The Netherlands [email protected] DISP 154 52 2003 Mike Crang

Singapore as an Informational Hub in a Space of Global Flows

This article follows the case of one more sophisticated accounts also saw a ventional notions of context and tradi- city – Singapore – that has deliberately changing configuration of urban space. tional hierarchies of scale.” (Sassen fashioned itself as a regional, indeed In terms of the real-time global flows of 2000b:225) information, the “constructed geograph- It is an inter-urban geography of city global, hub for the information age. The ical space has been replaced by fragments that could be seen joining up city-state conceived of the island’s devel- chronological topographies, where im- around the globe where “a relation of opment through a vocabulary of net- material electronic broadcast emissions intercity proximity [is] operating without works and hubs in a space of global decompose and eradicate a sense of shared territory: Proximity is deterritori- flows. place, [where the] city lost form except alized.” (ibid: 226) as connector or membrane – two-dimen- Putting this together then, it means the The Singapore government’s efforts to sional flatland.” (Boyer 1996:19) So, relationships between cities are no embrace the new possibilities of being a there may be a dispersal of functions but longer necessarily mediated by higher global hub while coping with the ramifi- that “decentralization would take on an scale categories (be that region or na- cations of changing social and spatial re- altogether different sense from that of tion) and indeed may be between sub- lationships, at scales from the local to the autonomy accorded to regions, it would city level localities. So, instead of think- signal the end of the unity of place of ing of bounded containers, we need to global will be followed. The article fo- the old political theater of the city, and study “translocalities” where the local is cuses upon the initiative to create a so- its imminent replacement by a unity of no longer opposed to the global but called Intelligent Island and the Singa- time, a chronopolitics of intensivity and rather is the very ground of its articula- poreONE project to create a pervasive interactivity, ‘technicity’ succeeding the tion. (see Smith 1999:124–5) networked environment. These two link- continuity [long duree] of the city, architecture of information systems defini- Becoming a World City ed initiatives were aimed at allowing Sin- tively replacing the system of architec- World cities function as key actors in the gaporeans to exploit digital technology, ture and of contemporary urbanism.” global arena forming switching points but, they also reconfigured the relation- (Virilio 1998:61) In this way, globalisa- amidst the expansive global networks of ship of Singapore to the outside world. tion reorders the entrenched hierarchies power and information. This renewed The material and discursive conse- of first and third worlds and destabilises geography of centrality does not just our notions of what a city might be. happen and the capability for global quences of these plans will be examined In other words, real-time technologies control cannot simply be subsumed un- suggesting that the rhetorical and discur- mean that, increasingly, the parts of a der a structural position but must be pro- sive effects are probably as significant as city are not all moving to the same beat. duced. (cf. Sassen 1997:4) many of the alleged benefits attained Some parts will be hooked into the Singapore’s strategies to become a hub global flows, others moving to local have been framed by issues ranging through information processing. These rhythms and so on. This is a vision of de- from the internal story of Singapore to initiatives are set in the context of a composition, of recombinant cities that the changing role of cities in global range of other flows of people and things contrasts with “much of social science trade. Singapore is an example of the to raise issues about the city state as a research [that] has operated with the as- “criss-crossing transnational circuits of purposive actor shaping the environment sumption of the nation-state as con- communication and cross-cutting local, tainer, representing a unified spatio- translocal and transnational social prac- and, at the same time, being pushed by temporality,” overlooking the multiple tices that ‘come together’ in particular forces that destabilise the links between spaces, times and orders that exist places at particular times and enter into of people and place upon which the state where “[each] sphere, global and na- the contested politics of place-making.” has relied. tional, describes a spatiotemporal order (Smith 2001:7) with considerable internal differentia- Singapore had started as diasporic city, tion and growing mutual imbrication predominantly Chinese with Malay and with the