4.8 Huang-Lao Ideology
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A New Examination of Confucius' Rectification of Names
Journal of chinese humanities � (���6) �47-�7� brill.com/joch A New Examination of Confucius’ Rectification of Names Cao Feng (曹峰) Professor of Philosophy, Renmin University, China [email protected] Translated by Brook Hefright Abstract Confucius’ explanation of the “rectification of names” is not necessarily related to the theories of “social status” and “names and actuality.” The reason scholars have inter- preted the rectification of names in the Analects in so many different ways is, to a large degree, due to assumptions about Confucius’ thinking by his successors, and based on the views on rectification of names among later generations. In the course of the devel- opment of thinking about names, scholars have augmented Confucius’ own explana- tion, gradually fleshing it out from an empty shell into a substantial edifice. The original meaning may have been very simple: Confucius did not wish to establish a standard system of names. Rather, he was simply the first person in history to realize the impor- tance of language in politics. As a politician, Confucius noticed and foresaw the influ- ence that the indeterminacy, ambiguity, and arbitrariness of names could have on politics. He discerned the political consequences when language could not accurately express meaning or when there was no way for people to accurately perceive it. He also recognized how names, as a way of clarifying right and wrong and establishing norms, could have a great effect on a society’s politics. Although Confucius noted that disunity in speech could lead to disunity in politics, he did not propose a solution. -
Legal Orientalism
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Michigan School of Law Michigan Law Review Volume 101 Issue 1 2002 Legal Orientalism Teemu Ruskola American University Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Jurisprudence Commons, Legal History Commons, and the Legal Writing and Research Commons Recommended Citation Teemu Ruskola, Legal Orientalism, 101 MICH. L. REV. 179 (2002). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr/vol101/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Law Review at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Law Review by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LEGAL ORIENTALISM Teemu Rusko/a* [The] world-wide ... diffusion of [Western culture] has protected us as man had never been protected before from having to take seriously the civilizations of other peoples; it has given to our culture a massive univer- . sality that we have long ceased to account fo r historically, and which we read off rather as necessary and inevitable. 1 - Ruth Benedict [In China,] animals are divided into: (a) belonging to the Emperor, (b) embalmed, (c) tame, (d) sucking pigs, (e) sirens, (f) fa bulous, (g) stray dogs, (h) included in the present classification, (i) frenzied, (j) innumer able, (k) drawn with a very fine camel hair brush, (1) et cetera, (m) having just broken the water pitcher, (n) that from a long way offlook like flies.2 - Michel Foucault * Assistant Professor of Law, American University; Sabbatical Visitor at the Center for the Study of Law and Culture and Senior Fellow at the Center for Chinese Legal Studies, Columbia Law School. -
The Old Master
INTRODUCTION Four main characteristics distinguish this book from other translations of Laozi. First, the base of my translation is the oldest existing edition of Laozi. It was excavated in 1973 from a tomb located in Mawangdui, the city of Changsha, Hunan Province of China, and is usually referred to as Text A of the Mawangdui Laozi because it is the older of the two texts of Laozi unearthed from it.1 Two facts prove that the text was written before 202 bce, when the first emperor of the Han dynasty began to rule over the entire China: it does not follow the naming taboo of the Han dynasty;2 its handwriting style is close to the seal script that was prevalent in the Qin dynasty (221–206 bce). Second, I have incorporated the recent archaeological discovery of Laozi-related documents, disentombed in 1993 in Jishan District’s tomb complex in the village of Guodian, near the city of Jingmen, Hubei Province of China. These documents include three bundles of bamboo slips written in the Chu script and contain passages related to the extant Laozi.3 Third, I have made extensive use of old commentaries on Laozi to provide the most comprehensive interpretations possible of each passage. Finally, I have examined myriad Chinese classic texts that are closely associated with the formation of Laozi, such as Zhuangzi, Lüshi Chunqiu (Spring and Autumn Annals of Mr. Lü), Han Feizi, and Huainanzi, to understand the intellectual and historical context of Laozi’s ideas. In addition to these characteristics, this book introduces several new interpretations of Laozi. -
Official Colours of Chinese Regimes: a Panchronic Philological Study with Historical Accounts of China
