Rethinking Anti-Corruption Reforms: the View from Ancient Athens
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Penalties in Action in Classical Athens
Classica Cracoviensia XVII, 2014 DOI: 10.12797/CC.17.2014.17.07 JAN KUCHARSKI (UNIVERSITY OF SILESIA, KATOWICE) peNALtieS iN ActiON iN cLASSicAL AtHeNS A preLiMiNArY SURVEY1 SUMMARY: This paper attempts to look at the inner workings of the punitive system in ancient Athens. After a brief survey of the range of penalties avail- able in Classical Athens (capital punishment, exile and outlawry, disenfran- chisement, financial penalties, imprisonment, corporal penalties), it proceeds first to examine their nature (as they frequently fail to meet our criteria of punishment), and then to map them on the substance vs. procedure controversy regarding the Athenian legal system. The last two sections of the paper are devoted to the manner in which penalties were imposed (summary punish- ment, punishment by sentence, “automatic” punishment) and executed (private vs. public execution of court verdicts; coercive measures etc.). KEYWORD: Athenian law, enslavement, corporal penalties, capital punish- ment, exile, outlawry, disenfranchisement, financial penalties Afraid of what? That I suffer what Meletus has assessed (timatai) for me? That, I can’t even say to know for a fact whether it is good or evil. Should I then choose an assessment from what I know to be an evil? As imprison- ment? What good is living in prison, forever a slave to the ever‑present 1 This study is part of a project funded by the Polish National Science Centre (NN103 429640). 117 JAN KUCHARSKI command of the Eleven? Perhaps a fine then, with imprisonment until I pay? But it comes down to the same as before since I have no money from which I could pay. -
On the Teaching of Virtue in Plato's Meno and the Nature Of
On the Teaching of Virtue in Plato’s Meno and the Nature of Philosophical Authority Abraham D. Stone May 2, 2010 Abstract Socrates and Meno reach two different conclusions: in the first part of the dialogue, that virtue is knowledge and can therefore be taught; in the second, that it is reliable true opinion and can therefore be acquired only by divine inspiration. Taking into account Socrates’ role as a teacher (of his interlocutors and of Plato) and Plato’s role as a teacher (of us), I show that neither of these conclusions is consistent with the existence of philosophy as a human institution, and argue that, for this reason, Plato refuses ultimately to endorse either of them. Meno’s question — “Can you tell me, Socrates, whether virtue is something teachable?” (70a1–2)1 — is important for the obvious reason that it concerns what we must do: if there is some way of acquiring virtue, then we are obliged to acquire it. But it has further implications, as well, both for political philosophy and for philosophical politics: that is, the political structure of philosophy itself. It is therefore worth understanding how Plato answers it, or fails to, in the course of the dialogue. Much discussion of the Meno has focused on epistemological issues, and on the passages in which Socrates explains his theory of learning as recollection. Given the confusing nature of those passages, it is no surprise that many com- peting interpretations have emerged.2 I do have ideas about how (and to what 1Parenthetical references to Plato’s works are to Platonis Opera, 5 vols., Oxford Classical Texts (1902–1913), and unless otherwise indicated to the Meno (in vol. -
The Roles of Solon in Plato's Dialogues
The Roles of Solon in Plato’s Dialogues Dissertation Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Samuel Ortencio Flores, M.A. Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2013 Dissertation Committee: Bruce Heiden, Advisor Anthony Kaldellis Richard Fletcher Greg Anderson Copyrighy by Samuel Ortencio Flores 2013 Abstract This dissertation is a study of Plato’s use and adaptation of an earlier model and tradition of wisdom based on the thought and legacy of the sixth-century archon, legislator, and poet Solon. Solon is cited and/or quoted thirty-four times in Plato’s dialogues, and alluded to many more times. My study shows that these references and allusions have deeper meaning when contextualized within the reception of Solon in the classical period. For Plato, Solon is a rhetorically powerful figure in advancing the relatively new practice of philosophy in Athens. While Solon himself did not adequately establish justice in the city, his legacy provided a model upon which Platonic philosophy could improve. Chapter One surveys the passing references to Solon in the dialogues as an introduction to my chapters on the dialogues in which Solon is a very prominent figure, Timaeus- Critias, Republic, and Laws. Chapter Two examines Critias’ use of his ancestor Solon to establish his own philosophic credentials. Chapter Three suggests that Socrates re- appropriates the aims and themes of Solon’s political poetry for Socratic philosophy. Chapter Four suggests that Solon provides a legislative model which Plato reconstructs in the Laws for the philosopher to supplant the role of legislator in Greek thought. -
Plato Journal
