Reading and Misreading the Ancient Evidence for Democratic Peace Author(s): Eric Robinson Source: Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 38, No. 5 (Sep., 2001), pp. 593-608 Published by: Sage Publications, Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/424777 . Accessed: 10/03/2011 14:40

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http://www.jstor.org f^^^^BSS ? 2001 Journalof PeaceResearch, vol. 38, no. 5, 2001, pp. 593-608 SagePublications (London, Thousand Oaks, CAand New Delhi) [0022-3433(200109)38:5; 593-608; 019468] ...JL.^C^

Reading and Misreading the Ancient Evidence for Democratic Peace*

ERIC ROBINSON

Department of History ?&Department of the Classics, Harvard University

In the course of the debate over the existence and possible explanationsfor democratic peace (the ten- dency of democracies not to fight wars with one another), some scholarshave looked to the world of Classical Greece to bolster their claims about the phenomenon. This article critiques the best of these efforts, looking at the way the ancient evidence has been handled and the conclusions drawn therefrom. It is argued that while the ancient world is an entirely appropriateera to investigatewith regardto the issue, the analysesoffered thus far have not made a strong case for the existence of a Greek democratic peace. Indeed, contraryto what investigatorshad hoped to show, the evidence from the period in and around the Peloponnesian war indicates that not only did ancient democracies go to war with each other, they did so with relativelyhigh frequency.Both quantitativeand more traditionalliterary analy- ses support this conclusion. These resultsdo not so much attack the generalnotion of democraticpeace as offer a more fruitful way of using ancient history to help explain it: by focusing on the differences between ancient and modern democracies and their historical settings, future studies may be able to identify the factorswhich encourage or discouragedemocratic peace.

Introduction into the ancient Greekworld. This is entirely logical: the classical period represents the The debate about 'democraticpeace' - the only other eraof history in which fully demo- that democraciesnever, or phenomenon very cratic states are known to have flourished.It to war with one another- has been rarely,go also had its share of warfare, and ancient fully joined for over a decade now. Two ques- authors wrote many volumes of history tions have driven it: is it true that (1) really devoted to conflicts between rival states. something about democratic government Thus there is the reasonableexpectation that prevents or inhibits warfare with other scrutinyof the ancient Greekworld will yield and that demo- democracies; (2) assuming additionalevidence in the debate over demo- cratic peace is real, how exactly do we cratic peace. account for the phenomenon?While the dis- Naturally,some of the practicesof ancient cussion of these issueshas centeredon usually and moderndemocracies have varied, but this modern states of the last two centuriesor so, has not deterred scholars from looking to some studies have extended their inquiries Greecefor possibleinsights about democratic * I thankthe followingpeople for theirhelpfull comments at peace, nor should it. Divergencesinclude the various stages of this article's composition: Andrew Grant- tendencyof ancient demokratiaito be smaller Thomas,Nino Luraghi,Michael McCormick, Ernest May, and readersfor the JournalofPeace Research. Responsibility and operate far more directly than most for any deficiencies remains entirely my own. modern counterparts,with ordinarycitizens

593 594 journal of PEACE RESEARCH volume38 / number5 / september2001

assembling to decide the issues of the day the light of contemporary alternatives, themselves rather than leaving all governing demokratia'sessential similarity to modern to elected representatives.The ancients also democracy is inescapable, justifying the practicedslavery and excluded women from willingnessof scholarsof democraticpeace to having a share in government. While these reflecton what might be learnedfrom Greek and other factors are important to keep in events.1 mind - and will be revisitedlater in this article The first question that must be addressed, in regardto their potential impact on demo- then, is whether the patternnoted in modern craticpeace - they need not dissuadeanyone history that democraticstates tend not to go from observing the tendencies of the Greek to war - touted by some as coming 'asclose as examples. This is because the fundamental anythingwe have to an empiricallaw in inter- kinship of ancient and modern democracyis national relations'2- is equallydemonstrable obvious when one considersthe sharedprin- in the ancient world. Some have claimed that ciples visibly at work in both. These include the most absoluteformulation of the pattern, the notion that government is to be in the that true democracieshave neverfought each hands of the many ratherthan the few or the other, applies to the ancient world just as it one; venerationof the ideals of freedom and does the modern. Spencer Weart (1998) equalityamong citizens;and inclusionwithin maintainsas much in his book NeverAt War, the politicalbody of the broadestcategories of which examines the phenomenon in all eras residentsplausible given the social realitiesof of history and devotes a crucialearly chapter the era. Such characteristicsunite democra- to ancient Greece.3 Other proponents of cies ancient and modern and distinguish democratic peace have been more cautious, them clearly from the perennial alternatives though they too find supportfor the hypoth- (oligarchy, autocracy,theocracy, etc.). Even esis in ancient evidence. Bruce Russett, who the divergencesnoted earlierare not as drastic has been at the centerof the democraticpeace as might be thought: ancient democratic debate for years,closely examinedthe behav- governments often employed councils of ior of states in his article, co- elected or allotted citizens, so the principleof authored by William Antholis, 'Do representationwas far from alien; and many Democracies Fight Each Other? Evidence modern democraciesexhibit a taste for direct citizen action, as the increasinguse of ballot 1 This issue, of course,will bear discussionat far greater length than the presentoccasion allows. For detailed treat- initiatives and referenda shows. Further, ments of the ideals and definition of ancient democracy slaveryand the political exclusion of women (demokratia),with comparisonsto modern versions,see were not featuresof demokratiaper se, but of Robinson (1997: chs 1 and 2), Hansen (1989, 1996), Ostwald(1996), and Murray(1995). Greek civilization as a whole, and indeed of 2 This oft-quotedphrase comes from Levy (1988: 662). most civilizationsuntil very recent times. If While statisticalanalyses do show a low incidence of warfarebetween modern democracies, not everyoneagrees one refusesthe name democracyto any state that populargovernment itself is the cause.See the promi- that toleratedslavery or limited participation nent critiquesof Layne (1994) and Spiro (1994), with on the basis of gender, one eliminates from responsesand furtherdiscussion in InternationalSecurity 19(4): 164-184. More recentreactions, explanations, and historical consideration almost all popular reviews include Farber& Gowa (1996), Chan (1997), governmentsprior to the verylatest versions - Gartzke(1998), Maoz (1998), Hegre (2000), and Russett and even of if continuously & Oneal (2001). many these, 3 Weart(1998). Chapter2 is devoted to ancient Greece, evolving views of social justice are to be the and classicalexamples crop up elsewherein the book.Weart criteria, might well be eliminated on one (1998: 13, 20, 298) admitsonly that theremay have been some 'doubtful' or 'ambiguous'cases of ancient Greek ground or another. In sum, when viewed democraticwars. Similar views are expressed more briefly in strictly as a political order and consideredin his earlierarticle (Weart, 1994). Eric Robinson ANCIENT EVIDENCE FOR DEMOCRATIC PEACE 595

