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The Typologies of Realism
Chinese Journal of International Politics, Vol. 1, 2006, 109–134 doi:10.1093/cjip/pol006 The Typologies of Realism Liu Feng* and Zhang Ruizhuang Much more than a single theory, realism is a school of thought containing numerous related branches. In recent years an outpour of debate and exchange within the realist tradition has captured the attention of scholars. Many scholars have attempted to create schemes classifying the different branches and threads of realist thought that have emerged, while others have introduced a wealth of new terminology. Unfortunately, as a result of these Downloaded from efforts, realist concepts have become obfuscated, resulting in much confusion, and ultimately erecting a barrier to intellectual progress in the field. The goal of this article is to help remove this barrier by clarifying the criteria for classifying different approaches to realist thought and presenting a more coherent classification scheme that will enhance the understanding of the http://cjip.oxfordjournals.org/ relationship between various strands of realist thought. The Debate Regarding the Classification of Types of Realism Since the 1980s, a number of new schools of thought, including by guest on May 28, 2014 constructivism, critical theory and post-modernism, have critiqued, and ultimately come to challenge, traditional schools of international relations theory such as realism and liberalism. Yet, as a result of sharp differences with respect to ontology, epistemology and methodology, exchange between these new schools and the more traditional mainstream schools have been quite limited. In stark contrast with this dearth of scholarly exchange across schools of thought, the intellectual debate and exchange of ideas within the realist school have flowered, giving birth to many new branches and sub-branches of realist thought. -
The Origins of Human Rights Regimes: Democratic Delegation in Postwar Europe Andrew Moravcsik
The Origins of Human Rights Regimes: Democratic Delegation in Postwar Europe Andrew Moravcsik The ftieth anniversary of the UN Universal Declaration on Human Rights marks an appropriate moment to reconsider the reasons why governments construct interna- tional regimes to adjudicate and enforce human rights. Such regimes include those established under the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (ECHR), the Inter-American Convention on Human Rights, and the UN Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. These arrangements differ from most other forms of institutionalized international cooperation in both their ends and their means. Unlike international institutions gov- erning trade, monetary, environmental, or security policy, international human rights institutions are not designed primarily to regulate policy externalities arising from societal interactions across borders, but to hold governments accountable for purely internal activities. In contrast to most international regimes, moreover, human rights regimes are not generally enforced by interstate action. Although most arrangements formally empower governments to challenge one another, such challenges almost never occur. The distinctiveness of such regimes lies instead in their empowerment of individual citizens to bring suit to challenge the domestic activities of their own government. Independent courts and commissions attached to such regimes often respond to such individual claims by judging that the application of domestic rules or legislation -
NEOLIBERALISM, NEOREALISM, and WORLD POLITICS David A
-- NEOLIBERALISM, NEOREALISM, AND WORLD POLITICS David A. Baldwin In 1986 Robert 0. Keohane edited a volume entitled Neorealism and Its Critics, which focused on the reformulation of traditional realist thinking about international politics by Kenneth Waltz (1979) and reactions from a variety of scholars. Waltz had recast the tenets of classical realism in order to delineate more clearly the effects of the structure of the international system on the behavior of nation-states. In addition, Waltz viewed his work as different from that of earlier realists in its treatment of power and of states as units of the system (Waltz 1979; 1990). The critics, according to Keohane (1986a:24), sought to move beyond the nation-state by "devising new international institutions or regimes," by reinterpreting the principles of sover- eignty, or by challenging the "validity of the 'state as actor' model on which neorealism relies." Whereas some critics called for more atten- tion to economic and environmental interdependence as well as changes in governmental functions, information, and international regimes, others attacked the epistemology on which Waltz based his argument. In a sense, this volume picks up where Neorealism and Its Critics ended. Unlike that volume, however, the contributors to this one share many fundamental assumptions about the nature and purpose of social scientific inquiry. This allows them to engage one another's arguments directly and results in a more focused and productive debate. 4 David A. Baldwin Neoliberalism, Neorealism, and World Politics 5 In recent years the most powerful challenge to neorealism, some- Helen Milner (1991:70, 81-82) identifies the "discovery of orderly times labeled structural realism, has been mounted by neoliberal insti- features of world politics amidst its seeming chaos" as "perhaps the tutionalists. -