other.” (Sassen 2000b:215) Indian minorities, where multicultural This new geography has cities where contact and hybridisation were incipient City Worlds – World Cities contiguity in time does not match conti- from its foundation. However, its drive While many techno-utopians predicted guity in space, where the informational into a unifying collective identity might the dispersal of key command and con- flows between Manhattan and London actually make it more fragile in the face trol activities and information workers, may be greater than between Manhat- of trends towards fragmentation. more sanguine commentators saw new tan and Harlem. This is not the abolition The city’s self-narrative is one of re- opportunities for urban centres. Thus of distance, but a new “geography of sourcefulness in taking a state of three while Marshall McLuhan had predicted centrality” with redistribution of func- million citizens, on an island barely the emptying of Manhattan and a re- tions across and between parts of cities. thirty miles long with no natural renewed bucolic idyll (Barley 2001:91), “It is a geography that explodes con- sources, and making it one of the most DISP 154 53 2003

prosperous states in the region and and “friction free capitalism”. The gov- where, according to the Prime Minister, one of the most dynamic economies in ernment of Singapore explicitly en- “people from many lands can feel at the world. This story of development gaged these ideas in its policies and the home.” Perhaps not so surprising with a through its people’s efforts and talents is Prime Minister, Goh Chok Tong, an- total foreign population of 700,000 (out one of the political narratives of the Peo- nounced the need for new strategies for of 3.9 million). In the words of the cul- ple’s Action Party, which has ruled the the “next lap” of development. ture minister, Singapore needs “a cul- island for forty years, and is especially These trends brought together three in- ture that is outwardly orientated. What associated with the vision of its long ter-related elements: First, the ideologi- we need is a Singapore mentality that is serving leader Lee Kuan Yew. The gov- cal and political will to remove obsta- global and cosmopolitan [...]. If Singa- erning party tries to articulate a sense of cles to the free circulation of goods and pore is reserved for Singaporeans collective endeavour for the island, its capital. Second, the trend of increasing alone, we would have a very small people and its economy. However, the informationalisation of the economy Singapore.” (Yeoh and Chang 2001: development into a global hub has saw information sectors as increasing 1031) That these programmatic state- posed challenges to this story. both in scale and value (Kumar 1993; ments are needed reflects the fact that The 1960s and 1970s were charac- Webster 1995). Third, the global reach 23% of the population opposed the terised by the pioneering adoption of an of new information and communication preferential visa rules for “Top Foreign export processing model of develop- technologies brought the first two ele- Talent” (op. cit.: 1032). These flows ment – building a manufacturing indus- ments together – allowing a global also happen at other levels too, as Han- try, specialising in electronics, out of al- trade in information-qua-commodity. nerz (1990) notes with globalised busi- most nothing. Singapore relied upon Singapore as a world city is a unified ness personnel, creative and media low wages, secured in part by strong agent competing globally for investment professionals moving alongside more government ties with organised labour, and locational functions from transna- fleeting tourist flows and the less publi- and a social contract that deferred the tional enterprises. Recent studies of cised, and often hidden, flows of low- rewards of industrialisation, while build- labour markets in Singapore indicate paid migrants from poor countries to ing a strong social infrastructure with that firms choose who to send there to service the elite. subsidised housing. In the 1980s, in- develop human capital through profes- Many commentators suggest that the creasing competition from regional sional networks and relationships – de- effect of becoming a world city can be neighbours with lower cost structures be- veloped in face-to-face contacts in busi- social polarisation – in a sense of rich gan to outline the limits to this strategy ness and social settings (Beaverstock and poor, but also of local and global for Singapore. It therefore sought ways 2002). Singapore actively recruits what elements of society. These divisions tend of moving into more added-value areas it calls “Top Foreign Talent” with adverts to be refracted through race and origin of the economy, notably, pushing hard placed in, for instance, British University – with poor immigrant labour from poor in terms of financial services. graduate