DEZ 2013 ISSN 2079-7567 I3 eISSN 2183-4105 Established 1989 http://platosociety.org/ Papers William H.F. Altman “The Missing Speech of the Absent Fourth: Reader Response and Plato’s Timaeus-Critias” David Levy, “Socrates vs. Callicles: Examination and Ridicule in Plato’s Gorgias.” Nathalie Nercam, “En tout et pour tout (Théétète 204a-210b)” Matthew Robinson, “Competition, Imagery, and Pleasure in Plato’s Republic, 1-91” Scott J. Senn, “Ignorance or Irony in Plato’s Socrates?: A Look Beyond Avowals and Disavowals of Knowledge” INTERNATIONAL PLATO SOCIETY PLATO INTERNATIONAL PL ATO Société Platonicienne JOURNALInternationale Associazione Internazionale dei Platonisti Sociedad Internacional de Platonistas Internationale Platon-Gesellschaft Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra Coimbra Universiy Press 2 | Enicaper ficaed susta nondin is es nonim et dolore CREDITS EditOriAL BOARD INterNAtiONAL PLATO Francisco Gonzalez SOcietY EXecutiVE University of Ottawa COmmittee (2013-16) Irmgard Männlein-Robert President: Francisco Bravo Universität Tübingen Universidad Central de Venezuela Angela Ulacco President: Gabriele Cornelli Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg Universidade de Brasília Vice President: Tom Robinson ScieNtific BOArd University of Toronto Luc Brisson Ex-President: Mauro Tulli CNRS – UPR76 Centre Jean-Pépin, Paris Università degli Studi di Pisa Tomás Calvo Next President: Luc Brisson Universidad Complutense, Madrid CNRS – UPR76 Centre Jean-Pépin, Paris John Dillon Next President: Olivier Renaut Trinity College, Dublin Université Paris -
Isaeus 9 and Astyphilus' Last Expedition David Welsh
WELSH, DAVID, Isaeus 9 and Astyphilus' Last Expedition , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 32:2 (1991:Summer) p.133 Isaeus 9 and Astyphilus' Last Expedition David Welsh SAEUS 9, ON THE ESTATE OF ASTYPHILUS, can be conveniently I studied through part of the family stemma of the litigants.1 The speech relates that the professional soldier Astyphilus died on military service at Mytilcnc, and subsequently in Athens Cleon, his first cousin and the speaker's opponent in the suit, took possession of the estate in the name of his own son. x I Thudippus Euthycrates = sister of Hierocles = Theophrastus I I I Cleon Astyphilus speaker I son Cleon maintained that Astyphilus had adopted this son before his departure and invoked a will deposited with a certain Hierocles. The (unnamed) speaker, Astyphilus' uterine half brother by the remarriage of Euthycrates' widow to Theo phrastus, denounces the will as a forgery and contends that he has a stronger claim to the estate.z One of his chief arguments is 1 The following works will be cited by author's name: A. R. W. HARRISON, The Law of Athens: The Family and Property (Oxford 1968);]. K. DAVIES, Athenian Propertied Families 600-300 B.C. (Oxford 1971); W. WYSE, The Speeches of Isaeus (Cambridge 1904); A. P. BURNETT and C. N. EDMONSON, "The Chabrias Monument in the Athenian Agora," Hesperia 30 (1961) 74-91; T. T. B. RYDER, Koine Eirene (London 1965); S. HORNBLOWER, Mausolus (Oxford 1982). 2 Since Cleon and his son were respectively the first cousin and first cousin once removed of Astyphilus on the paternal side, either would normally have enjoyed legal precedence over the speaker in the order of succession to the 133 WELSH, DAVID, Isaeus 9 and Astyphilus' Last Expedition , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 32:2 (1991:Summer) p.133 134 ISAEUS 9 AND ASTYPHILUS' LAST EXPEDITION based on Astyphilus' alleged hostility to Cleon because Thudippus was said to have killed Euthycrates in a fraternal quarrel over partition of the family estate. -
Forms of Goodness : the Nature and Value of Virtue in Socratic Ethics. Scott .J Senn University of Massachusetts Amherst
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 1-1-2004 Forms of goodness : the nature and value of virtue in Socratic ethics. Scott .J Senn University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1 Recommended Citation Senn, Scott .,J "Forms of goodness : the nature and value of virtue in Socratic ethics." (2004). Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014. 2378. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1/2378 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FORMS OF GOODNESS: THE NATURE AND VALUE OF VIRTUE IN SOCRATIC ETHICS A Dissertation Presented by SCOTT J. SENN Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts Amherst in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY May 2004 Department of Philosophy © Copyright by Scott J. Senn 2004 All Rights Reserved FORMS OF GOODNESS: THE NATURE AND VALUE OF VIRTUE IN SOCRATIC ETHICS A Dissertation Presented by SCOTT J. SENN Approved as to style and content by: Gareth B. Matthews, Chair C. c Vere C. Chappell, Member Department of Philosophy DEDICATION To Russell E. Senn, my first philosophy teacher ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS "I have to speak to you of one who was in many ways the greatest man that ever lived[. Thus begins an account of Platonic thought by John Burnet (1928) that inspired the work whose product is the present paper. -