from the Peloponnesian War', which was an entirelynew line of inquiry,and that only reprintedwith some additionsas a chapterin in the last decadeor so have numerouspoliti- Russett'sbook Graspingthe DemocraticPeace cal scientists and historians become inter- (Russett& Antholis, 1992, 1993). Russett& ested in democraticpeace. Furthermore,it is Antholis argue that a pattern of democratic undoubtedlytrue that by askingnew kinds of peace was beginning to emerge in the Greek questions one can make new discoveries, world, though they admit that democracies even in a field as venerableas ancient history. did sometimes fight and that the statistical So for the present analysis,we will consider evidence is inconclusive. irrelevant the absence of prior scholarly To what extent is either of these, the two notice of an ancient democraticpeace. most important assessments to date on ancient democratic peace,4 accurate? Both The Weart Hypothesis are scrutinized here from the perspectiveof an ancient historian not committed to any Weart (1998: 13) claims to find 'not a single side in the largerdebate. The presentanalysis unambiguous case of Greek democracies reveals that the attempt to discover an warring on one another', which finding ancient democraticpeace which matches the nicely fits his general conclusion of near- modern phenomenon leads to serious prob- complete democratic peace throughout lems in the way the ancient evidence is history. In so contending, he adds a few handled and construed.While the testimony caveats.First, for a democracyto be counted from Classical Greece may yet prove to be as such he insists that it have been (and been quite valuable on this issue, its proper perceived by outsiders to be) so for at least interpretation points in a rather different three years, and thus have been 'well estab- direction from the path taken by the above lished'. Wars are also carefully defined: no authors. conflict resultingin fewer than 200 deaths in A final preliminarynote: skeptics might combat will count, in order to eliminate point out that despite the fact political trivial confrontations from consideration relations in Greco-Roman antiquity have (Weart, 1998: 17-20, 24-34). been studied intensively for more centuries At first glance, these limitations seem fair than most other academic disciplines have enough. Regardingthe three-yearrule, since even existed, no classicalhistorian (ancient or some theoristsof democraticpeace have held modern) has arguedfor the idea that unusual that democraciesact pacificallytoward each peace held sway between ancient democra- other because of, among other factors, the cies.5 But one may fairly counter that this is 'democratictraining' their leaders receive as they maneuver themselves into power and 4 Other detailed treatmentsof the ancient evidence for the perceptionwithin one state that the other democraticpeace are rare. Bachteler (1997) addslittle new is in fact a democracy 'like them', it seems analysisof the ancientevidence, seeking rather to modify Russett'sapproach and conclusionswith more of a 'social reasonablethat one exclude from consider- constructivist'view. Despite its title, Raymond(1996) has ation those conflicts that emerge before a nothing to do with the ancientworld. 5 Indeed, one tends to find quite the opposite. Finley 'democraticculture' has had time to become (1979:63), for example,says the followingregarding a brief fully establishedin both potential disputants. period of relativepeace in mid-fifth-centurySicily: 'That However, this is a significant exception to this was the result not of a deep-rootedpacific attitude inherentin the new democraciesbut ratherof a temporary make - it would imply that we ought not and unavoidableconcentration on internal affairs was count even a true democracyif its neighbors eventuallyto becomeapparent'. Finley goes on to describe the renewalof warfareamong the mostlydemocratic Greek did not acknowledge it as such - and three cities in Sicilyin the followingpages (see discussion below). yearsappears to be an arbitrarylength of time 596 journal of PEACE RESEARCH volume38 / number5 / september2001

to choose for a new constitution'sestablish- claims that Syracuse,located in easternSicily, ment. In the volatile world of classicalGreek was not a real democracy.He acknowledges poleis (city-states), governments could go the difficulty of such a position: quoting the suddenly from democracyto oligarchyor to contemporary historian Thucydides to the tyranny, or to democracy from any of the effect that the Athenianswere makingwar on others. Regardingthe definition of war, from 'a democracy like themselves',he notes that a modern perspective200 combat casualties this statement might easilyconfound anyone may seem a very small number of lives for a trying to perceive democratic peace in state to lose, and thus conflictswith lossesless Greece.8 But Weart perseveres,and, relying than this might seem to fall short of a true mostly on one passagefrom Aristotle'sPoli- war. But one must keep in mind that most tics, he argues that Syracusewas in fact 'a Greek city-states were quite small, typically mixed democratic-oligarchicregime' which comprisingcitizen populationsof a thousand was 'in some intermediatestate of disunity' men or fewer, with the very largest being during the Athenian attack; the Athenians measuredin the tens of thousands.6The loss probablydoubted that fuilldemocracy existed of a hundredsoldiers in battle could be griev- there (Weart, 1998: 31-34, 298-299). ous indeed to a Greekpolis, comparableto This position is untenable and, as the the loss of tens or hundredsof thousandsto a Syracusandiscussion is the centerpieceof his modern nation-state.7 chapter, discredits Weart's entire case for But there are far more serious problems ancient democraticpeace.9 To start with the with Weart'streatment of Greekhistory than most obvious problem, Weart never refutes questionable definitions. In order to main- Thucydides' weighty and direct testimony tain his extreme view that democracieshave for the kindred nature of the Athenian and never fought wars, he is forced to argue that Syracusan political systems. Rather, he ' famous attack on democratic Syra- simply dismisses it, claiming willful errorby cuse in 415-413 BC does not count. Athens the historianand a superiorvantage point for was the most celebrated democracy of the Aristotle: ancient world, and the war involved large [Thucydides]seems to havestretched the facts expeditions and terrible bloodshed on both in orderto makea rhetoricalpoint - namely,a sides, so there can be no denying a demo- warning against wars between democracies. cratic war on these counts. Weart therefore Only one scholarever possessedthe docu- ments needed to study the constitutionof