magazines. In 2002, these countries, but also a gendered domestic Singapore responded to shifts in the promoted Singapore as a “globally con- economy (Kofman 1998). In Singapore, global economy, such as the liberali- nected and friendly city” which offers a this division is strongly marked in many sation of financial markets, by aiming “stimulating environment that appreci- forms. First, the differential visas for top to become a key hub in the emerging ates and nurtures human potential” with talent and unskilled immigrant labour twenty-four hour markets. Alongside an agency, Contact Singapore, that pro- define, for instance, family access flows of money and information came vides a forum for “entrepreneurs and rights, and encode Singapore’s policy flows of people. It encouraged expatri- professionals to meet and exchange of “disposability” – with cheap immi- ate workers to work there, providing ideas and information and collaborate grant labour being repatriated at times quality infrastructure for global financial in value-creating relationships.” In other of economic down-turn. Second, in Sin- institutions, a stable political environ- words, the hub function for Singapore gapore, as in Hong Kong (Law 2001; ment and so on. Instead of selling local as a world city is as much about being 2002), the gendering of work produces labour, the island was looking to both a living, working city as about distanti- an ongoing set of uneasy debates about recruit globally or at least be a base ated flows of information. the incorporation of female, especially where global corporations would feel Hence, the mediated flows and the Filipina, domestic labour into the econ- able to send employees, and act as a hand-picked personnel produce a dou- omy. As Singaporean women take on hub in world capital markets. Singapore ble pattern of centrality. Yeoh and more and more highly paid economi- moved from being nationally orches- Chang suggest the state portrays “a cally active roles, the burden of domes- trated to being imbricated in interna- space of flows, [and their] vision for tic work is being transfered – with tional and global labour and capital Singapore involves criss-crossing circu- perennial stories about the mistreatment flows as well as those of goods. By the latory streams of people moving in mul- of maids and social panics about their 1990s, the intellectual current of glob- tiple directions” (2001:1029) with both “disorderly” presence. Third, spatially alised thinking saw a “world without expatriates coming in and Singapore- there is a pattern of segregation from borders” or “weightless economies” ans going out from a cosmopolitan city suburban state developed housing and DISP 154 54 2003

the private market which, though muted spring which, according to the Info- science and technology, a high value lo- for Singaporean nationals, finds clear comms Development Authority (here- cation for production and a critical expression in the residential concentra- after IDA, the state regulator and devel- node in global networks of commerce, tion of expatriate workers around areas oper), “aims to bring Singapore’s info- communications and information” (NCB like Holland Village (Chang 1995). comm development to new heights, in- 1997). The five main goals were, first, cluding more pervasive connectivity to “develop Singapore into a global among the people and businesses hub” and thus boost economic growth, Development of Information through infocomm technology, and revi- then to enhance individual potential, Infrastructure for a Global Hub talising the infocomm industry.” And in link communities locally and globally, Singapore’s government has long pur- the words of the Minister for IT, Media and, finally, improve the quality of life. sued an active agenda with regard to and the Arts, it means Singapore “must The NCB explicitly invoked the notion of information and communication tech- go beyond a government-driven pro- the hub as entrepôt centre, mobilising nologies. It sees itself, and wishes to be cess, to a new industry-government part- the standard discourse that with few re- seen as, an innovator that is up with the nership. Industry investment and enter- sources Singapore could become a latest technologies and thinking. By prise must be the new driver, with the “highly efficient switching centre for stressing the self-image, I do not mean government providing support to bring goods, services, capital, information to imply that they are not innovative – clear and sustainable benefits to indus- and people,” (NCB 1997) where knowl- on the contrary, the government has try. We must encourage big businesses edge and information intensive services been bold and often far-sighted, but I and smaller start-ups to work closely to- would be supplied from Singapore want to point out that the state has be- gether, to deliver value to customers, around the globe. I