A Phonological Profile of Cone Guillaume Jacques
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Annual Report 2005
Annual Report 2005 NSW Department of Education and Training Published by Strategic Planning and Regulation NSW Department of Education and Training (DET) 35 Bridge Street Sydney NSW 2000 ISSN 1442-3898 The Annual Report is available from Planning and Innovation Directorate, DET Level 5, 35 Bridge Street, Sydney NSW 2000, and online from: www.det.nsw.edu.au/annualreports The estimated cost of production and printing the publication was $26,300. The Department’s office hours are from 9:00am to 5:00pm Monday to Friday. State, Regional and Institute office addresses and telephone numbers are listed on the inside back cover. Cover Photo Northern Beaches Secondary College. This college was awarded the NSW VET Excellence Award. Letter of Submission to the Minister The Hon Ms Carmel Tebbutt MP Minister for Education and Training Level 33, Governor Macquarie Tower 1 Farrer Place SYDNEY NSW 2000 Dear Minister It is with pleasure that I submit the annual report of the NSW Department of Education and Training for the year ended 31 December 2005. The report has been prepared in accordance with the requirements of the Annual Reports (Departments) Act 1985 and the Public Finance and Audit Act 1983 and regulations under those Acts, and it is submitted to you for presentation to the NSW Parliament. This report contains details of the Department’s performance in implementing strategic priorities in NSW public schools, TAFE NSW, Adult and Community Education, Adult Migrant English Services, higher education and the National Art School. It also contains the Department’s audited financial statements for the year ended 30 June 2005. -
A Panchronic Study of Aspirated Fricatives, with New Evidence from Pumi Guillaume Jacques
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Archive Ouverte a LUniversite Lyon 2 A panchronic study of aspirated fricatives, with new evidence from Pumi Guillaume Jacques To cite this version: Guillaume Jacques. A panchronic study of aspirated fricatives, with new evidence from Pumi. Lingua, Elsevier, 2011, 121 (9), pp.1518-1538. <10.1016/j.lingua.2011.04.003>. <halshs- 00605893> HAL Id: halshs-00605893 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00605893 Submitted on 4 Jul 2011 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destin´eeau d´ep^otet `ala diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publi´esou non, lished or not. The documents may come from ´emanant des ´etablissements d'enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche fran¸caisou ´etrangers,des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou priv´es. A panchronic study of aspirated fricatives, with new evidence from Pumi. Guillaume Jacques CNRS, CRLAO 54 bd Raspail 75006 Paris Abstract: Aspirated fricatives are typologically uncommon sounds, only found in a handful of languages. This paper studies the diachronic pathways leading to the creation of aspirated fricatives. A review of the literature brings out seven such historical pathways. An eighth, heretofore unreported pattern of change is revealed by Shuiluo Pumi, a Sino-Tibetan language spoken in China. These diachronic data have non-trivial implications for phonological modeling as well as for the synchronic typology of sound patterns. -
Phonological Processes
Phonological Processes Phonological processes are patterns of articulation that are developmentally appropriate in children learning to speak up until the ages listed below. PHONOLOGICAL PROCESS DESCRIPTION AGE ACQUIRED Initial Consonant Deletion Omitting first consonant (hat → at) Consonant Cluster Deletion Omitting both consonants of a consonant cluster (stop → op) 2 yrs. Reduplication Repeating syllables (water → wawa) Final Consonant Deletion Omitting a singleton consonant at the end of a word (nose → no) Unstressed Syllable Deletion Omitting a weak syllable (banana → nana) 3 yrs. Affrication Substituting an affricate for a nonaffricate (sheep → cheep) Stopping /f/ Substituting a stop for /f/ (fish → tish) Assimilation Changing a phoneme so it takes on a characteristic of another