TRAMES, 2012, 16(66/61), 3, 237–285 OFFICIAL COLOURS OF CHINESE REGIMES: A PANCHRONIC PHILOLOGICAL STUDY WITH HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS OF CHINA Jingyi Gao Institute of the Estonian Language, University of Tartu, and Tallinn University Abstract. The paper reports a panchronic philological study on the official colours of Chinese regimes. The historical accounts of the Chinese regimes are introduced. The official colours are summarised with philological references of archaic texts. Remarkably, it has been suggested that the official colours of the most ancient regimes should be the three primitive colours: (1) white-yellow, (2) black-grue yellow, and (3) red-yellow, instead of the simple colours. There were inconsistent historical records on the official colours of the most ancient regimes because the composite colour categories had been split. It has solved the historical problem with the linguistic theory of composite colour categories. Besides, it is concluded how the official colours were determined: At first, the official colour might be naturally determined according to the substance of the ruling population. There might be three groups of people in the Far East. (1) The developed hunter gatherers with livestock preferred the white-yellow colour of milk. (2) The farmers preferred the red-yellow colour of sun and fire. (3) The herders preferred the black-grue-yellow colour of water bodies. Later, after the Han-Chinese consolidation, the official colour could be politically determined according to the main property of the five elements in Sino-metaphysics. The red colour has been predominate in China for many reasons. Keywords: colour symbolism, official colours, national colours, five elements, philology, Chinese history, Chinese language, etymology, basic colour terms DOI: 10.3176/tr.2012.3.03 1. -
Confucius' Philosophy of Zhengming (“Rectification of Names
SOCIAL AND EDUCATIONAL STUDIES Confucius’ Philosophy of Zhengming (“Rectification of Names”): Implications for Social Harmony in Africa Mark Omorovie Ikeke1 Abstract: Social harmony is an imperative for the development of society. Without social harmony there is bound to be conflicts, violence, and social turmoil that impede the wellbeing of society. A key factor that can promote social harmony is when people live out the meaning of their names. This is what Confucius called Zhengming (“rectification of names”). For him the rectification of names implies every citizen living out the full import and meaning of their names and roles. Without rectification of names society will continue to be bedeviled by disharmony. Like many other societies the African continent is bedeviled with social disharmonies caused by poor leadership, bad governance, corruption and embezzlement of public funds, kidnapping and hostage taking, youth restiveness, illegal migration, environmental degradation, etc. It is difficult for there to be social harmony when citizens are experiencing social deprivations. The paper will use critical analytic and hermeneutic methods to examine the doctrine of rectification of names as proposed by Confucius. The paper will also apply this doctrine to the situation of social disharmony in Africa. The paper finds and concludes that there is need to use the ideas of Zhengming to mitigate social disharmonies in Africa. Keywords: Confucius, Zhengming, “rectification of names”, ethics, social harmony, Africa Introduction Social harmony is vital and necessary for a harmonious and ordered society. Without social harmony a society cannot function to full capacity and fulfils her purpose for being in existence. Social harmony is bedrock for peaceful living and creates the environment for people to live the optimal life, the purpose for which government is ordained. -
The Dictionary of Chinese Deities
THE DICTIONARY OF CHINESE DEITIES HAROLD LIU For everyone who love Chinese myth A Amitabha Amitabha is is a celestial buddha described in the scriptures of the Mahayana school of Buddhism. Amitabha is the principal buddha in the Pure Land sect, a branch of Buddhism practiced mainly in East Asia. An Qisheng An immortal who had live 1.000 year at he time of Qin ShiHuang. According to the Liexian Zhuan, Qin Shi Huang spoke with him for three entire days (including nights), and offered Anqi jade and gold. He later sent an expedition under Xu Fu to find him and his highly sought elixir of life. Ao Guang The dragon king of East sea. He is the leader of four dragon king. His son Ao Bing killed by Nezha, when his other two son was also incapitated by Eight Immortals. Ao Run The dragon king of West Sea. His crown prine named Mo Ang and help Sun Wukong several times in journey to the West story.His 3th son follow monk XuanZhang as hisdragon horse during Xuan Zhang's journey to the West. Ao Qin The dragon king of South sea AoShun The dragon King of North sea. Azzure dragon (Qing Long) One of four mythical animal in China, he reincanated many times as warrior such as Shan Xiongxin and Yom Kaesomun, amighty general from Korea who foiled Chinese invasion. It eleemnt is wood B Bai He Tongzhu (white crane boy) Young deity disciple of Nanji Xianweng (god of longevity), he act as messenger in heaven Bai Mudan (White peony) Godess of temptress Famous prostitute who sucesfully tempt immortal Lu Dongbin to sleep with her and absorb his yang essence. -