want to focus on come aware not only of the value of and to build strong niches for local in- one major aspect of this plan in some new technologies but also of the value dustry. And we must go beyond our detail. The objective remains in the cur- of appearing innovative. shores, to the region and beyond, to rent “Connected Singapore” campaign There have been three strategic plans grow markets, build our companies, which has as its second strategy the aim in Singapore with regard to IT. The first and ultimately, create good, challeng- “to develop Singapore as a leading dig- goes back to 1982 and worked through ing and meaningful jobs for the ICT in- ital distribution and trading center to the computerisation of government func- dustry in Singapore.” (IDA Launch state- […] extend Singapore’s hub status in the tions. The second was launched in ment) digital medium.” (IDA 2003) 1986 and responded to what was seen The planning goes beyond Singapore as a lack of indigenous labour skilled in – since it presents only a small market in IT – and thus marks a significant attempt itself – and there is also a changing role SingaporeONE to move into areas of higher value- for the government with the encourage- One strand of IT2000 focused on mak- added work as opposed to the ap- ment of small start-ups and partnership ing ICTs pervasive and integrating approach of attracting electronics assem- arrangements rather than state-led de- plications. Singapore pioneered the ap- bly factories with low wages. The gov- velopment. We can see how this new plication of electronic road pricing in ernment has followed this plan with con- phase has emerged from the experience the central business district – with tinued efforts to increase the number of gained over the last ten years with the charges automatically deducted from programmers, designers and system attempt to build an Intelligent Island. smart cards, and cars logged for size managers that Singapore produces This had self-consciously mobilised the and time for differential charges (Wong (Corey 1993; Corey 1997; Corey tradition of the developmental and ac- 1996) and in providing GPS in taxis to 1998). The third and most recently com- tivist state that lies behind the narratives increase the efficiency of their circula- pleted plan, upon which this article fo- of Singapore’s economic development: tion. Now it sought to join up specialist cuses, was billed under the headings of “It took visionary thinking, high-risk dar- networks such as “tech net”, and ship- “IT2000” and the vision for an “Intelli- ing, meticulous planning and relentless ping document networks and electronic gent Island”. There is now a rolling “In- application. These same characteristics court networks, that had all been previ- focomm Development Roadmap” which are now at play in envisioning and ously developed, were now to be linked in part reflects the recognition that grew building Singapore as an intelligent is- together. More impressive still, the per- during the IT2000 process that rapidly land.” (Arun and Yap 2000:1750) vasive aim meant the state intended that evolving, ICTs are not entirely amenable According to the National Computer everyone should be included. It aimed to top-down, long-term planning. Board (hereafter NCB, the forerunner to for this for three reasons. First, politi- The first thing to note then is that Sin- the IDA) the IT2000 plan aimed at cally, the state has an inclusive ideology gapore’s path has been government “transforming Singapore into an Intelli- and saw a digital divide as socially dan- steered and policy driven, and not left to gent Island, where the use of informa- gerous and potentially politically dam- market forces. The balance is shifting tion technology is pervasive in every as- aging. Second, in order to gain though, with the launch of initiatives for pect of society” and through this to economies of scale, the state needed a “Connected Singapore” this last make Singapore a “global centre for wide-scale adoption. If, for instance, it DISP 154 55 2003

was to be worthwhile developing elec- NCB felt the best place to break the cir- have to recall that the Mosaic browser tronic tax returns, then it needed wide- cle was with infrastructure to change the had only just been invented and the ex- spread use, with the eventual aim of re- network. SingaporeONE thus offered plosion of the web was hardly foreseen placing paper returns and thus reducing an internal high bandwidth system both by anyone. But in Singapore by January costs of duplicating these processes. to domestic premises but also a very 1997 there were 139,000 dial-up Inter- Third, and the least acknowledged, large capacity on main commercial net- net subscribers, more than a quarter of there was an issue of control and con- works, while the government also a million six months later and half a mil- tainment, in that everyone would use the worked