sound (bed → beb, yellow → lellow) 3 - 4 yrs. Velar Fronting Substituting a front sound for a back sound (cat → tat, gum → dum) Backing Substituting a back sound for a front sound (tap → cap) 4 - 5 yrs. Deaffrication Substituting an affricate with a continuant or stop (chip → sip) 4 yrs. Consonant Cluster Reduction (without /s/) Omitting one or more consonants in a sequence of consonants (grape → gape) Depalatalization of Final Singles Substituting a nonpalatal for a palatal sound at the end of a word (dish → dit) 4 - 6 yrs. Stopping of /s/ Substituting a stop sound for /s/ (sap → tap) 3 ½ - 5 yrs. Depalatalization of Initial Singles Substituting a nonpalatal for a palatal sound at the beginning of a word (shy → ty) Consonant Cluster Reduction (with /s/) Omitting one or more consonants in a sequence of consonants (step → tep) Alveolarization Substituting an alveolar for a nonalveolar sound (chew → too) 5 yrs. -
The Phonology, Phonetics, and Diachrony of Sturtevant's
Indo-European Linguistics 7 (2019) 241–307 brill.com/ieul The phonology, phonetics, and diachrony of Sturtevant’s Law Anthony D. Yates University of California, Los Angeles [email protected] Abstract This paper presents a systematic reassessment of Sturtevant’s Law (Sturtevant 1932), which governs the differing outcomes of Proto-Indo-European voiced and voice- less obstruents in Hittite (Anatolian). I argue that Sturtevant’s Law was a con- ditioned pre-Hittite sound change whereby (i) contrastively voiceless word-medial obstruents regularly underwent gemination (cf. Melchert 1994), but gemination was blocked for stops in pre-stop position; and (ii) the inherited [±voice] contrast was then lost, replaced by the [±long] opposition observed in Hittite (cf. Blevins 2004). I pro- vide empirical and typological support for this novel restriction, which is shown not only to account straightforwardly for data that is problematic under previous analy- ses, but also to be phonetically motivated, a natural consequence of the poorly cued durational contrast between voiceless and voiced stops in pre-stop environments. I develop an optimality-theoretic analysis of this gemination pattern in pre-Hittite, and discuss how this grammar gave rise to synchronic Hittite via “transphonologization” (Hyman 1976, 2013). Finally, it is argued that this analysis supports deriving the Hittite stop system from the Proto-Indo-European system as traditionally reconstructed with an opposition between voiceless, voiced, and breathy voiced stops (contra Kloekhorst 2016, Jäntti 2017). Keywords Hittite – Indo-European – diachronic phonology – language change – phonological typology © anthony d. yates, 2019 | doi:10.1163/22125892-00701006 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the CC-BY-NCDownloaded4.0 License. -
Himalayan Linguistics Segmental and Suprasegmental Features of Brokpa
Himalayan Linguistics Segmental and suprasegmental features of Brokpa Pema Wangdi James Cook University ABSTRACT This paper analyzes segmental and suprasegmental features of Brokpa, a Trans-Himalayan (Tibeto- Burman) language belonging to the Central Bodish (Tibetic) subgroup. Segmental phonology includes segments of speech including consonants and vowels and how they make up syllables. Suprasegmental features include register tone system and stress. We examine how syllable weight or moraicity plays a determining role in the placement of stress, a major criterion for phonological word in Brokpa; we also look at some other evidence for phonological words in this language. We argue that synchronic segmental and suprasegmental features of Brokpa provide evidence in favour of a number of innovative processes in this archaic Bodish language. We conclude that Brokpa, a language historically rich in consonant clusters with a simple vowel system and a relatively simple prosodic system, is losing its consonant clusters and developing additional complexities including lexical tones. KEYWORDS Parallelism in drift, pitch harmony, register tone, stress, suprasegmental This is a contribution from Himalayan Linguistics, Vol. 19(1): 393-422 ISSN 1544-7502 © 2020. All rights reserved. This Portable Document Format (PDF) file may not be altered in any way. Tables of contents, abstracts, and submission guidelines are available at escholarship.org/uc/himalayanlinguistics Himalayan Linguistics, Vol. 19(1). © Himalayan Linguistics 2020 ISSN 1544-7502 Segmental and suprasegmental features of Brokpa Pema Wangdi James Cook University 1 Introduction Brokpa, a Central Bodish language, has a complicated phonological system. This paper aims at analysing its segmental and suprasegmental features. We begin with a brief background information and basic typological features of Brokpa in §1. -