6 Syracuse:Aristotle. He carefully avoided Ruschenbusch(1985). Athens was probablythe largest callingSyracuse as it existedin a democ- polis in Greece and only managedan adult male citizen 415 populationof c. 50,000 at its acme in the fifth century, racy.Rather, he styledit a 'polity',by which he declining to c. 20,000-30,000 in the fourth century. probablymeant a mixedregime - one with SeeGomme (1933), Hansen(1982, 1994), Sekunda(1992). superficiallydemocratic elections, but with an 7 As illustration one need only consider the striking oligarchicelite hanging onto effectivecontrol. Spartanreaction to the entrapmentand ultimatecapture of but 120 of theircitizens at the battleof Sphacteriaduring 8 Weart(1998: 24) onThucydides7.55.2. See alsoThucy- the Peloponnesianwar. Despite wieldinggreat power and dides 6.39. controllingvast territory, nevertheless placed such 9 Weart'scause is not helpedmuch by his appendix(1998: importanceon the safe returnof the 120 prisonersthat it 298-300), whichattempts to dispatchas 'ambiguous'other ceasedinvading of Athenianterritory and madeimmediate wars betweenGreek democracies. This section engagesin overturesfor peace (Thucydides4.15-21, 38; 5.15-19). special pleadingand often unconvincingargumentation, Spartamay have been unusuallysensitive to the loss of their suchas the attemptto blurthe clearparticipation of Megara citizensbecause of the exclusivityand smallsize of its ruling (democraticallyrun by 424 BC) in the Peloponnesianwar citizen body relativeto the state as a whole; even so, the againstAthens; see Thucydides4.66, with the commen- example shows the enormous importancewhich could taries of Gomme, Andrewes & Dover (1945-81) and attachto the loss of relativelyfew men even in one of the Hornblower(1991-96). Furtherancient democraticwars largerGreek poleis. arediscussed below. Eric Robinson ANCIENT EVIDENCE FOR DEMOCRATIC PEACE 597

Onlyafter the Athenians were defeated was the ments of 158 or so cities of the Greekworld, constitutionrevised so thatdemocratic leaders including Syracuse, and that these works were in 1998: with fully power.(Weart, 33, could have been the basis for the historical footnotes) detailson displayin the Politics.12 But no one Several inaccuracies leap out at one here. knows if Aristotle conducted any original First,Thucydides never, implicitly or explic- research on Syracusan history, or what itly, makes a point of warning that democra- recordsmight have been availableto him. To cies should not go to war against one other. simply assume he hunted up key documents One may reasonablyargue that Thucydides revealing previously unrecognized consti- exaggerates for rhetorical effect now and tutional truths is, to say the least, method- again in his history, or that in the books on ologically unsound. In the end, whatever Sicilian affairs he highlights the arrogance Aristotle may have used could not approach and incompetence with which the Athenian what Thucydides was in a position to know democracy pursued the war and emphasizes outright or to acquire in his own rigorous, the foolishness of demagogues (both Athen- and contemporary,investigations.13 ian and Syracusan);but in no way do such Finally, Weart overstates the actual authorial tendencies add up to 'warning content of Aristotle'stestimony. It is true that againstwars between democracies'.10 at Politics 1304a27-29 the philosopher Second, it is most dubious to claim that implies that Syracuse during the war had Aristotlewas in a better position to know the been a polity, for he says that after Syracuse's political institutions of late fifth-century victory the governmentchanged from 'polity Syracuse than Thucydides, who was alive to democracy'.14But elsewherein the Politics, then, was active in and a keen observer of at 1316a32-33, Aristotleseems to contradict political affairs,and whose historicalwritings this statement, saying that Syracusebecame a demonstrate substantial knowledge about democracyafter the overthrowof tyranny in in particular.11 Did Aristotle,a philoso- pher from Stagirawho lived in the middle of the following century, uniquely possess 'the 12 See Aristotle,Nicomachean Ethics 10, 1181 b 15-24. documents needed to study the constitution The Politicscontains a substantialnumber of referencesto Syracusanpolitical affairs, which, though briefand some- of Syracuse'?We have no evidence on which times conflicting,do suggestinterest on his behalf.On the to basesuch a claim. All we know is that Aris- other hand, what few fragmentsremain from the separate totle or his students wrote about the govern- Aristoteliantreatise on Syracuse- briefanecdotes more per- sonal, medical, or wine-relatedthan constitutional- are more discouraging.For the fragments, Gigon (1987: 10 Thucydidesnarrates the Siciliancampaign of 415-413 708-711, politeia # 133. 602-606); also Sandys (1912: BC, includingample background information, in bookssix 23-39), Weil (1960: 97-104, 299-303), Rhodes (1993: and sevenof his history.The bibliographyon his aims and 1-2). methodsis immense,but I am not awareof anyone (aside 13 For Thucydides,see notes 10 and 11 above. On Aris- from Weart) who thinks that Thucydides' point is to totle's(or his student's)historical sources and reliability,not counsel againstdemocracies fighting each other. See, for alwaysheld in the highestregard, see Rhodes(1993: 5-37, starters,the commentariesby Gomme,Andrewes & Dover 58-61), Weil (1960: 87-95, 311-323), and von Fritz & (1945-81) and Hornblower(1991-96); Donald Kagan's Kapp(1950: 7-32). seriesof bookson the Peloponnesianwar, especially Kagan 14 Kai 1v XupaKouctaK4 6 Sru,o; a'rlso; yevo6jevo; (1981); Hornblower(1994), Cawkwell(1997), and Rood riT; viKT|(; TODi 0?oX4ou TOD HpO5 A0|vaioui; 1K (1998). sioXsrcia; ciS;6ljsoKpaTiav serep3aXcv.('And in Syra- 11 Thucydideswas an Atheniancitizen who foughtduring cuse the demos,since they were the causeof the victoryin the very Peloponnesianwar he wrote about, havingserved the war againstthe Athenians,changed the constitution as a generalbefore being exiled.The exceptionalrigor with from polity to democracy'.)Diodorus of Sicily also notes which he carriedout his historicalinvestigations is adver- new and popularpostwar legislation, but does not describe tised in his account(1.22, 5.26). See the previousnote for the result as changing the governmentto democracy- his lengthy treatmentof the Sicilian campaign and for accordingto Diodorus,it alreadywas one (13.33-35, with modernbibliography about his work. 11.68.6). 598 journal of PEACE RESEARCH volume38 / number5 / september2001