Book of Lieh-Tzu / Translated by A
ft , I ' * * < The B 2 I it* o f Lieh- i - I /\ Classic of Tao i > *• A Translated by A. C. GRAHAM . t The Book o f Lieh-tzu A Classic o f the Tao translated by A. C. GRAHAM Columbia University Press New York Columbia University Press Morningside Edition 1990 Columbia University Press New York Copyright © 1960, 1990 by A. C. Graham Preface to the Morningside Edition copyright © 1990 by Columbia University Press Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Lieh-tzu, 4th cent. B.C. [Lieh-tzu. English] The book of Lieh-tzu / translated by A. C. Graham, p cm.—(Translations from the Oriental classics) Translation of: Lieh-tzu. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-231-07236-8 ISBN 0-231-07237-6 (pbk.) I Graham, A. C. (Angus Charles) II. Title. III. Series. BL1900.L482E5 1990 181'.114-dc2o 89-24°35 CIP All rights reserved Casebound editions of Columbia University Press books are printed on permanent and durable acid-free paper. Printed in the United States of America c 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 p 10 9 8 Translations from the Asian Classics EDITORIAL BOARD Wm. Theodore de Bury, Chair Paul Anderer Irene Bloom Donald Keene George A. Saliba Haruo Shirane David D. W. Wang Burton Watson Contents Preface to the Morningside Edition xi Preface xvii Dramatis Personae xviii—xix Introduction i HEAVEN'S GIFTS 14 2 THE YELLOW EMPEROR 32 3 KING MU OF CHOU 58 4 CONFUCIUS 74 5 THE QUESTIONS OF T'ANG 92 6 ENDEAVOUR AND DESTINY 118 7 YANG CHU 135 8 EXPLAINING CONJUNCTIONS t58 Short Reading List 182 Textual Notes 183 i x Preface to the Morningside Edition A significant change since this book was first published in 196o is that we have learned to see philosophical Taoism in a new historical perspective. -
A New Examination of Confucius' Rectification of Names
Journal of chinese humanities � (���6) �47-�7� brill.com/joch A New Examination of Confucius’ Rectification of Names Cao Feng (曹峰) Professor of Philosophy, Renmin University, China [email protected] Translated by Brook Hefright Abstract Confucius’ explanation of the “rectification of names” is not necessarily related to the theories of “social status” and “names and actuality.” The reason scholars have inter- preted the rectification of names in the Analects in so many different ways is, to a large degree, due to assumptions about Confucius’ thinking by his successors, and based on the views on rectification of names among later generations. In the course of the devel- opment of thinking about names, scholars have augmented Confucius’ own explana- tion, gradually fleshing it out from an empty shell into a substantial edifice. The original meaning may have been very simple: Confucius did not wish to establish a standard system of names. Rather, he was simply the first person in history to realize the impor- tance of language in politics. As a politician, Confucius noticed and foresaw the influ- ence that the indeterminacy, ambiguity, and arbitrariness of names could have on politics. He discerned the political consequences when language could not accurately express meaning or when there was no way for people to accurately perceive it. He also recognized how names, as a way of clarifying right and wrong and establishing norms, could have a great effect on a society’s politics. Although Confucius noted that disunity in speech could lead to disunity in politics, he did not propose a solution. -
The Taoist Religion
Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from University of Toronto http://www.archive.org/details/taoistreligionOOpark : ,The Taoist Religion BY E. H. PARKER {Professor of Chinese at the Owens College). I REPRINTED FROM THE "DUBLIN REVIEW. PRICE Is. 6d. / Xonfcon LUZAC & CO., OREIGN AND ORIENTAL PUBLISHERS, ETC., 46 GREAT RUSSELL STREET, W. {Opposite the British Museum.) : The Taoist Religion i E. H.^ PARKER (Professor of Chinese at the Owens College). REPRINTED FROM THE "DUBLIN REVIEW." PRICE Is. 6<L Xonfcon LUZAC & CO., FOREIGN AND ORIENTAL PUBLISHERS, ETC., 46 GREAT RUSSELL STREET, W. (Opposite the British Museum.) 1925 ?37 59B278 8 a .54 THE TAOIST RELIGION, little is a significant fact that, whilst comparatively so IT has yet been done in the fields of Chinese etymology and history, where an ample supply of exact knowledge is at hand, almost every foreigner who has either seriously studied or superficially toyed with Chinese philosophical literature, where everything is so vague, considers himself at liberty to expatiate upon Taoism, although Confucius himself frankly declared it to be rather beyond his compre- hension, even when explained by the Taoist prophet him- self. Personally I have, for better or for worse, succeeded in surviving the nineteenth century without falling a victim if, thirty-five years to the fashionable cacoethes ; and after of dalliance with Chinese books, I at last yield to the tempter, I may at least be permitted to plead in palliation that I only commit in my approaching dotage that rash act which others have perpetrated in the heyday of their youth and fame. -
The Concept of Language in Confucianism