Marathon 2,500 Years Edited by Christopher Carey & Michael Edwards
MARATHON 2,500 YEARS EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS BULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SUPPLEMENT 124 DIRECTOR & GENERAL EDITOR: JOHN NORTH DIRECTOR OF PUBLICATIONS: RICHARD SIMPSON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS PROCEEDINGS OF THE MARATHON CONFERENCE 2010 EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 2013 The cover image shows Persian warriors at Ishtar Gate, from before the fourth century BC. Pergamon Museum/Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photo Mohammed Shamma (2003). Used under CC‐BY terms. All rights reserved. This PDF edition published in 2019 First published in print in 2013 This book is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0) license. More information regarding CC licenses is available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Available to download free at http://www.humanities-digital-library.org ISBN: 978-1-905670-81-9 (2019 PDF edition) DOI: 10.14296/1019.9781905670819 ISBN: 978-1-905670-52-9 (2013 paperback edition) ©2013 Institute of Classical Studies, University of London The right of contributors to be identified as the authors of the work published here has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Designed and typeset at the Institute of Classical Studies TABLE OF CONTENTS Introductory note 1 P. J. Rhodes The battle of Marathon and modern scholarship 3 Christopher Pelling Herodotus’ Marathon 23 Peter Krentz Marathon and the development of the exclusive hoplite phalanx 35 Andrej Petrovic The battle of Marathon in pre-Herodotean sources: on Marathon verse-inscriptions (IG I3 503/504; Seg Lvi 430) 45 V. -
Agorapicbk-17.Pdf
Excavations of the Athenian Agora Picture Book No. 17 Prepared by Mabel L. Lang Dedicated to Eugene Vanderpool o American School of Classical Studies at Athens ISBN 87661-617-1 Produced by the Meriden Gravure Company Meriden, Connecticut COVER: Bone figure of Socrates TITLE PAGE: Hemlock SOCRATES IN THE AGORA AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL STUDIES AT ATHENS PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY 1978 ‘Everything combines to make our knowledge of Socrates himself a subject of Socratic irony. The only thing we know definitely about him is that we know nothing.’ -L. Brunschvicg As FAR AS we know Socrates himselfwrote nothing, yet not only were his life and words given dramatic attention in his own time in the Clouds of Ar- istophanes, but they have also become the subject of many others’ writing in the centuries since his death. Fourth-century B.C. writers who had first-hand knowledge of him composed either dialogues in which he was the dominant figure (Plato and Aeschines) or memories of his teaching and activities (Xe- nophon). Later authors down even to the present day have written numerous biographies based on these early sources and considering this most protean of philosophers from every possible point of view except perhaps the topograph- ical one which is attempted here. Instead of putting Socrates in the context of 5th-century B.C. philosophy, politics, ethics or rhetoric, we shall look to find him in the material world and physical surroundings of his favorite stamping- grounds, the Athenian Agora. Just as ‘agora’ in its original sense meant ‘gathering place’ but came in time to mean ‘market place’, so the agora itself was originally a gathering place I. -
Poetry and the Dēmos: State Regulation of a Civic Possession
is is a version of an electronic document, part of the series, Dēmos: Clas- sical Athenian Democracy, a publicationpublication ofof e Stoa: a consortium for electronic publication in the humanities [www.stoa.org]. e electronic version of this article off ers contextual information intended to make the study of Athenian democracy more accessible to a wide audience. Please visit the site at http:// www.stoa.org/projects/demos/home. Poetry and the Dēmos: State Regulation of a Civic Possession S is article argues that poetry – the Homeric epics and the works of the tragedians – enjoyed an importance to the democratic government of Athens equal to that of the city’s laws. Like laws, poetry was powerful. Like the law, too, poetry was regulated and, at times, manipulated ac- cording to the political needs of the city and its rulers. P C e pervasive civic importance of poetry in Athenian democracy during the fi h and fourth centuries has been obvious since ancient times. e fi gure Demades in Plutarch calls the theoric fund, which paid for the entrance fee into dramatic festivals for all citizens, the “glue of the democracy” (ὡς ἔλεγε Δημάδης, κόλλαν ὀνομάζων τὰ θεωρικὰ τῆς δημοκρατίας) (Plut. Platonic Questions b). Casey Dué, “Poetry and the Dēmos: state regulation of a civic possession,” in C. Blackwell, ed., Dēmos: Classical Athenian Democracy (A.(A. MahoneyMahoney andand R.R. Scaife,Scaife, edd.,edd., e Stoa: a consortium for electronic publication in the humanities [www.stoa.org], . © , C. Dué. In Aeschines’s oration Against Timarchus, Aeschines asks his jury to apply wisdom from the poetry of Euripides in their judgment of the case before them: Σκέψασθε δέ, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, τὰς γνῶμας ἃς ἀποφαίνεται ὁ ποιητής. -