the mid-460s BC,15a popularrevolution that putting together all our extant accounts of inspired the only constitutional change Syracusanhistory c. 465-406 BC, one builds recorded by any source for Syracuse until a compelling picture of popular domination afterthe war with Athens. So Aristotle'stesti- in the city, with mass citizen assemblies mony is rather confused. Furtherobscuring passing the laws, controlling policy, electing matters is the philosopher'svarying usage of and punishing its generals,and often heeding the term 'polity' (politeia) itself. In some (for better or worse) the advice of demagogic purely descriptivecontexts, he indeed means speakers.The very art of political rhetoric is a government with a mixture of democratic reported to have developed in Syracuse and oligarchic elements (though he never thanks to this radicalenvironment.l8 Social says it had 'an oligarchic elite hanging onto elites naturally continued to play a promi- effectivecontrol' as Weartprefers to conclude nent role in vying with each other for public in the abovepassage). But in other,normative honors, just as they always have in any contexts, Aristotle employs polity to mean a democracy,ancient or modern; but there is responsibleform of popular rule, as opposed nothing in the narratives to suggest that to irresponsibleones.16 In other words, it is aristocrats exerted ultimate state power. possible that at 1304a27-29 Aristotlesimply Quite the reverse:our sources emphasize at means that Syracusewent from a 'better'to a times the travails of wealthy, 'respectable' 'worse'form of democracyafter the war with politiciansat the hands of the fickle masses.19 Athens. We cannot be certain;Aristotle's tes- Naturally,then, members of the elite classes timony on the matter is truly snarled and in the ancient world, who generallywere the ought to inspire caution in its use, not its ones to compose the histories and philo- preferenceover the other sources. sophical treatises,tended to despise democ- In fact, the case for Syracusandemocracy racy and see it as an irresponsiblemess or a before and during the war with Athens is tyrannyof the common rabble.20This typical exceedingly strong, even beyond the clear authorial bias is worth bearing in mind. assertions in Thucydides (and the murky When Weart reads Thucydidean reports of ones in Aristotle).17Much of our narrative rivalSyracusan factions and of rhetoricabout about Syracuse in this era comes from the disorderlymobs running Sicily,he concludes first-centuryBC historianDiodorus of Sicily, that Syracusewas in some temporarystate of who repeatedly calls the government a civil disorder (Thucydides 6.17, 38, 103; democracy (11.68.6; 11.72.2.). Moreover, 7.2, 48-49; Weart, 1998: 33). But this is to misunderstandthe evidence. The operation 15 .... sXXa jerapdiEl Kat ?s; tupavvi&a of ancient democracyis frequentlydescribed Tupavvi;, 6tasrcp ft XuKVxvo;?K ft; Mvpovoo; ci; TfTVKXcta0?vou;, Kai ci; oXvyapXiav, (6crirp ft tv 17 This argumentis set forth in full detail in Robinson XaXKoi6 ft AvTisXovToe;, Kai ci; 6rbjuoKpaciav, (2001). It should be noted that even those scholarswho 5xac?pft TdV rFXcovo; ?v EupaKoucaK;, Kaie(i; have questioned the evidence for Syracusandemocracy apitToKcpaTiav,dSotc?p fT XaptXdou ev AaKe6aiuove. usuallydo not so much deny the labeldemokratia as distin- ('. . .but tyrannychanges also to tyranny,like the one of guish the Syracusanfrom the contemporaryAthenian Myronto the one of Cleisthenesat Sicyon,and to oligarchy, version,highlighting what they see as the ongoinginfluence like the one of Antileon in Chalcis,and to democracy,like of Syracusanelites. The most extremeattacks (e.g. Wentker the one of Gelon'sfamily in Syracuse,and to aristocracy, [1956], who perceivesa Syracusanoligarchy) have been like the one of Charilaus in Sparta'.) Cf. Politics refutedpreviously: see Brunt(1957). 1312bl0-16. 18 Lateantique rhetorical introductions called Prolegomena 16 Responsible form of popular rule: Politics providethe main sourcematerial for this:#4, 5, 7, 13, 17 1279a22-bl9, esp. a37-39; NicomacheanEthics 8.10-11 in Rabe(1931). (1l60a31-1161bl 1), esp. 10.3. Mixtureof oligarchyand 19 See, e.g., the accountrelating to petalismat Syracusein democracy:Politics 1293b33-4; 1294a30-b41. Govern- Diodorus 11.86-87. ment of the hoplite class (i.e. the roughly middle-class 20 Fora recentsurvey of ancientdemocratic critics (includ- bearersof heavyarms): Politics 1265b27-9; 1288a6-15. ingThucydidesand Aristotle),see Ober (1998). Eric Robinson ANCIENT EVIDENCE FOR DEMOCRATIC PEACE 539