Chapter One: Postwar Resentment and the Invention of Middle America 10
MIAMI UNIVERSITY The Graduate School Certificate for Approving the Dissertation We hereby approve the Dissertation of Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff Doctor of Philosophy ________________________________________ Timothy Melley, Director ________________________________________ C. Barry Chabot, Reader ________________________________________ Whitney Womack Smith, Reader ________________________________________ Marguerite S. Shaffer, Graduate School Representative ABSTRACT TALES FROM THE SILENT MAJORITY: CONSERVATIVE POPULISM AND THE INVENTION OF MIDDLE AMERICA by Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff In this dissertation I show how the conservative movement lured the white working class out of the Democratic New Deal Coalition and into the Republican Majority. I argue that this political transformation was accomplished in part by what I call the "invention" of Middle America. Using such cultural representations as mainstream print media, literature, and film, conservatives successfully exploited what came to be known as the Social Issue and constructed "Liberalism" as effeminate, impractical, and elitist. Chapter One charts the rise of conservative populism and Middle America against the backdrop of 1960s social upheaval. I stress the importance of backlash and resentment to Richard Nixon's ascendancy to the Presidency, describe strategies employed by the conservative movement to win majority status for the GOP, and explore the conflict between this goal and the will to ideological purity. In Chapter Two I read Rabbit Redux as John Updike's attempt to model the racial education of a conservative Middle American, Harry "Rabbit" Angstrom, in "teach-in" scenes that reflect the conflict between the social conservative and Eastern Liberal within the author's psyche. I conclude that this conflict undermines the project and, despite laudable intentions, Updike perpetuates caricatures of the Left and hastens Middle America's rejection of Liberalism. -
Bounding Power: Republican Security Theory from the Polis to the Global Village, Daniel H
Reviews Bounding Power: Republican Security Theory from the Polis to the Global Village, Daniel H. Deudney (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2006), 384 pp., $35 cloth, $24.95 paper. With Bounding Power, Daniel Deudney Long in gestation, Bounding Power is a makes a masterly contribution to the ren- vigorously argued and sophisticated book, aissance of classical political theory in which contains a number of important contemporary thought about world poli- strands of discussion that combine to tics; in this regard he follows Michael make the case for what Deudney labels ‘‘re- Doyle and others in demonstrating how a publican security theory.’’ One important fresh reading of the historical traditions strand of the book is its reconstruction of that lie behind contemporary theoretical the concepts of anarchy (an absence of formulations can generate new per- authoritative order) and hierarchy (order spectives on both theory and practice. In established through subordination), and the case of Doyle’s work, a key theme has their reorientation around Deudney’s new been exploring the intellectual roots of formulation, ‘‘negarchy,’’ characterized by liberalism in international relations and the presence of mutual restraints with a thecontoursofliberalpeacetheory—the primary role in generating ordered rela- idea that liberal democracies are not tionships. Two of the heroes of Deudney’s disposed to go to war against each other. intellectual reconstruction are Hobbes and For Deudney, meanwhile, the central Locke. Hobbes develops his argument for subject is republicanism, and in particular sovereign power as a means by which to the idea that the republican tradition depart from anarchy, whereas Locke ar- of thought about security—with its re- gues for the need to enhance freedom cognition of the interplay of changing without jeopardizing law and order. -
Emerging Powers and Emerging Trends in Global Governance
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Stephen, Matthew D. Article — Accepted Manuscript (Postprint) Emerging Powers and Emerging Trends in Global Governance Global Governance Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Stephen, Matthew D. (2017) : Emerging Powers and Emerging Trends in Global Governance, Global Governance, ISSN 1942-6720, Brill Nijhoff, Leiden, Vol. 23, Iss. 3, pp. 483-502, http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02303009 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/215866 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu This article was published by Brill in Global Governance, Vol. 23 (2017), Iss. 3, pp. 483–502 (2017/08/19): https://doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02303009. -
World Politics: Seeking Security in a Complicated and Connected World