UC Berkeley Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society
UC Berkeley Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society Title Perception of Illegal Contrasts: Japanese Adaptations of Korean Coda Obstruents Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6x34v499 Journal Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, 36(36) ISSN 2377-1666 Author Whang, James D. Y. Publication Date 2016 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California PROCEEDINGS OF THE THIRTY SIXTH ANNUAL MEETING OF THE BERKELEY LINGUISTICS SOCIETY February 6-7, 2010 General Session Special Session Language Isolates and Orphans Parasession Writing Systems and Orthography Editors Nicholas Rolle Jeremy Steffman John Sylak-Glassman Berkeley Linguistics Society Berkeley, CA, USA Berkeley Linguistics Society University of California, Berkeley Department of Linguistics 1203 Dwinelle Hall Berkeley, CA 94720-2650 USA All papers copyright c 2016 by the Berkeley Linguistics Society, Inc. All rights reserved. ISSN: 0363-2946 LCCN: 76-640143 Contents Acknowledgments v Foreword vii Basque Genitive Case and Multiple Checking Xabier Artiagoitia . 1 Language Isolates and Their History, or, What's Weird, Anyway? Lyle Campbell . 16 Putting and Taking Events in Mandarin Chinese Jidong Chen . 32 Orthography Shapes Semantic and Phonological Activation in Reading Hui-Wen Cheng and Catherine L. Caldwell-Harris . 46 Writing in the World and Linguistics Peter T. Daniels . 61 When is Orthography Not Just Orthography? The Case of the Novgorod Birchbark Letters Andrew Dombrowski . 91 Gesture-to-Speech Mismatch in the Construction of Problem Solving Insight J.T.E. Elms . 101 Semantically-Oriented Vowel Reduction in an Amazonian Language Caleb Everett . 116 Universals in the Visual-Kinesthetic Modality: Politeness Marking Features in Japanese Sign Language (JSL) Johnny George . -
Tibetan Vwa 'Fox' and the Sound Change Tibeto
Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area Volume 29.2 — October 2006 TIBETAN VWA ‘FOX’ AND THE SOUND CHANGE TIBETO-BURMAN *WA > TIBETAN O Nathan W. Hill Harvard University Paul Benedict (1972: 34) proposed that Tibeto-Burman medial *-wa- regularly leads to -o- in Old Tibetan, but that initial *wa did not undergo this change. Because Old Tibetan has no initial w-, and several genuine words have the rhyme -wa, this proposal cannot be accepted. In particular, the intial of the Old Tibetan word vwa ‘fox’ is v- and not w-. འ Keywords: Old Tibetan, Tibeto-Burman, phonology. 1. INTRODUCTION The Tibetan word vwa ‘fox’ has received a certain amount of attention for being an exception to the theory that Tibeto-Burman *wa yields o in Tibetan1. The first formulation of this sound law known to me is Laufer’s statement “Das Barmanische besitzt nämlich häufig die Verbindung w+a, der ein tibetisches [sic] o oder u entspricht [Burmese namely frequently has the combination w+a, which corresponds to a Tibetan o or u]” (Laufer 1898/1899: part III, 224; 1976: 120). Laufer’s generalization was based in turn upon cognate sets assembled by Bernard Houghton (1898). Concerning this sound change, in his 1972 monograph, Paul Benedict writes: “Tibetan has initial w- only in the words wa ‘gutter’, wa ‘fox’ and 1 Here I follow the Wylie system of Tibetan transliteration with the exception that the letter (erroneously called a-chung by some) is written in the Chinese fashion འ as <v> rather than the confusing <’>. On the value of Written Tibetan v as [ɣ] cf. -
The Emergence of Consonant-Vowel Metathesis in Karuk