in precisely this manner, particularly by dramatic than that discernible in modern critics or outsiders;and indeed it is a natural times and one in which the actual insti- function of any democracyto inspire groups tutional structureof democracyplayed little and factions within the community to role (as opposed to that playedby the cultural compete fiercelyagainst each other for politi- norms and perceptionsof democracies). cal influence, both openly and behind the In attempting to assess the results of scenes.That our sourcesshould indicate such Russett & Antholis, one must first confront activity in Syracusearound the time of the the fact that quantitativeanalysis of political war with Athens does farmore to confirm the phenomena frequentlydoes not work as well presenceof democracythan exclude it. for the ancient world as the modern, even in such relatively well-known periods as late Greece. Of the hundreds of Democratic Wars: Russett fifth-century Counting which existed in the Greek we & Antholis poleis world, have clearconstitutional information about a The Athenian showdown with Syracuse very small proportion of them - even in the cannot, therefore, be considered anything fifth century - and what notices we have but a true war between democracies.What, usually apply with certainty to only a few then, of the broaderargument for democratic yearsof their history.Athens claims the lion's peace in the ancient world - was the Atheno- share of our sources' attention, and only Syracusan contest a rare exception in an Sparta and a handful of other states receive otherwise clear pattern of conflict avoidance more than cursory attention. Centuries of among democracies? The most thorough carefulscholarship have resultedin a remark- study of the issue to date is that of Russett & able understandingof a greatmany aspectsof Antholis (1993). In an attempt to create a the Greek world, political and otherwise, databasefor quantitativeanalysis, the authors especially in these famous states, but when compile a list of certain democracies,prob- one tries to quantify pan-Hellenic events for able democracies,and stateswith other kinds presentation in tabular form, the wildly of regimes which participatedin that wide- uneven distribution of source materialtends spreadconflagration of the late fifth century to undermine any findings. BC, the Peloponnesianwar. They then look Such considerationsmake it very difficult at who fought whom, and tabulatethe results to quantify ancient democratic peace (or its accordingto constitutional type. The results absence) in any authoritativeway. Russett & are striking:the governmentwith the highest Antholis do show care in evaluating their incidence of war againstits own type is, by a data, choosing a good chronological frame- hair, democracy! However, the authors call work (the era of the Peloponnesian war), these results'inconclusive' because of several breaking states down into the categories factors,including a presumedundercounting 'Clear democracies' (with 13 examples), of non-democraciesin our sources, and note All other democracies' (25 examples), that when 'probable'democracies are added 'Unknown' (65 examples) and 'Not democ- in with the 'clear' democracies, the ratios racies' (32 examples), and adopting reason- change to indicate that democracies fought able criteria for distributing the states with their own kind slightly less than other (Russett & Antholis, 1993: 43-52, 63). But regimesdid. In the end, the authorsconclude one look at the totals in each categoryunder- that a trend toward friendship between scores the basic problem:the largestby far is democracieswas beginning to take shape in 'Unknown', with more than twice the the Greek world, even if the pattern is less numberof states(65) than any other category 600 journal of PEACE RESEARCH volume38 / number5 / september2001

and five times more than the number of example, they assert that democratic wars certain democracies. Even if one assumes must have been over-reportedin their sources impeccable analysisof the evidence and cat- (Russett& Antholis, 1993: 51-52), but there egorization of states on the authors' part,21 is no particularreason to think this. It is true the fact remains that any resulting calcu- that Thucydides focuses much attention on lations take place in a veritablesea of uncer- Athens and its empire, but he has plenty to tainty. say about the activitiesof Athens'foes as well, Thus, achieving a true ratio of wars most of whom were considered undemo- between democraciesand other kinds of wars cratic. That Thucydides (inevitably) leaves looks impossible. At best, one might answer many peripheralstates in Greece out of his a less ambitious but still important question: account surely does skew our data - but in among the states about which we have a which direction?Without knowledgeof their reasonable degree of knowledge, was war constitutionsor wars,we cannot guess, and it between democracies non-existent (the will not do simply to assume most were Weart hypothesis) or even very rare (a more peaceful democracies. Russett & Antholis moderateproposition)? The answerseems to also assertthat ancient democraciestended to be a resoundingno. According to the figures be naval powers with great reach and thus of Russett & Antholis, pairs of clear democ- had more chancesto get involvedin conflicts, racies went to war at a substantiallyhigher while non-democracieswere usually isolated rate than pairs of non-democraciesdid, and and regionalin influence (Russett & Antho- their rate also exceeded warring between lis, 1993: 58-59). This casual assumption, mixed pairs of clear democracies and non- while seemingly sensible given Athens' democracies (Russett & Antholis, 1993: 53 famous naval democracy,is in fact very diffi- [TableI]). cult to demonstrateempirically as a general Explanationsoffered by the authors, who rule. The two best-knowndemocracies of the admit that they expected resultsmore favor- fifth century outside Athens, Syracuse and able to democraticpeace (Russett & Antho- Argos, did not use fleets to establishoverseas lis, 1993: 52), are not convincing. For empires,but tended ratherto fight aggressive land campaigns to dominate locally.22Con- 21 Russett& Antholis (1993: 63-71) list in an appendix versely,famously non-democraticSparta and the states, regime types, and wars used for the statistical Corinth did use naval force to project power analysisin the chapter.On the whole, the assignmentsseem sensibleenough, though one can find some questionable over wide areas: Corinth in northwestern decisions. For example, Camarina'sconstitution is cate- Greece and elsewhere,and Spartaacross the gorizedas unknown,but thereis in facttestimony sufficient Aegean through its victory in the Pelopon- to put it in one of the 'probabledemocracy' categories (i.e. category'c' for a statewhere there is 'anassembly called for nesian war.23 In the end, the unwelcome constitutional decision', and/or category 'e' for a state 'calleda democracywith less than convincingevidence'). 22 Syracusedid at timesdeploy significant naval forces, but Similarlyquestionable is the listing of potentiallydemo- did so during tyrannicalregimes as much as duringtheir cratic Rhegion, Leontini, and Himera as unknowns.For democracy;more importantly, the fleetsplayed a secondary the evidence, see my discussionof Camarinaand other role behind the land forces in Syracuse'speriodic domi- westernGreek cities in the next section.These assignments nationof easternSicily. The Argivedemocracy was strictly of Russett& Antholiscould havehad the effect of slightly a land power. On Syracusan imperialism, see Consolo skewing their quantitativeresults in favor of democratic Langher (1997); for Argive foreign policy, Tomlinson peace by artificiallyreducing the number of probable (1972). democraciesinvolved in wars.But giventhat in the end the 23 Corinthwas a navalpower early on and remainedone in quantitativeresults already tend againstdemocratic peace the eraof the Peloponnesianwar (Thucydides 1.13, 1.36.2, (see below), these possible mis-categorizationsare not a 1.44.2), enabling it to establish and maintain a colonial matter of majorconcern. They underscore,however, the empire. See Graham(1983: ch. 7). On Sparta'spostwar uncertaintyinvolved in statisticalanalysis where the evi- hegemony, see Parke (1930); Clauss (1983: 59-69, dence to establishthe dataclassification is so obscure. 138-142); Hamilton(1991). Eric Robinson ANCIENT EVIDENCE FOR DEMOCRATIC PEACE 601

