(IAEA) 63Rd General Conference Vienna, 16-20 September 2019
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Bounding Power: Republican Security Theory from the Polis to the Global Village, Daniel H
Reviews Bounding Power: Republican Security Theory from the Polis to the Global Village, Daniel H. Deudney (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2006), 384 pp., $35 cloth, $24.95 paper. With Bounding Power, Daniel Deudney Long in gestation, Bounding Power is a makes a masterly contribution to the ren- vigorously argued and sophisticated book, aissance of classical political theory in which contains a number of important contemporary thought about world poli- strands of discussion that combine to tics; in this regard he follows Michael make the case for what Deudney labels ‘‘re- Doyle and others in demonstrating how a publican security theory.’’ One important fresh reading of the historical traditions strand of the book is its reconstruction of that lie behind contemporary theoretical the concepts of anarchy (an absence of formulations can generate new per- authoritative order) and hierarchy (order spectives on both theory and practice. In established through subordination), and the case of Doyle’s work, a key theme has their reorientation around Deudney’s new been exploring the intellectual roots of formulation, ‘‘negarchy,’’ characterized by liberalism in international relations and the presence of mutual restraints with a thecontoursofliberalpeacetheory—the primary role in generating ordered rela- idea that liberal democracies are not tionships. Two of the heroes of Deudney’s disposed to go to war against each other. intellectual reconstruction are Hobbes and For Deudney, meanwhile, the central Locke. Hobbes develops his argument for subject is republicanism, and in particular sovereign power as a means by which to the idea that the republican tradition depart from anarchy, whereas Locke ar- of thought about security—with its re- gues for the need to enhance freedom cognition of the interplay of changing without jeopardizing law and order. -
The Regulatory Control of Radioactive Waste
RADIOACTIVE WASTE MANAGEMENTAND DECOMMISSIONING IN ITALY 1. NATIONAL FRAMEWORK FOR MANAGEMENT AND REGULATION OF RADIOACTIVE WASTE AND DECOMMISSIONING 1.1 National Framework 1.1.1 Overview of national policy Commercial utilisation of nuclear power in Italy started in 1963 and by 1981 four nuclear power plants, namely the NPPs of Garigliano (BWR), Latina (MAGNOX), Trino (PWR) and Caorso (BWR), and a LEU fuel fabrication installation (Bosco Marengo S.p.A.) had been commissioned. During that period the Nuclear Energy Research Agency (CNEN) – now the Agency for New Technologies, Energy and the Sustainable Economic Development (ENEA) - developed an extensive R&D programme on the nuclear fuel cycle with the operation of experimental fuel cycle installations (e.g. ITREC and EUREX). The three NPPs of Latina, Trino and Caorso continued to be operated until 1987, when they were definitely shut down based on a governmental decision which interpreted the results of a national referendum, called upon after the Chernobyl accident, as the will to abandon the nuclear option. The NPP of Garigliano had been already shut down in 1978, for technical reasons. At the same time the nuclear programme was cancelled, the Interministerial Committee for the Economical Planning (CIPE) required the National Electricity Company (ENEL S.p.A.) to start the decommissioning of the NPPs and a “Safe storage” (IAEA level 1/2) option was initially adopted. In 1999, all ENEL S.p.A. liabilities and assets connected to nuclear power were assigned to a newly established company, named Sogin (Società Gestione Impianti Nucleari) S.p.A., whose shareholder is the Ministry of Economy and Finance, while the Ministry of Economic Development gives the strategic and operational objectives. -
Presentazione Standard Di Powerpoint
Sogin decommissioning program: achievements, challenges, perspectives Francesco Troiani Development and Technology Vienna, September 19th, 2017 Innovation Department Italian nuclear activity has a long history The nuclear option was initiated prior to World War II, starting from the studies of Enrico Fermi and his team on nuclear physics, irradiating several elements with neutrons and discovering nuclear transformation. Applied nuclear research was marked by the foundation of the Research and Experimentation Information Centre (Milan 1946), that just a few months ago SOGIN led to the green field. The first reactor CP-5 for the research nuclear center of Ispra (today JRC) was commissioned in 1955. Enrico Fermi in his physics lab, The commercial use of nuclear energy Rome 1935 began in the early 1960s. CP-5 construction, ISPRA 1956 Security Class: Classes: Public Use, Internal Use, Controlled Use, Restricted Use 2 Public Use Industrial use of nuclear energy Four NPPs were connected to the grid: - 210 MWe GGR (5/63) – Latina, - 160 MWe BWR (4/64) – Garigliano - 270 MWe PWR (10/64) – Trino - 870 MWe BWR (12/81) – Caorso An extensive R&D program was developed: - several Research Reactors were tested; - Plutonium and OPEC plants – Casaccia, - EUREX repr. and IFEC fabr. plants – Saluggia, - ITREC repr. plant at Trisaia. A private LEU fuel fabrication plant was Nuclear Power Plant commissioned at Bosco Marengo. Nuclear Fuel Cycle Research Plant Nuclear Fuel Manufacturing Plant Security Class: Classes: Public Use, Internal Use, Controlled Use, Restricted Use 3 Public Use Post-Chernobyl accident On 1987, a national referendum on nuclear activities was called after the Chernobyl accident Following the results of the referendum, the same year by political decision the NPPs of Latina, Trino and Caorso were definitively shut down. -