Name: Class: Date: CHAPTER 1 - World Politics: Seeking Security in a Complicated and Connected World 1. We refer to political, economic, and social interactions among states as a. anarchy. b. norms. c. search for security. d. systemic level. e. world politics. 2. A 1997 economic crisis in ______ exploded into a larger financial crisis that affected countries globally. a. China b. Germany c. Soviet Union d. Thailand e. United States 3. According to the textbook, the global financial crisis that started in Thailand in 1997 is an example of a. how developing countries are gaining a prominent role in world affairs. b. the dominance of certain groups in the international system. c. the increasing interconnectedness of global society. d. the vital importance of Southeast Asia as a global region. e. why complex financial innovations threaten global security. 4. A financial crisis that started with a bust in the housing bubble of which country led to a global economic downturn in 2008? a. China b. France c. Greece d. Thailand e. United States 5. The global economic recovery was stymied in 2010 and 2011 at least in part due to the excessive borrowing of the ______ government, which led to fears of a sovereign default. a. American b. Brazilian c. Chinese d. Greek e. Russian 6. In 2010 and 2011 food prices in poorer countries had a. disappeared. b. dropped. c. fluctuated wildly. d. increased substantially. e. stayed the same. Cengage Learning Testing, Powered by Cognero Page 1 Name: Class: Date: CHAPTER 1 - World Politics: Seeking Security in a Complicated and Connected World 7. -
1 Genest, M. (2004). Conflict and Cooperation: Evolving Theories Of
Genest, M. (2004). Conflict and cooperation: Evolving theories of international relations. 2nd ed. Belmont, CA: Thomson, Wadsworth. Chapter 1 Introduction – What is International Relations Theory? More than ever, our lives are shaped by the world in which we live and the people, or groups of people, that surround us. We have formed boundaries, cultures, and communities that define what we call nations. The relationship of nations and their behavior toward one another— international relations—is what makes up our human history. Scholars throughout history have studied the human condition—assessing, evaluating, and even predicting patterns of behavior—using and developing various theories. A theory is a proposition, or set of propositions, that tries to analyze, explain or predict something. An international relations theory, then, is defined as a set of principles and guidelines used to analyze both world events and relations between states. International relations scholars often interchange various terms with theory, such as paradigm, model, image, or perspective. Whatever the words, the important thing to remember is that theories help to assess past and present conditions and, in turn, provide a reasonable basis for predicting future trends. The development of international relations theory could be compared to a laboratory experiment. Scientists use their knowledge of specific elements and their properties to predict how they might behave in various combinations and under specific conditions, as well as to produce a certain reaction or outcome. Theories about international relations are formed in a similar way. In this case, though, the laboratory is the international system as a whole, and we must speculate about the behavior of the states and individuals within it. -
International Relations Theory and Non-Traditional Approaches to Security Is International Relations the Outcome of an Academic Research Project Undertaken by Dr
About WISCOMP WISCOMP Initiated in 1999, WISCOMP is a project of the FOUNDATION FOR UNIVERSAL RESPONSIBILITY, in New Delhi, India. It is a South Asian initiative that works at Perspectives the confluence of peacebuilding and security studies. Gender concerns provide the leitmotif of its programs. International Relations Theory and 27 Non-Traditional Approaches to Security International Relations Theory and Non-Traditional Approaches to Security is International Relations the outcome of an academic research project undertaken by Dr. Siddharth Mallavarapu. Awarded by WISCOMP for academic research, media projects and special projects, the Scholar of Peace Fellowships are designed to encourage Theory and innovative work by academics, policymakers, defence and foreign affairs practitioners, journalists, NGO workers, creative artists and others. The Non-Traditional Approaches fellowships are seen as an important step to encourage work at the interface of gender and security; conflict resolution and peace. These studies are expected to provide information about problems pertaining to security, promote to Security understanding of structural causes of conflict, suggest alternatives and encourage peace initiatives and interventions. Twenty Seventh in the Perspectives series, this monograph addresses one of the core concerns of contemporary International Relations theory namely, how to incorporate ‘non-traditional’ concerns of security into the mainstream discourse. It examines the receptivity of different intellectual traditions in the discipline to these concerns. The author begins his analysis with the Realist discourse in the Siddharth Mallavarapu post cold war period and provides an overview of “traditional” conceptualizations of security. He then moves on to provide a succinct summary of the Liberal and Constructivist discourses, examining the receptivity of each of these streams to security formulations that move beyond survival of the sovereign state towards addressing individual well being and global sustainability. -