quantitativeresults turned up by Russett & This testimony, all of which is valuablein Antholis cannot be so easily explainedaway: some degree, nevertheless does not have while the slippery and incomplete nature of quite the force Russett & Antholis imply. the data prevents certainty, what we have For one thing, in moving quickly through does substantial damage to the case for an this material the two scholars fail to point ancient democraticpeace. out to their readers the prejudicial context Not surprisingly, then, the cautiously or controversialnature of much of it. The advancedconclusion of Russett& Antholis - Isocrates passage, for example, is part of a that one can detect a nascent trend toward highly charged patriotic oration written interdemocraticfriendship - does not come over half a century after the demise of the from their quantitative results, but from Athenian empire and has as one of its more traditionalanalysis of texts. Here they primary purposes to praise to the sky past are on firmerground and note some intrigu- Athenian services to Greece. Therefore one ing passages.Isocrates' fourth-century speech simply cannot take at face value its inher- Panathenaicusis quoted for its contention ently dubious claims about how pleased that subject states in the Athenian empire Athens' subject states used to be to surren- used to pay tributewillingly to preservetheir der their tribute money or that they did so democratic constitutions (12.68). Thucy- to protect their democraciesagainst the fear- dides' history, we are reminded, contains a some cruelties of Athens' opponents number of specific cases where democratic (Isocrates 12.66-68; Zucker, 1954: esp. factions looked to democratic Athens for 11-12). As for Diodotus, his speech comes support, and oligarchic ones to oligarchic to us in Thucydides' history as part of a Sparta, suggesting the importance of ideo- famous debate about what to do with the logical and constitutional ties. Thucydides Mytileneans after the defeat of their revolt also reports a speech from the Athenian from the Athenian empire in 427 BC. Diodotus which asserts that the demos(the Diodotus' claim that the demos(a term mis- non-elite majority of citizens) everywhere leadingly rendered as 'democracy' in the support Athens and are their natural allies translation used by Russett & Antholis) in even when powerful individuals attempt every city favorsAthens is an integralpart of rebellion (3.47). Evidence from Pseudo- an argument for mercy for the Mytileneans: Xenophon's Constitutionof the Athenians is their demos,he asserts, never really backed also brieflyreferred to: the authorof this mid- the revolt. This assertion is questionable, as to late-fifth-century political treatise states Thucydides' own narrativeof the course of that the Athenian democracytypically backs the rebellion does not demonstrate it the demos rather than the elites in subject (Thucydides 3.2-50, esp. 28-29, 47; West- cities and in cities undergoing civil discord lake, 1976). Even more questionable is the because doing so conduces to Athenian larger rhetorical claim: by expressing as a control.24 general proposition the (ultimately unprov- able) notion that the demos everywhere 24 Pseudo-Xenophon 1.14-15; 3.10-11; Russett & favors Athens, Diodotus seeks to lend Antholis (1993: 59-60). Russett & Antholis might also believability to his contention that the have singledout Thucydides5.31.6 and 5.44.1, two pas- acted and thus sagesin which statesare depictedas takingconstitutional Mytilenean people similarly form (democracyor oligarchy)into accountwhen deciding deservemercy. In fact, the 'popularity'of the which allieswould be the most compatible:evidence for, if Athenian empire is highly controversialand not democraticpeace, then at leastthe notion thatstates did at times pay attentionto similarityof governmenttypes in the subject of much scholarly skepticism makingdecisions about coalitions. and debate, for there is strong evidence of 602 journal of PEACE RESEARCH volume38 / number5 / september2001