Operational and Decommissioning Experience with Fast Reactors
IAEA-TECDOC-1405 Operational and decommissioning experience with fast reactors Proceedings of a technical meeting held in Cadarache, France, 11–15 March 2002 August 2004 IAEA-TECDOC-1405 Operational and decommissioning experience with fast reactors Proceedings of a technical meeting held in Cadarache, France, 11–15 March 2002 August 2004 The originating Section of this publication in the IAEA was: Nuclear Power Technology Development Section International Atomic Energy Agency Wagramer Strasse 5 P.O. Box 100 A-1400 Vienna, Austria OPERATIONAL AND DECOMMISSIONING EXPERIENCE WITH FAST REACTORS IAEA, VIENNA, 2004 IAEA-TECDOC-1405 ISBN 92–0–107804–8 ISSN 1011–4289 © IAEA, 2004 Printed by the IAEA in Austria August 2004 FOREWORD The fast reactor, which can generate electricity and breed additional fissile material for future fuel stocks, is a resource that will be needed when economic uranium supplies for the advanced water cooled reactors or other thermal-spectrum options diminish. Further, the fast-fission fuel cycle in which material is recycled offers the flexibility needed to contribute decisively towards solving the problem of growing ‘spent’ fuel inventories by greatly reducing the volume of high level waste that must be disposed of in long term repositories. This is a waste management option that also should be retained for future generations. The fast reactor has been the subject of research and development programmes in a number of countries for more than 50 years. Now, despite early sharing and innovative worldwide research and development, ongoing work is confined to China, France, India, Japan, the Republic of Korea, and the Russian Federation. Information generated worldwide will be needed in the future. -
The Decline of US Hegemony
The Decline of U.S. Hegemony: Regaining International Consent A Senior Honors Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for graduation with research distinction in Politic al Science in the undergraduate colleges of The Ohio State University by Kevin Slaten The Ohio State University March 2008 Project Advisors: Alexander Thompson, Department of Political Science Jennifer Mitzen, Department of Political Science 1 The Decline of U.S. Hegemony: Regaining International Consent1 Kevin Slaten2 The Ohio State University, USA This study uses United Nations General Assembly voting data between 1992 and 2005 as well as public opinion surveys from many countries to examine American authority and hegemony in international relations. The data is also used to compare the strength of that authority between the administrations of William Clinton and George W. Bush. In comparing the two time periods, it appears that the U.S. had significant authority over NATO countries in comparison to nonNATO countries during the Clinton years, and that authority declined significantly during the Bush presidency. After establishing these conclusions, potential outcomes of an international system characterized by declining authority are overviewed. Finally, based upon the findings, three options for future American policy are elaborated. Since September 11, the American administration has chosen to confront contemporary threats to national and global security – terrorism, rogue regimes, drug trafficking, and WMDs – with a Bush Doctrine that leaves little room for negotiation. Moreover, in March of 2003, the U.S., without United Nations approval, invaded and proceeded to occupy Iraq. In June of 2006, America’s closest ally, Great Britain, had a public that only held a 56% favorable opinion of the U.S. -
The Realist and Liberal Positions on the Role of International Organizations in Maintaining World Order
European Scientific Journal June 2016 edition vol.12, No.17 ISSN: 1857 – 7881 (Print) e - ISSN 1857- 7431 The Realist and Liberal Positions on the Role of International Organizations in Maintaining World Order Dr. Ersan Ozkan Hatay Police Department, Hatay/TURKEY Doc. Dr. Hakan Cem Cetin Bilecik Police Department, Bilecik/TURKEY doi: 10.19044/esj.2016.v12n17p85 URL:http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n17p85 Abstract In the international relations (IR)’ theoretical and empirical studies, international regime studies emerged as a reaction to inadequacies of the concepts of authority, international order and organization. Over more than half a century, realism has been skeptical of international law. In both classical and neorealist approaches, states are depicted as seeking to maximize power and producing a balance of power. This study examines two paradigms, realism and liberalism, in an attempt to take a closer look at what each of these schools has to offer to the international relations. To be able to carry out such an evaluation each of these paradigms will be analyzed with respect to their positions on the following principles: unit of analysis, key concepts, behavioral dynamics, interstate system, peace and war, and last but not least explanatory power. Discussing the strengths and weaknesses of each of these paradigms will help in determining which of these approaches is the most persuasive. Keywords: Realism, neo-realism, liberalism, international regimes, international organizations, global governance Introduction In International Relations (IR)’ theoretical and empirical studies, international regime studies emerged as a reaction to inadequacies of the concepts of authority, international order and organization. -
