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Alive and Well but Frustrated: Hong Kong's Civil Society

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Alive and Well but Frustrated: Hong Kong's Civil Society China Perspectives 2007/2 | 2007 Hong Kong. Ten Years Later Alive and well but frustrated: Hong Kong's civil society Christine Loh Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/1653 DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.1653 ISSN : 1996-4617 Éditeur Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Édition imprimée Date de publication : 15 avril 2007 ISSN : 2070-3449 Référence électronique Christine Loh, « Alive and well but frustrated: Hong Kong's civil society », China Perspectives [En ligne], 2007/2 | 2007, mis en ligne le 08 avril 2008, consulté le 28 octobre 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/1653 ; DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.1653 © All rights reserved Special feature s e v Alive and Well but Frustrated: i a t c n i e Hong Kong’s Civil Society h p s c r e CHRISTINE LOH p ong Kong’s civil society is alive and well. As social come together to further collective values, perhaps through awareness rises and citizen wealth grows, a greater dedicating time and money to benevolent causes, civic and Hnumber of residents give time to civil society activi - humanitarian need, religious and spiritual beliefs, or through ties and more private resources are put into community-build - new ideas for secular progress. Hong Kong is no different. ing endeavours –the philanthropy sector is therefore growing. The most authoritative study of Hong Kong’s civil society Yet, there is much frustration among civil society actors. The was commissioned by the HKSAR Government’s Central problem lies with the city’s politics. The unique nature of the Policy Unit in 2002 and published in 2004. The Study of political system where elections do not return a government the Third Sector Landscape in Hong Kong (Study) looked produces a very special kind of disarticulation and disconnec - at the history and organisation of non-profit, voluntary and tion between power-holders and other political actors and self-governing NGOs in their aims, structures and opera - non-governmental groups (NGOs). Moreover, the Chinese tions. The Study covered NGOs in many fields, including Community Party’s “united front” activities to support pre - arts and culture, economy, environment, education, health, ferred candidates at elections, as well as certain official posi - human rights, law, philanthropy, politics, sports and recre - tions, have the effect of distorting “public opinion” especially ation, religion and welfare, and identified over 16,660 in matters relating to constitutional development, where Bei - NGOs in Hong Kong as of 2002 ((1) . jing plays a highly interventionist role. Yet, there seems to be In its review of history of the Third Sector, the Study noted something irrepressible about the people of Hong Kong as a that over 85% of NGOs were formed after 1946?many be - whole, who have been willing to come out in very great num - tween 1986 and 1997 ((2) . Indeed, there was a new phase of bers when they feel their way of life is threatened. The politi - NGO evolution in the 1980s, as Hong Kong prepared for cisation of Hong Kong people and their NGOs continue as the transfer of sovereignty from British to Chinese rule, and the realisation grows that good governance requires active cit - as elections had to be introduced to fulfil the promise in the izenship and institutions within a political system that allows Sino-British Joint Declaration that the legislature would be for societal conflicts to be settled by means that have genuine elected. District Boards with a measure of election were in - public support. There is a tussle with Beijing over process, troduced in 1982 as a laboratory for democratisation, and a which ultimately determines whether the HKSAR’s power- number of legislators were elected by functional constituency holders have the legitimacy to govern. (special interest groups, including corporate voting) in 1985 This article will first provide an overview of Hong Kong’s and 1988. The 1989 Tiananmen crackdown marked a turn - NGOs before looking at how they function to fulfil their ing point in popular attitude towards political participation missions, and how they fit into the city’s politics and Bei - and a belief that democracy would be the best guarantee for jing’s role, before coming to concluding observations. the city’s liberal way of life. New NGOs to push for democ - racy were formed in response to the tumultuous events of the Hong Kong’s Third Sector 1980s. In 1991, when Hong Kong held its first ever direct elections to the Legislative Council, pro-democracy groups It is accepted in academic circles for NGOs to be cate - and new political parties won all the 18 seats up for grabs al - gorised as part of a distinct organisational sector that has a though the majority of the seats were still appointed by the unique identity and characteristic features. This sector is colonial administration. often referred to as the “Third Sector” to set it apart from the government and commercial sectors. Its vitality comes from shared values among the actors rather than a drive for 1. Central Policy Unit, The Study of the Third Sector Landscape in Hong Kong , August 24th 2004, http://www.cpu.gov.hk/english/research_reports.htm . Chapter 15 noted a total of direct political power or commercial gains, as is the case for 16,662 organisations formed the population of the study, p. 419. the other two sectors respectively. In many societies people 2. Ibid. , Chapter 15, Survey, p. 423. 