Athens' general unpopularity.25As rhetorical democracies avoid going to war with each exaggerationis an obvious danger here, one other.They need not even indicate a general cannot simply accept Diodotus' words unre- pattern of ideological bonding between servedly. democratic groups, for there were notable This leaves us with the more restrained exceptionseven as concernsAthens: Pseudo- testimony of Thucydides' narrativeaccounts Xenophon himself mentions two or three and Pseudo-Xenophon's pamphlet, which instancesin which Athens backedaristocratic together suggest that Athens often could be groups over popularones.27 As for the rest of found supporting the demosagainst elite fac- Greece, we have no general statements that tions and did so because it seemed more to democraticgroups tended to help each other, their interests as a democracy.Fair enough: and thereare prominent examples to the con- no one need doubt that by the second half of trary,such aswhen democraticSyracuse inter- the fifth centuryAthens tended to act in this vened in Leontini c. 423 on behalf of the manner. Athens liked to install or support upper classes (hoi dunatoi) to drive out the democraciesin Greek states in its control, as demos (Thucydides 5.4.1-3). Nor did the it did, for example, in Erythrai in c. 452, demosalways turn to democraciesfor help, or Samos in 440 and 411, and (probably) get help when they did. ConsiderThucydides' Chalcis in 446.26 Correspondingly,Sparta narration of the disputes in Epidamnus, relied on oligarchic government to help Corcyra, and Corinth which set Greece in control its own allies (Thucydides 1.19). motion toward the Peloponnesianwar. The Once the Peloponnesianwar had brokenout, troubles began when the demos of Epi- factions in open civil conflicts tended to damnus, which was being hard-pressedby reach out to Athens or Sparta according to recently exiled elites (hoi dunatoi), made an popular or oligarchic leanings (Thucydides appealfor help to its mother-city,democratic 3.82). More establishedstates might also take Corcyra. The colony/mother-city relation- constitutional factors into account when ship explainsthe targetingof this appeal,not making alliances (Thucydides 5.31.6, sharedpolitical ideals,for when the Corcyran 5.44.1). Thus, in the polarizedworld of fifth- democracyrefused to help, preferringto side century Greece, which saw a decades-long with the elites - an act worth noting in itself confrontation between the Spartan and - the desperateEpidamnians next turned not Athenian alliances, attention to democracy to some other democracy,but to oligarchic and friendly democratic factions was indeed Corinth, which was a secondarymother-city a factor in Athens' imperial calculationsand to Epidamnus.As it happens,Corinth agreed as a result could affect the behaviorof states to help the demos,which was followed by in civil discord or those considering new democraticCorcyra going to war againstthe alliances. demosof Epidamnus.Any tendency toward But such tendencies in no way equate to democraticpeace or even democraticsupport democratic peace, the proposition that for populist groups is hard to discover here. Indeed,such constitutionalconsiderations are 25 Thucydides 2.8.4-5, with Hornblower (1991: 247). Prominent contributionsto the debate include: de Ste entirely absent from Thucydides' discussion, Croix (1954), Bradeen (1960), Pleket (1963), Quinn (1964), and Fornara(1977). 27 3.11, in Boeotiasome time between457 and 446, and 26 See Meiggs(1972: 205-219) for methodsof controlin Miletus in the 450s or 440s. Meiggs (1972: 99-100, the Athenian empire, including support for the demos 115-118, 209-210); Lapini (1997: 278-287); Gorman abroad.On Erythrai:Meiggs (1972: 112-115, 421-422); (forthcoming:ch. 6). Pseudo-Xenophonalso mentions Gehrke (1985: 66-68). On Samos:Thucydides 1.115-7; hereAthenian support of Spartaduring the earthquakeand Diodorus 12.28; Gehrke(1985: 140-144). On Chalchis: helot revoltof the 460s, thoughwe may considerthis event Thucydides8.21; Gehrke(1985: 39-40). hardlycomparable. Eric Robinson ANCIENT EVIDENCE FOR DEMOCRATIC PEACE 603

not only of thisepisode, but of the whole run- disagreementbetween the two cities over the up to the Peloponnesianwar in Book 1 with return of a dangerous political leader to Sicily its policy speeches from participants and impelled Acragasto declarewar on Syracuse, authorialanalyses of causation.Instead, states though lying behind the specific pretextwas aresaid to have been divided or connected by jealousy over Syracuse'spower. The Greek ethnicity (Dorian vs. Ionian Greeks),alliance cities of the island rangedthemselves on one systems (Peloponnesian vs. Athenian), col- side or another, resulting in a large conflict onial relationships(colony to mother city), with numerous forces. Syracusewas victori- and perceptionsof past friendshipor injury.28 ous in a battle at the Himera river,and the At best, the supposed bonds of consti- Acragantines sued for peace. According to tution and ideology between democratic Diodorus, Acragas had been a democracy entities promoted by Russett & Antholis are since the overthrow of their tyrant Thrasy- only faintly and inconsistentlyevident in our daeus in 472; its citizens had also helped lib- sources,and what little we have is mostly tied erate Syracusefrom tyrannyin 466 (11.53.5, to the imperial confrontation of Athens and 11.68.1). Syracusehad been strongly demo- Sparta. To say that the evidence signals a craticever since this revolution(contra Weart; growing dynamic of democraticpeace in the see earlierdiscussion), and most other cities Greek world is decidedly optimistic. Com- of Sicily at this time are collectively labeled bined with the negative quantitativedata, it democracies by Diodorus (11.68, 11.72, seems very hard to justify the authors'confi- 11.76). Therefore, this war likely pitted dence in even a moderate ancient trend severaldemocratic states against one another. toward democraticnonviolence. Moreover,the struggle for dominance in Sicily continued over the next few decades, with Syracuse playing a leading role, even Further Considerations:Greek Sicily spilling into the Peloponnesianwar. Various After 445 BC coalitions formed and competed, including Complicating matters for proponents of a at one time or another Rhegion in southern Greek democratic peace are other potential Italy,Leontini, Acragas,Messana, Camarina, interdemocratic wars not considered by Naxos, and Gela. Before long, Athens eitherWeart or Russett& Antholis. The most became entangled in these affairs, making telling of these, perhaps,were those fought by alliances and generally opposing Syracusan Syracuseand other cities for control of Greek ambitions. Details about these wars are hard Sicily in the mid-fifth century and after- to come by, for Thucydides (our main wards.29The historian Diodorus of Sicily source) limits his focus to campaigns in the reportsa majorconflict in c. 445 BC between 420s involving Athenian forces, but it seems Acragas and Syracuse (12.8; 12.26.3). A clear enough that fighting in this period between the free governmentsof GreekSicily 28 Pope(1988:282) remarksupon the completeabsence of was frequent and unhinderedby any pacify- the term demokratiain the speeches(and the near-absence ing effect of shareddemocratic governance.30 in the narrative)of Thucydides'first book. 29 There are other possibilities,but no comprehensive Now it is necessary to point out that study of wars between Greek democracies is feasible some scholars have voiced uncertainty without a clearerunderstanding of whereexactly democra- cies existedin the fifth-and fourth-centuryGreek world. As about the true nature of the post-tyrannical it happens, I am currentlyengaged in a book project to identifiythe locations and examine the nature of Greek 30 Thucydides3.86, 3.88, 3.90, 4.1, 4.24-5, 4.65, 5.4, democraticstates in this period,and so I hope in futureto 6.75; Diodorus 12.29-30.1, 12.53-4; Meiggs & Lewis be in a position to offer furtherempirical evidence for or (1988: documents37, 38, 63, 64); Finley (1979: 58-73); againstthe existenceof ancientdemocratic peace. Asheri(1992). 604 journal of PEACE RESEARCH volume38 / number5 / september2001