Routledge Handbook of Security Studies Liberalism
This article was downloaded by: 10.3.98.104 On: 01 Oct 2021 Access details: subscription number Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: 5 Howick Place, London SW1P 1WG, UK Routledge Handbook of Security Studies Myriam Dunn Cavelty, Thierry Balzacq Liberalism: a Theoretical and Empirical Assessment Publication details https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/doi/10.4324/9781315753393.ch2 Thomas C. Walker, David L. Rousseau Published online on: 13 Jul 2016 How to cite :- Thomas C. Walker, David L. Rousseau. 13 Jul 2016, Liberalism: a Theoretical and Empirical Assessment from: Routledge Handbook of Security Studies Routledge Accessed on: 01 Oct 2021 https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/doi/10.4324/9781315753393.ch2 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR DOCUMENT Full terms and conditions of use: https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/legal-notices/terms This Document PDF may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproductions, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The publisher shall not be liable for an loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. 2 LIBERALISM: A THEORETICAL AND EMPIRICAL ASSESSMENT Thomas C. Walker and David L. Rousseau In the study of politics, liberalism ‘has been employed in a dizzying variety of ways’ and carries multiple meanings (Bell 2014: 682). -
Rousseau, David L., Thomas C. Walker. 2012. "Liberalism."
2 Liberalism David L. Rousseau and Thomas C. Walker Liberalism is an expansive concept that carries a variety of meanings for students of pol- itics. For Doyle (1997: 206), ‘liberalism resembles a family portrait of principles and institutions, recognizable by certain characteristics – for example, individual freedom, political participation, private property, and equality of opportunity’. In the realm of International Relations (IR), students look to liberalism to explain how human reason, progress, individual rights and freedoms can give rise to more peaceful interstate relations. Liberals predict that stable democracies and economically interdependent states will behave differently in several respects. First and most importantly, democratic states are less likely to initiate and escalate conflicts with other states (also known as the ‘demo- cratic peace theory’). Second, democratic states are more likely to engage in international trade and investment, and the resultant interdependence will contribute to peace. Third, democratic states are more likely to seek cooperative solutions through international institutions. While there are significant differences between individual liberal thinkers, all have a general faith in the pacifying effects of political liberty, economic freedom, interdependence and international association. Before proceeding, it is important to dispel one persistent myth that has clouded understandings of liberalism: the association between early forms of liberal inter- nationalism and normative-laden versions of idealism. For example, Howard (1978: 11) defined ‘liberals’ as ‘all those thinkers who believe the world to be profoundly other than it should be, and who have faith in the power of human reason and human action so to change it’. But liberal theory provides much more than imagining a world as it should be. -
1 Critical Security in the 21 Century: the Resonating Voices of Thucydides James Rochlin
Critical Security in the 21 st Century: The Resonating Voices of Thucydides James Rochlin * Abstract: What makes Thucydides’ work so incredibly alive and relevant for global politics today is the analytic of how the story is told. Three points stand out in this regard. First, the The Peloponnesian War features a momentous epistemological jump. One facet of this, among so many, is that divinity is swept aside and humans become the masters of their own destiny. Next, despite its recent reputation for being a classic text of Realism, Thucydides’ work is not subject to the stultifying shackles of ideological boundaries. It is vastly eclectic and non-doctrinaire. Finally, the unraveling of the 27-year epic war is told through a multitude of competing voices that evokes the reader to interpret the text’s ultimate meaning. It is this element that injects so much life into the text, since rather than being subjected to the dictation of ‘truth’ through an author’s monologue, the reader must assume the role of judge and truth producer. These themes of epistemic rupture, human agency, eclecticism and situated truth are vital in relation to analyzing the current juncture in world politics, especially regarding the opportunities and perils of navigating through a sweeping transformation of the global constellation of power. Keywords : Thucydides, critical theory * Professor at University of British Columbia ALTERNATIVES TURKISH JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL REALTIONS www.alternativesjournal.net 1 Introduction I began re-reading the classic strategic literature and embarking on some new reads in the late 1980s and early 1990s, after being inspired by the writings of Robert Cox and RBJ Walker. -