Citations in Classics and Ancient History
Citations in Classics and Ancient History The most common style in use in the field of Classical Studies is the author-date style, also known as Chicago 2, but MLA is also quite common and perfectly acceptable. Quick guides for each of MLA and Chicago 2 are readily available as PDF downloads. The Chicago Manual of Style Online offers a guide on their web-page: http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html The Modern Language Association (MLA) does not, but many educational institutions post an MLA guide for free access. While a specific citation style should be followed carefully, none take into account the specific practices of Classical Studies. They are all (Chicago, MLA and others) perfectly suitable for citing most resources, but should not be followed for citing ancient Greek and Latin primary source material, including primary sources in translation. Citing Primary Sources: Every ancient text has its own unique system for locating content by numbers. For example, Homer's Iliad is divided into 24 Books (what we might now call chapters) and the lines of each Book are numbered from line 1. Herodotus' Histories is divided into nine Books and each of these Books is divided into Chapters and each chapter into line numbers. The purpose of such a system is that the Iliad, or any primary source, can be cited in any language and from any publication and always refer to the same passage. That is why we do not cite Herodotus page 66. Page 66 in what publication, in what edition? Very early in your textbook, Apodexis Historia, a passage from Herodotus is reproduced. -
The Public Payment of Magistrates in Fourth-Century Athens David M
The Public Payment of Magistrates in Fourth-Century Athens David M. Pritchard HAT THE ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY did not give magi- strates misthos, pay, in the fourth century B.C. has long T been argued by M. H. Hansen. This article questions his argument and makes the opposite case that fourth-century Athenians paid their officials with public funds as their fore- bears had certainly done from the late 430s.1 Hansen founds his case on the silence of our ancient sources.2 In 411/0 the oligarchic regime of the Four Hundred made Athenian magistrates, excepting the nine archons, amisthoi or unsalaried ([Arist.] Ath.Pol. 29.5; cf. Thuc. 8.65.3, 67.3). If, after they were ousted, this form of remuneration was restored, it was once more taken away by the oligarchic regime of 405/4.3 For Hansen there is simply no evidence that the democracy in the following year, that is, immediately after its second restoration, or at any point in the fourth century started to pay all of its magistrates again. In his account of the Athenian constitution of the 320s Aristotle’s pupil noted the remuneration of only a fraction of the 329 arkhontes, magistrates, which he got around to describing.4 They were the nine archons, five overseas magi- 1 The earliest evidence of misthos for Athenian magistrates is IG I3 32.8–9. 2 M. H. Hansen, “Misthos for Magistrates in Classical Athens,” SymbOslo 54 (1979) 5–22, at 14–19; “Perquisites for Magistrates in Fourth-Century Athens,” ClMed 32 (1980) 105–125; “Seven Hundred Archai in Classical Athens,” GRBS 21 (1980) 151–173, at 167; The Athenian Democracy in the Age of Demosthenes (Oxford/Cambridge [Mass.]) 240–242. -
Euripides” Johanna Hanink
The Life of the Author in the Letters of “Euripides” Johanna Hanink N 1694, Joshua Barnes, the eccentric British scholar (and poet) of Greek who the next year would become Regius Professor at the University of Cambridge, published his I 1 long-awaited Euripidis quae extant omnia. This was an enormous edition of Euripides’ works which contained every scrap of Euripidean material—dramatic, fragmentary, and biographical —that Barnes had managed to unearth.2 In the course of pre- paring the volume, Barnes had got wind that Richard Bentley believed that the epistles attributed by many ancient manu- scripts to Euripides were spurious; he therefore wrote to Bentley asking him to elucidate the grounds of his doubt. On 22 February 1693, Bentley returned a letter to Barnes in which he firmly declared that, with regard to the ancient epistles, “tis not Euripides himself that here discourseth, but a puny sophist that acts him.” Bentley did, however, recognize that convincing others of this would be a difficult task: “as for arguments to prove [the letters] spurious, perhaps there are none that will convince any person that doth not discover it by himself.”3 1 On the printing of the book and its early distribution see D. McKitterick, A History of Cambridge University Press I Printing and the Book Trade in Cambridge, 1534–1698 (Cambridge 1992) 380–392; on Joshua Barnes see K. L. Haugen, ODNB 3 (2004) 998–1001. 2 C. Collard, Tragedy, Euripides and Euripideans (Bristol 2007) 199–204, re- hearses a number of criticisms of Barnes’ methods, especially concerning his presentation of Euripidean fragments (for which he often gave no source, and which occasionally consisted of lines from the extant plays).