Background Methodology and Predictions Results Conclusions References The Emergence of Consonant-Vowel Metathesis in Karuk Andrew Garre & Tyler Lau University of California, Berkeley [email protected] [email protected] Society for the Study of the Indigenous Languages of the Americas (SSILA) 2018 Salt Lake City, UT, USA January 6, 2018 Andrew Garre & Tyler Lau The Emergence of Consonant-Vowel Metathesis in Karuk Background Methodology and Predictions Results Conclusions References Acknowledgements Many thanks to the following: • Karuk master speakers Sonny Davis and the late Lucille Albers, Charlie Thom, and especially Vina Smith; • research collaborators LuLu Alexander, Tamara Alexander, Crystal Richardson, and Florrine Super (in Yreka) and Erik H. Maier, Line Mikkelsen, and Clare Sandy (at Berkeley); and • Susan Lin and the audience at UC Berkeley’s Phonetics and Phonology Forum for insightful comments and suggestions. Data in this talk is drawn from Ararahi’urípih, a Karuk dictionary and text corpus (http://linguistics.berkeley.edu/~karuk). Andrew Garre & Tyler Lau The Emergence of Consonant-Vowel Metathesis in Karuk Background Methodology and Predictions Metathesis Results Karuk Conclusions References Overview • Karuk V1CV2 sequences show much coarticulation of V1 into V2 w j j /uCi/ ! [uC i], /iCa/ ! [iC a], /iCu/ ! [iC u] (all high V1) • We argue that this coarticulation is a source of CV metathesis along lines that are phonologized in other languages. • Goals • To figure out the environments in which this process occurs • -
Lecture 5 Sound Change
An articulatory theory of sound change An articulatory theory of sound change Hypothesis: Most common initial motivation for sound change is the automation of production. Tokens reduced online, are perceived as reduced and represented in the exemplar cluster as reduced. Therefore we expect sound changes to reflect a decrease in gestural magnitude and an increase in gestural overlap. What are some ways to test the articulatory model? The theory makes predictions about what is a possible sound change. These predictions could be tested on a cross-linguistic database. Sound changes that take place in the languages of the world are very similar (Blevins 2004, Bateman 2000, Hajek 1997, Greenberg et al. 1978). We should consider both common and rare changes and try to explain both. Common and rare changes might have different characteristics. Among the properties we could look for are types of phonetic motivation, types of lexical diffusion, gradualness, conditioning environment and resulting segments. Common vs. rare sound change? We need a database that allows us to test hypotheses concerning what types of changes are common and what types are not. A database of sound changes? Most sound changes have occurred in undocumented periods so that we have no record of them. Even in cases with written records, the phonetic interpretation may be unclear. Only a small number of languages have historic records. So any sample of known sound changes would be biased towards those languages. A database of sound changes? Sound changes are known only for some languages of the world: Languages with written histories. Sound changes can be reconstructed by comparing related languages. -
Review of Evidential Systems of Tibetan Languages
Zurich Open Repository and Archive University of Zurich Main Library Strickhofstrasse 39 CH-8057 Zurich www.zora.uzh.ch Year: 2017 Review of Lauren Gawne Nathan W. Hill (eds.). 2016. Evidential systems of Tibetan languages. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 40(2), 285–303 Widmer, Manuel DOI: https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.00002.wid Posted at the Zurich Open Repository and Archive, University of Zurich ZORA URL: https://doi.org/10.5167/uzh-168681 Journal Article Accepted Version Originally published at: Widmer, Manuel (2017). Review of Lauren Gawne Nathan W. Hill (eds.). 2016. Evidential systems of Tibetan languages. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 40(2), 285–303. Linguistics of the Tibeto- Burman Area, 40(2):285-303. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.00002.wid Review of Evidential systems of Tibetan languages Gawne, Lauren & Nathan W. Hill (eds.). 