Ideational and Republican Liberalism and the European Policy of Germany's Grand Coalition
16.03.2010 MERGER OR ACQUISITION? IDEATIONAL AND REPUBLICAN LIBERALISM AND THE EUROPEAN POLICY OF GERMANY'S GRAND COALITION Prof. Dr. Sebastian Harnisch / Raimund Wolf, M.A. Institute for Political Science Ruprecht-Karls-Universität Heidelberg 69115 Heidelberg Phone: +49-6221-54-2859 E-Mail: [email protected] / [email protected] Web: http://harnisch.uni-hd.de Abstract This paper suggests a dialogue between different strands of liberalism and veto player theory in order to explain the ambivalence in German Grand Coalition’s European policy. We argue that veto player theory can contribute analytical clarity to the republican liberalism without losing parsimony. By specifying the republican liberalism, the significance of the ideational liberalism as constitutive for veto player creation and conditional for veto player activation becomes evident. Furthermore, taking on ideational liberalism seriously advances our concept of “policy interdependence” that links societal (and veto player) preferences and inter-state cooperation. The illustrative case study of German policy on ESDP and EU constitutional reform reveals the constraining effect of anticipated and actual veto playing by ideational motivated actors. We conclude that republican and ideational liberalism are powerful explanatory tools, but that they should be integrated to advance their potential for a combination of causal and constitutive reasoning. 1 1. Introduction German European policy is something of a paradox. While there is a strong public and political commitment towards European integration, Germany’s European policy also exhibits a marked tendency towards domestication, a process by which domestic veto players – the legislators and the Federal Constitutional Court (FCC) – limit the delegation of authority to supranational institutions (Harnisch 2006; 2009). -
The Vision Thing”: George H.W
“The Vision Thing”: George H.W. Bush and the Battle For American Conservatism 19881992 Paul Wilson A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of BACHELOR OF ARTS WITH HONORS DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN April 1, 2012 Advised by Professor Maris Vinovskis For my Grandfather, who financed this project (and my education). For my beautiful Bryana, who encouraged me every step of the way. Introduction............................................................................................................................................. 6 Chapter One: The Clash of Legacies.......................................................................................... 14 Chapter Two: The End of the Cold War and the New European Order ................ 42 Chapter Three: 1992 and the Making of Modern American Conservatism....... 70 Conclusion............................................................................................................................................ 108 Bibliography....................................................................................................................................... 114 4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Many thanks to the University of Michigan library system for providing access to the material used in the making of this thesis. Thanks to Professor Maris Vinovskis, who provided invaluable knowledge and mentorship throughout the whole writing process. Much gratitude goes to Dr. Sigrid Cordell, who always found the resources I needed to complete this -
The Decline of US Hegemony
The Decline of U.S. Hegemony: Regaining International Consent A Senior Honors Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for graduation with research distinction in Politic al Science in the undergraduate colleges of The Ohio State University by Kevin Slaten The Ohio State University March 2008 Project Advisors: Alexander Thompson, Department of Political Science Jennifer Mitzen, Department of Political Science 1 The Decline of U.S. Hegemony: Regaining International Consent1 Kevin Slaten2 The Ohio State University, USA This study uses United Nations General Assembly voting data between 1992 and 2005 as well as public opinion surveys from many countries to examine American authority and hegemony in international relations. The data is also used to compare the strength of that authority between the administrations of William Clinton and George W. Bush. In comparing the two time periods, it appears that the U.S. had significant authority over NATO countries in comparison to nonNATO countries during the Clinton years, and that authority declined significantly during the Bush presidency. After establishing these conclusions, potential outcomes of an international system characterized by declining authority are overviewed. Finally, based upon the findings, three options for future American policy are elaborated. Since September 11, the American administration has chosen to confront contemporary threats to national and global security – terrorism, rogue regimes, drug trafficking, and WMDs – with a Bush Doctrine that leaves little room for negotiation. Moreover, in March of 2003, the U.S., without United Nations approval, invaded and proceeded to occupy Iraq. In June of 2006, America’s closest ally, Great Britain, had a public that only held a 56% favorable opinion of the U.S.