to create a “big pipe” connec- lion by the end of 1999 when Singa- approved network. Thus the state did tion to the USA. Initially, the government poreONE began to roll out. Estimates not want even one “idiot” high-rise also planned a range of applications, from the Internet Data Corporation sug- block to remain unwired, and, given its so that by the launch they could claim gest 1.5 million users by 2001. The IDA control of public housing, it set to ensur- more than 200. However, most users “Annual Survey on Infocomm Usage in ing that every household would be looking at the interface would not have Households and by Individuals” (2002) within the last eight feet of broadband seen these – they were support applica- suggests this is now 636,000 house- access. tions rather than end-user software. In holds for all types of access that is To reflect these objectives, the inte- terms of an information superhighway, 59.4% of the total while 24% of homes grating project was thus named Singa- the system did not offer the average user now have broadband of varying sorts. poreONE – One Network for Everyone. much of a destination. In fact, recent Cy- The Nielsen net use rating for 2002 This has been heralded as “perhaps the beratlas figures suggest only 53,000 suggests 950,000 active net users while single most important application of cut- households and 135,000 users had the CIA factbook suggests 2.31 million ting edge IT for the general population,” adopted broadband access by October have ready access. providing high capacity links for “every- 2001 (rising to 70,000 and 172,000 All of this is respectable for Singa- one, everywhere.” (Arun and Yap respectively by March 2002) (Cyberat- poreONE and indeed it may have 2000:1755) It led commentators to las of June 27, 2002) rather than the an- helped break the cycle of low band- claim that “Singapore is now on its way ticipated 400,000. IDA survey figures width and use. However, it has hardly to becoming an Intelligent Island” with a from 2002 suggest that by then 40% of become the pervasive media it was National Information Infrastructure offer- the population was using broadband once billed as being. Web access has ing a pervasive network reaching 99% access but 18% of users accessed facili- rather bypassed the system. Certainly, it of the population. It would bring to- ties from educational establishments, has pushed the issue of control where gether the, then mid-1990s, 40% of 49% from work, 12% from public ven- the state had envisaged SingaporeONE households who had PCs, with e-tax re- ues (such as cybercafes) and 46% used being an instrument to control the new turns anticipated to start at 50,000 per home access – clearly people might use media – thus a sense of One Network annum but actually producing 160,000 multiple access points. Technically, being the Only Network. The pseudony- in 1998 due to government incentives, some 40% used ADSL access which mous writer Thomas2Less suggested the and all leading, it was hoped, to be- was what most of SingaporeONE pro- rationale of wiring everyone was to cre- coming an e-commerce hub with a vided to domestic sites (IDA Survey on ate a “virtual condom” around Singa- “high trust environment” in terms of le- Broadband and Wireless Usage in Sin- pore, and thus a “government spon- gal systems, politics and technical relia- gapore 2002). Alongside the wiring of sored ‘no-place’ of a global hub.” bility. (Mahizhanan 1999:15–17) The the island, the state enabled a private (Thomas2Less 1999) predictions were for 100,000 users of company to establish “e-kiosks” all This echoes Singapore’s strategy with SingaporeONE by the end of 1999 and around the city – including many on Or- other media, for instance, being a ma- 400,000 by the end of 2001. (op chard Road which is some of the most jor uplink centre for satellite transmis- cit.:18) expensive commercial real estate in sion but outlawing satellite reception by However, the development was not Asia. It set out training events such as the public, offering Singaporeans regu- entirely successful. It is clear from this “Surf@stadium” which took 5000 stu- lated cable TV instead. Singapore’s gov- quick account that the initiative was a dents in a week, and sent out training ernment has strong border controls in classic state led infrastructure project – buses to assembly factories for shift terms of information flows. It policed costing an estimated S$150 million. workers to visit. But increasingly it has print publications with a mixture of cen- And the underlying philosophy was very had to backpedal on its claims both for sorship, tied ownership and the active much “build it and they will come.” The the numbers who would use Singapore- use of libel laws and at various times re- planners believed that there was a vi- ONE and the role it would play. stricted publications ranging from Cos- cious circle whereby high-level applica- In part, this was about the lack of visi- mopolitan (too racy) to the Far Eastern tions had not been used since the net- ble applications or drivers for uptake Economic Review (too critical). Thus, work could not carry them, therefore but what had also happened was that one of the issues for Singapore was how there was no demand and thus no de- the project was overtaken by events. to be a hub for the unfettered flow of velopment, and thus nothing to use. The Thus in 1994 when it was launched, we global information while retaining its DISP 154 56 2003