2016. Evidential systems of Tibetan languages. de Gruyter: Berlin. vi + 472 pp. ISBN 978-3-11-047374-2 Reviewed by Manuel Widmer 1 Tibetan evidentiality systems and their relevance for the typology of evidentiality The evidentiality1 systems of Tibetan languages rank among the most complex in the world. According to Tournadre & Dorje (2003: 110), the evidentiality systeM of Lhasa Tibetan (LT) distinguishes no less than four “evidential Moods”: (i) egophoric, (ii) testiMonial, (iii) inferential, and (iv) assertive. If one also takes into account the hearsay Marker, which is cOMMonly considered as an evidential category in typological survey studies (e.g. Aikhenvald 2004; Hengeveld & Dall’Aglio Hattnher 2015; inter alia), LT displays a five-fold evidential distinction. The LT systeM, however, is clearly not the Most cOMplex of its kind within the Tibetan linguistic area. -
Day 1: Handouts (Tibet)
Handout One: Introducing Tibet [With Country Names] First, let’s look at this world map. Find the United States. Now let’s find China! Tibet is a region within China. This is a map of Tibet’s six prefectures and its capital city, Lhasa. On the map of China below, find Tibet. What color is Tibet on this map? Did you find it? [Teacher’s Key] Handout One: Introducing Tibet [Without Country Names] First, let’s look at this world map. Find the United States. Now let’s find China! Hint: It’s light green! Tibet is a region within China. This is a map of Tibet’s six prefectures and its capital city, Lhasa. On the map of China below, find Tibet. What color is Tibet on this map? Did you find it? [Teacher’s Key] Handout Two: Quick Facts about Tibet and the Tibet Autonomous Region ★ Tibet is historically made up of three provinces of Amdo, Kham and U-Tsang. It was split up by the People’s Republic of China. The main Tibetan region now is the Tibet Autonomous Region. ★ The Tibet Autonomous Region, is a province within the People’s Republic of China. ★ Before 1950, Tibet was an independent country, but China invaded the country and took over. ★ The capital of the Tibet Autonomous Region is Lhasa. ★ The official language of the Tibet Autonomous Region is Lhasa Tibetan. ○ In schools, children are also taught Mandarin Chinese. ★ The main religion among the Tibetan people is Tibetan Buddhism. ★ In 1959, the Dalai Lama and 80,000 Tibetans fled to India for their safety. -
Aspirated and Unaspirated Voiceless Consonants in Old Tibetan*
LANGUAGE AND LINGUISTICS 8.2:471-493, 2007 2007-0-008-002-000248-1 Aspirated and Unaspirated Voiceless Consonants * in Old Tibetan Nathan W. Hill Harvard University Although Tibetan orthography distinguishes aspirated and unaspirated voiceless consonants, various authors have viewed this distinction as not phonemic. An examination of the unaspirated voiceless initials in the Old Tibetan Inscriptions, together with unaspirated voiceless consonants in several Tibetan dialects confirms that aspiration was either not phonemic in Old Tibetan, or only just emerging as a distinction due to loan words. The data examined also affords evidence for the nature of the phonetic word in Old Tibetan. Key words: Tibetan orthography, aspiration, Old Tibetan 1. Introduction The distribution between voiceless aspirated and voiceless unaspirated stops in Written Tibetan is nearly complementary. This fact has been marshalled in support of the reconstruction of only two stop series (voiced and voiceless) in Proto-Tibeto- Burman. However, in order for Tibetan data to support a two-way manner distinction in Proto-Tibeto-Burman it is necessary to demonstrate that the three-way distinction of voiced, voiceless aspirated, and voiceless unaspirated in Written Tibetan is derivable from an earlier two-way voicing distinction. Those environments in which voiceless aspirated and unaspirated stops are not complimentary must be thoroughly explained. The Tibetan script distinguishes the unaspirated consonant series k, c, t, p, ts from the aspirated consonant series kh, ch, th, ph, tsh. The combination of letters hr and lh are not to be regarded as representing aspiration but rather the voiceless counterparts to r and l respectively (Hahn 1973:434).