SAGEHOOD AS SPIRITUAL RHETORIC – The concept of language in Confucianism Copyright Kai Marchal 1. INTRODUCTION The subject of the following reflections is language, as understood in the Confucian tradition. In the Western world, we are used to consider language an important philosophical problem; particularly since the 20th century, language constitutes a "ontologically" distinct domain, which manifests human spontaneity, as well as human historicity and the being of difference. Language qua interpretation has become essential for contemporary philosophy, especially, of course, for hermeneutics. Famously, Hans-Georg Gadamer has formulated the Heideggerian thesis that "Being that can be understood is language". When we now turn to the Chinese world, we cannot but remark a decisive difference: although premodern Chinese civilization had a distinctive notion of philosophy and the philosophical life, it was a world without Platonism. Therefore, strictly speaking, we are not allowed to understand Chinese reflections on language on the basis of Platonism or the various philosophical world-views which tried to overcome Platonism (as f.ex. Kantianism or Heideggerianism). It is quite difficult to imagine what Western culture would look alike, if there were not the erotic speeches from the Symposium, or the famous remarks about the difference between the written and the spoken word in the Phaidros. But premodern Chinese thinkers found themselves exactly in this situation: to think about language without any form of Platonism. And as Confucius (trad. 551-479 B.C.) turned away from the heavenly things and limited himself entirely to the human things, language became not only subject of philosophical reflection, but also the most important tool for ordering the world. -
Myths of the Yellow Emperor
6 Myths of the Yellow Emperor T h e god called the Yellow Emperor played a minor role in the early tradition, but he gradually acquired a complex biography, an elab orate genealogy, and a cycle o f folkloristic legends that gave him an exalted status in the divine pantheon. Although later tradition made the Yellow Emperor the supreme deity of the Taoist pantheon, when philo sophical Taoism had acquired a more religious coloration and was espoused by imperial rulers, and although traditional histories have presented this god as the pacific culture bearer, the early tradition clearly shows that the Yellow Emperor (Huang Ti) is first and foremost a warrior-god who successfully fought against a series o f enemies — the Flame Emperor, Ch’ih Yu the god o f war, the Four Emperors, the hero Hsing T ’ien, and the one-legged god K ’uei, besides many other lesser known mythical figures. When the warrior function of the Yellow Emperor is compared with gods in mythology worldwide, his battles are violent but not frenzied, purposeful but not mindless, pacific in motive but not anarchic in the way that Thorr, Indra, and Odin are in their warrior function. In addition to his functions as warrior and peacemaker, this god also had the function o f culture bearer in later local traditions. For the Han historian Ssu-ma Ch’ien, the Yellow Em peror symbolized the fountainhead of Chinese culture and civilization. 130 Myths o f the Yellow Emperor — 131 The Battle between the Yellow Emperor and the Flame Emperor The first two readings, from the early and later tradition, narrate the battle between the Yellow Emperor and his brother, the Flame Em peror, Yen Ti. -
Confucius, Needham and Modern Psychology
Confucius, Needham and Modern Psychology Speaker: Mr. Ravi Bhoothalingam, Honorary Fellow, ICS Chair: Prof. Sabaree Mitra, Honorary Fellow, ICS 9 September 2015 Institute of Chinese Studies, Delhi The presentation by Ravi Bhoothalingam was an attempt to understand the old but valid notions bounded in Confucianism, further propounded in Needham’s magisterial work on China, and its relation and influence on ‘scientific method’ with Chinese characteristics. The speaker analyzed the seemingly contorted ‘trilemma’ of Confucius-Needham-Modern Psychology through four points of reference: 1) the relationship between Confucius and scientific method, 2) the influence of language on thought processes, 3) the ‘mind-brain’ dilemma through the centuries old Confucian concepts of ’shu’ and ‘xin’, and 4) the development of ‘moral sense’ in the human conscience. The speaker examined the first point of reference by discussing the relationship between Needham and Confucius. He referred to the problematic concept of ‘scientific method’ through a simple discussion on how to achieve peace in the world through the application of ‘deductive logic’ and ‘inductive logic’, and by placing the rational human being at the centre. The proto-scientific manual ‘Da Xue’ provides the correct analogy to what Confucius actually meant when founding the basis for world peace: it is not things out there but rather the nature of man that is the epicentre of it all. The question however remains as to what or who is that ‘rational individual’? This is where the other points of reference come into play. Hence, the second point of analysis is the influence of language on the thought processes understood through the Needham-Psychology part of the aforementioned trilemma.