tight control over popular expression of movement and competing flows. However, for Singapore translocali- and the media (Rodan 1998). In the late However, I have also tried to sketch out ties and the criss-crossing transnational 1990s, Singapore’s regulator at the how the Singaporean government is not circuits of communication entail more time infamously swept thousands of merely aware of the processes but also than just an outward orientation of more email accounts “for viruses.” It later very much a conscious and reflexive sectors of the economy but also a de- apologised but by then it had reminded player. Thus, it clearly sees a necessity composition of what is often thought of users that they could have their mail in becoming a “hub,” believing that as the unifying space of the state. As read. It also retains censorship rules there can be only one major regional Yeoh and Chang (2001) note, the drive over the Web – with a cache system of hub – and if it is not Singapore then to unify one people in and through one banned sites. This is instead of the ide- Malaysia’s Multimedia Super Corridor place was a response to Singapore’s ology often announced of “uncontrol- and Cyberjaya are just up the road. roots in linguistic diversity and diaspo- lable” information on the Web. And further away, Hong Kong has built ras. The homogenising effect of the na- Singapore’s government persists with a science park project called a “tele- tional project has been parodied by the controls. However, they are not so fool- port” aiming to be the regional base for architect Rem Koolhaas who quipped ish as to imagine they can successfully multinational information intensive in- “Singapore seems a melting pot that censor all content they deem undesir- dustries. Thus, Singapore takes pride in produces blandness and sterility from able – rather the censorship acts as a and utilises a range of indicators to per- the most promising ingredients.” (Kool- line in the sand. They are clear they do suade global players of its hub status, haas and Mau 1995:1026) More seri- not have the time, staff or inclination to such as coming second only to the USA ously, its commitment to inclusive devel- monitor all data flows. However, they in the 1999 Information Society Index opment, marked by the 85% state sub- retain the right and this implicit threat of development, or fourth globally for sidised housing, is very much part of the works to push self-censorship. In terms broadband access (ahead of every Eu- social compact that traded cultural het- of being a data hub, the government re- ropean country in 2001) and sees itself erogeneity and individualism for growth sponded to commercial anxiety about competing in this global arena with both and social inclusion at the price of a having valuable information going other countries and cities. It can claim to tightly controlled society. The national through a cache by allowing commer- be the only country 99% wired (using its model that clearly embraced change cial users to bypass the system – in fact, small size to advantage) or compare it- and innovation, but was also founded anyone can for the price of a phone call self to other digital urban hotspots as a on the ideas of a coherent unified iden- to a service provider in Malaysia. As centre in order to attract innovation – tity, now seems under threat. Sassen notes, then “digital space, Wired magazine (July 2000) lists it as whether private or public, is embedded one of the world’s 46 “venture capi- in actual social structures and power dy- tals”. However, the way the plan had to namics, its topography weaves in and be altered in the light of changing de- References out of non-electronic space” (Sassen velopments suggests some limits to this 2000a:18) and is more than just the In- centralised infrastructure model. ARUN, M.; YAP, M. T. (2000): Singapore: ternet but also its interaction with a The importance of SingaporeONE The Development of an Intelligent Island and range of different networks. In other and its success is not just to be meas- Social Dividends of Information Technology. words, the notion of the bounded city ured through the mixed indicators on In: Urban Studies 37(10): 1749–56. does seem to fall apart here, and Sin- uptake. In those terms, the verdict is BARLEY, N. 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