Europe As International Actor: Maximizing Nation-State Sovereignty by Laurent Goetschel* Fellow for European Studies Swiss Peace Foundation P.O
Program for the Study of Ge7ll'l£11ly and Europe Working Paper Series #6.3 Europe as International Actor: Maximizing Nation-State Sovereignty by Laurent Goetschel* Fellow for European Studies Swiss Peace Foundation P.O. Box CH . 3000 Berne 13 spfgoetsche [email protected] Tel 41 31 311 55 82 Fax 41 31 311 5583 Abstract The continually increasing literature on foreign- and security-policy dimensions of the European Union (EU) has provided no remedy for the widespread helplessness in gaining a purchase on Europe as an international actor. The basic hindrance to understanding this policy comes from an all-too-literal interpretation of the acronym involved: the CFSP is understood as a total or partial replacement of the nation-states' foreign and security policy. This article aims to point the way to a new understanding of the CFSP in which this policy is not based on the integration of nation state foreign and security policy. I suggest that the proper way to grasp the phenomenon of the CFSP is to describe it as an international regime whose goal is to administer links between economic integration and foreign- and security policy cooperation in the sense of maximizing the sovereignty of member states. This requires, on the one hand, the prevention of "spillovers" from the economic area that could interfere with the foreign- and security-policy indepen dence of member states. On the other hand, it demands applying the EU's economic potential to reinforce the foreign- and security-policy range of member states. Due to the logic of this policy, CFSP priorities and fields of ac tion differ profoundly from those of a national foreign and security policy. -
SS395: Advanced International Relations Theory (International Security Studies) USMA Department of Social Sciences
SS395 Syllabus SS395: Advanced International Relations Theory (International Security Studies) USMA Department of Social Sciences Course Overview: In Introduction to International Relations (SS307/357), you explored the drivers of group behavior (or why people, organizations, and states “do what they do”) and the causes of conflict and cooperation in the international system. As a survey of the field, the introductory course exposed you to concepts, traditions, and theories from across the study of international relations or world politics.1 In SS395, we will closely examine one critical force that drives world politics—international security. The purpose of this course is to provide you a solid foundation in the field of international security studies, including a grasp of key concepts and case studies relevant to the field today and throughout history. In Block 1 (Foundational Concepts in International Security), we will explore how the field of international relations connects to the sub-field of international security studies. We will examine central concepts in the field of international security studies. We will focus on two key questions that we will address throughout the course: how do we define security and conflict? How do actors in the international system use force as a tool to achieve goals and influence others? In Block 2 (Theories of Conflict), we will explore one central question that will be central for your research paper: What causes conflict, and what prevents it? We will use Greg Cashman’s literature review on theories of conflict, entitled What Causes War? in order to apply theory to this central empirical question and cases. -
Security Seeking Under Anarchy 129
Security Seeking under Jeffrey W. Taliaferro Anarchy Defensive Realism Revisited Does the international system provide incentives for expansion? If so, should the United States seek to guarantee its long-term security through a grand strategy of preponderance (or primacy) and pursue opportunities to weaken potential great power com- petitors, such as China? Alternatively, does the international system provide more disincentives than incentives for aggression? If this is the case, should the United States seek to guarantee its long-term security through a grand strategy of selective engagement? Two strands of contemporary realism provide differ- 1 entSecurity Seeking under answers Anarchy to these questions. Offensive realism holds that anarchy—the absence of a worldwide govern- ment or universal sovereign—provides strong incentives for expansion.2 All states strive to maximize their power relative to other states because only the most powerful states can guarantee their survival. They pursue expansionist policies when and where the beneªts of doing so outweigh the costs. States un- der anarchy face the ever-present threat that other states will use force to harm or conquer them. This compels states to improve their relative power positions Jeffrey W. Taliaferro is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Tufts University. I wish to thank Dale Copeland, Bernard Finel, Benjamin Frankel, Benjamin Miller, Jennifer Ster- ling-Folker, and the anonymous reviewers for International Security for comments on various drafts. I am responsible for any remaining errors or omissions. Earlier versions of this article were presented at the 1999 annual meetings of the International Studies Association and the American Political Science Association.