40 N o 2007/2 Hong Kong’s Civil Society s With the encouragement of the mainland authorities, “pro- NGOs, civic and advocacy groups now in Hong Kong were e v i a China” forces also began more overt activities to organise formed. Between 1987 and 1997, 83% of the political organ - t c n and participate in elections to District Boards, the Munici - isations now in Hong Kong were formed. The earlier hesi - i e h pal Councils and Legislative Council, culminating in the tation among many NGOs to remain “non-political” began p s c birth of the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of to ease as social actors determined which issue they pur - r Hong Kong (DAB) and the reinforcement of the Federa - sued –welfare, health or green –, and the city’s politics and e p tion of Trade Unions (FTU) to run for election. At the political institutions began to matter as civil society activists same time, Hong Kong’s business establishment became generally wanted change and reform of policies, priorities concerned that both the “pro-democracy” and “pro-China” and systems. forces articulated “grassroots” interests, and in response While the sector took on its importance between 1976 and formed the “pro-business” Liberal Party. Being pro-estab - 1985, in the period 1998 to 2002, 50% of philanthropic in - lishment in nature, the Liberal Party sided with the “pro- termediaries now found in Hong Kong were formed ((5) . China” forces on constitutional reform issues, and ran for election in the functional constituencies to promote the inter - Overview – Snapshot of ests of specific business sectors. Hong Kong’s NGOs At the same time that it had to face imminent political change, Hong Kong also emerged as a more cosmopolitan The population size of different types of NGOs varies society in the 1990s. More people concerned themselves tremendously. At one end of the scale are the more than ten with social issues, including welfare provision, quality educa - thousand district-based groups providing services in small lo - tion, pollution and a clean environment, animal rights and calities, while at the other end are a handful of NGOs work - welfare, equal opportunities, minority rights and freedom of ing in political areas. Over 70% of Hong Kong NGOs pri - the press. NGOs also began to work on the mainland, with marily serve their members, while the rest serve the public some serving needs across the border exclusively ((3) . More - at large. The Study found that around 52% of NGOs serve over, international NGOs also have a significant presence in neighbourhoods or districts within Hong Kong, while 44% Hong Kong for fundraising and regional outreach. Today, serve the whole of Hong Kong. many Hong Kong NGOs also hook into global discourse on As there is no legal form dedicated to NGOs in Hong Kong poverty alleviation, climate change, and HIV/AIDS. An equivalent to the économie sociale in France, most NGOs important trend since the late 1990s was the disappointment in Hong Kong are formed as societies, companies or trusts. with corporate behaviour –the Enron malaise –and workplace There is no government restriction on governance for most burnout, which resulted in younger professionals leaving cor - of the Third Sector in Hong Kong in terms of size or com - porate life to seek gratification in NGOs. Worldwide inter - position of its governing board. However, for those NGOs est in corporate social responsibility (CSR) has also resulted receiving substantial public funds for the provision of serv - in new NGOs doing local and regional promotion for corpo - ices, such as in welfare and health, provision is made for the rate governance, minority shareholder rights, workplace di - appointment of certain government representatives to over - versity and ethical-sustainable investment in Asia. see their management. The largest source of operating in - The Study acknowledged Hong Kong’s civil sector to be come for NGOs came from government funding (28%), and “highly dynamic, innovative and resourceful ((4) ”. Examining not surprisingly since so many NGOs provide basic services the date of establishment of the NGOs provides a good in - to the community. Other major sources of income were dication of the evolution of civil society in Hong Kong: membership fees (18%) and private donations and sponsor - Before 1841, NGOs were religious or welfare provision or - ship (15%).
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