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Religious Leaders in the Aftermath of Atlanta's 1906 Race Riot Author(S): Harvey K

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Religious Leaders in the Aftermath of Atlanta's 1906 Race Riot Author(S): Harvey K Georgia Historical Society Religious Leaders in the Aftermath of Atlanta's 1906 Race Riot Author(s): Harvey K. Newman and Glenda Crunk Source: The Georgia Historical Quarterly, Vol. 92, No. 4 (Winter 2008), pp. 460-485 Published by: Georgia Historical Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40585087 Accessed: 16-05-2015 22:18 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Georgia Historical Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Georgia Historical Quarterly. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 141.211.4.224 on Sat, 16 May 2015 22:18:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ReligiousLeaders in theAftermath of Atlanta's 1906Race Riot ByHarvey K. Newmanand Glenda Crunk advanceof the centennialof the 1906 Atlantarace riot, bothscholarly and popularwriters focused attention on the causesand resultsof the tragedy. These new publications provide a greatdeal ofinsight into the conditions within the city's African- Americancommunity preceding the disturbance, the deeply held prejudiceand fearsof white Atlanta residents, the socio-economic conditionsin thecity leading to theconflict, the incidents that oc- curredduring the four-day riot, and theimpact of the event on the cityand nation.1While mention is madein theseworks of the role ofthe city's clergy, there has notbeen a studyfocused specifically on theactions of Atlanta's religious leaders in theaftermath of the riot.These individuals- bothblack and white- steppedforward in thedays and weeksfollowing the violence to provideguidance withintheir segregated communities. The clergyalso soughta measureof cooperation between the races that would prevent fur- thertrouble. Within the context of the time and place,the clergy 'Some of the bestbooks on the topic include AllisonDorsey, To Build OurLives Together: CommunityFormation in BlackAtlanta, 1875-1906 (Athens,Ga., 2004); Mark Bauerlein, Ne- grophobia:A RaceRiot in Atlanta,1906 (San Francisco,Calif., 2001); GregoryL. Mixon, The AtlantaRiot: Race, Class,and Violencein a NewSouth City (Gainesville, Fla., 2005); Rebecca Burns,Rage in theGate City: The Story of the 1906 AtlantaRace Riot (Cincinnati,2006); and David FortGodshalk, VeiledVisions: The 1906 AtlantaRace Riot and theReshaping of American RaceRelations (Chapel Hill, N.C., 2005). MR. NEWMANis a professorin the AndrewYoung School of PolicyStudies at Georgia State Universityand MS. CRUNK is a graduatestudent. The Georgia Historical Quarterly Vol. XCII, No. 4, Winter 2008 This content downloaded from 141.211.4.224 on Sat, 16 May 2015 22:18:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Aftermathof Atlanta's 1906Race Riot 461 attemptedto addressthe causes.In an era and a regionwhere manyregarded the role of the clergy as spiritual,the leaders of var- iouscongregations joined to influencepublic policies at thelocal and statelevels. The patternsworked out by the city'sreligious leaderscontinued to shape theirrole in Atlantafor much of the twentiethcentury. Duringthe summerof 1906,residents found themselves in themidst of a fiercepolitical campaign to determinewho would be thenext governor of Georgia.Both candidates in the Demo- craticprimary made the disenfranchisement ofAfrican-American votersthe major issue in thecampaign. Against this backdrop, ri- val newspaperscompeted with sensational headlines in an effort to boostcirculation, mostly by running lurid stories about black menallegedly assaulting white women. In August,this "Negropho- bia" reacheda feverpitch with the lynching of an African-Ameri- can malein Atlanta,ostensibly for the rape of a fourteen-year-old whitegirl. On Saturdayevening, September 22, the papers stirred whitefears by reporting four attempted assaults "made by brutal Negroeson defenselesswhite women." The hysteriaturned physi- cal laterthat night, as mobsof armedwhites attacked any blacks who happenedto be in the downtownarea. Exactlyhow many werekilled and wounded during the initial night of violence is un- certain.The citycoroner issued onlyten death certificatesfor blackvictims, but estimates from other sources range from twenty to forty-sevenAfrican-American deaths, one hundredfifty criti- callyinjured, and countlessothers who fled the city.2 On Sundaymorning, a relativecalm spread over Atlanta. As whitechurches held theirworship services, only a fewministers mentionedthe mayhemof the previousevening while the "vast majorityof the preachersremained silent." Meanwhile, their blackcounterparts helped care forthe woundedand provided comfortfor the members of theircongregations. One whitereli- giousleader who was neverat a lossfor words was theReverend Sam P.Jones,a nationallyknown evangelist whose newspaper col- umnsand sermonsmade himan influentialperson in Georgia. Speakingat a revivalmeeting in Cartersville, Jones's remarks were ^AtlantaConstitution, August 1, September 23, 1906; Bauerlin, Negrophobia,218-19; Mixon,Atlanta Riot, 1, 110. This content downloaded from 141.211.4.224 on Sat, 16 May 2015 22:18:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 462 Georgia Historical Quarterly reportedin thenewspapers on Mondaymorning: "Of course, you maysay that the bloodshed in Atlanta last night was inevitable, but whiskey,yes, whiskey, was behind it. I wantto see thosedisgraceful DecaturStreet dives of debauchery and sinobliterated. Liquor wasbehind all thoseatrocious deeds committedby the blacks in and aroundAtlanta and ifyou fellows will go to workand elimi- nate politicalchicanery and workin the interestof prohibition and accomplishthe destruction of the liquor traffic I will person- ally account for everyrape committedthereafter."3 Jones ex- pressed no doubt about the guilt of the AfricanAmericans involved,and forhim the only solution was to restrictliquor sales byclosing the black saloons on DecaturStreet. His viewson race and religionreflected what many whites in Atlantabelieved. They regardedAfrican Americans as an inferiorrace whosemembers neededto be keptfrom the evil influences of drinking. These At- lantaresidents felt that blacks were to blamefor causing the riot. Theirreligious leaders joined withelected public officials in seek- ing to restoreorder and keep the peace byclosing the Decatur Streetdives. Jonesdid not addressthe violence of whitesin theirattacks againstAfrican Americans. According to historianDarren E. Grem,Jones disapproved of mob violence, including lynching, as it was "outsidethe system of courtsordained by God to exercise Hisjustice."4 Jones had a massfollowing in Atlanta as a resultof his revivalpreaching and sermonspublished in thenewspaper, but he wasnot a localpastor. He wasa travelingevangelist whose visits to Atlantafor revival meetings in 1896and 1897were considered ma- jor eventsin thecity's religious history. Jones represented a theo- logicalperspective that was comfortable for most of Atlanta's faith leaders.As an evangelist,he sawreligion in termsof an individ- ual's choice,a voluntarydecision to rejectpersonal sins such as drinking,gambling, prostitution, theater-going, and the obser- vanceof Sunday as theSabbath. The believerembraced a visionof personalpiety, which his biographer Kathleen Minnix suggested had muchin commonwith the fundamentalism that emerged in * AtlantaConstitution, September 24, 1906. 4DarrenE. Grem,"Sam Jones, Sam Hose, and the Theologyof Racial Violence," Georgia HistoricalQuarterly 90 (Spring2006): 51 (hereinaftercited as GHQ). This content downloaded from 141.211.4.224 on Sat, 16 May 2015 22:18:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Aftermathof Atlanta's 1906Race Riot 463 AmericanProtestantism two decades afterJones's death in mid- October1906.5 This emphasis on individualsin and salvationwas a continuationof the kind of camp meeting revivalism and biblical primitivismcharacteristic ofthe Baptists and Methodistschurches thatdominated the religious life of Atlanta and mostareas of the South.6The successof evangelism among both blacks and whites meantthat the religious leaders of the two races shared a theolog- ical perspectivebased on individualismat odds witha movement knownas social gospelthat saw sin and salvationin termsof a morecollective process reflective of societyas a whole.In theaf- termathof theriot, the few black and whiteministers in Atlanta whowere identified with the social gospel movement joined with theirmore evangelistic colleagues in lookingfor solutions to the causesof the uprising.7 The reconstructionin thedays following the riot was both an effortto imposelaw and orderand to repairthe damageto At- lanta'sreputation as a beacon of theNew South. White ministers ofall theologicalpositions united in theirbelief in thesuperiority ofthe white race and theneed forracial segregation. In theeffort to resuscitateAtlanta's image, black ministersemerged as the backboneof African-American leadership, but theyalso contrib- utedto a growingclass division in theblack community. Many of theAfrican-American ministers joined in the campaignto close theDecatur Street dives where working-class black patrons were describedas "viciousrounders, loafers
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