governments in Sicily, despite Diodorus' democratic government. For example, assertions of democracy. It has been pro- Thucydidesdescribes an assemblymeeting at posed that when Diodorus - who wrote cen- Camarinain 415 where the citizens gatherto turies later in a less democratic era- uses the hear speeches,deliberate, and then come to a word demokratia, all he really means is decision, much like the sovereign popular autonomous, constitutional (i.e. non-tyran- gatherings he describes at contemporary nical) government, which may or may not Athens. There are also the fifth-centurylead have involved the broad and sovereign par- tablets, inscribedwith the names of citizens, ticipation by the mass of citizens character- recently discovered during excavations at istic of democracy. Unlike Syracuse, for Camarina: scholars have hypothesized that which Diodoran passagesabout the democ- they were used for the allotment of public racy can be supplemented with notices in officials or for public payment of those Thucydides, Aristotle, and others, the rest attending assembly meetings, both notori- of the Greek cities in Sicily generally lack ously democratic practices (Thucydides testimony about their constitutional status. 6.75-88; Cordano, 1992; Manganaro, Thus, if one can cast suspicion on Diodorus' 1995). RegardingAcragas, Diodorus men- labeling, one might well imagine that Aris- tions in passingpsephismata (decrees from a totelian 'polities' or even moderate oli- popular vote) as well as one tumultuous garchies held sway in them (Asheri, 1990: wartime assembly meeting; in this connec- 490; 1992: 154-170). tion, one might mention the archaeological Without attempting here detailed discovery of an apparent ekklesiasterion,or examinations of all the cities involved, one meeting place for the ruling assemblyof the can offer a few reasons for thinking that city. This structureis, however,dated to the many or all of them were democraciesjust as third century BC (Diodorus 13.84.5, Diodorus claims. Firstof all, there is the fact 13.87-88; de Miro, 1967: 164-168). We also that Syracuse, the one state we know the have stories about the philosopher Em- most about, was indeed democratic - pedocles of Acragas.Active in the mid-fifth Diodorus' terminology and understanding century, Empedocles seems to have behaved seem fine here and bode well for his use of at times like the archetypaldemagogue, thun- sourcesfor the period. For while few modern dering persuasivelyin the law courts and scholarswill champion Diodorus as a model other forums about the dangersof would-be historian (errorsor confusions in his history tyrants and about the necessity of political are not uncommon), he does tend to follow equality,all of which imply the existenceof a his sources closely. For this part of the potent demos.32 history, these sources probably were In sum, while the source material is too Timaeus, who lived early in the Hellenistic thin to confirm with certainty Diodorus' period, and secondarily Ephorus, a late democraticlabeling beyond the case of Syra- Classical-era historian. All things con- cuse, availableevidence does lend support to sidered, anachronistic misunderstanding the contention. We areleft, then, with several about what constituted democracy seems more military conflicts between probable not very likely here.31 democraciesin Sicily during the second half Moreover, additional bits of evidence of the fifth century. about some of the cities involved do imply

31 Meister(1967: 41-54,68-69); cf. Sacks(1990:20, 167, and generallyon Diodorus as being less slavish to his 32 Diogenes Laertius 8.51-77; contra Asheri (1990), who sourcesthan usuallybelieved). doubts that Empedocles' activities imply democracy. Eric Robinson ANCIENT EVIDENCE FOR DEMOCRATIC PEACE 605

Conclusion signs of democraticpeace in the ancient evi- dence (Russett & Antholis, 1993: 59-62; This investigationhas found much to ques- similarly,Bachteler, 1997). It may be that the tion about the viability in the ancient world differences in ancient and modern practice of the modern conception of democratic referredto at the beginning of this articleplay peace. Weart's attempt to argue that wars a significant role here. Could something between Greekdemocracies never occurred is about the small size of Greekpoleis,with their simply wrong, miscarryingmost glaringlyin citizens' fierce parochialloyalty to city-state the caseofAthens' campaignagainst Syracuse ratherthan to largerpolitical ideals, prevent from 415-413 BC. Russett & Antholis the operationof democraticpeace? Differing the more and approach subject realistically social and economic realities within and end up concluding merely that the ancient among cities - e.g. slavery, ancient trade - evidence suggests nascent and insufficiently also provide potential avenues of expla- effective norms of interdemocratic non- nation. Or perhaps the real key lies in the violence. And yet even this conclusion seems institutions of ancient democracy itself: as too optimistic: the authors'own quantitative noted above, demokratiameant that citizens data of Peloponnesian war-era conflicts generally governed themselves directly, shows, if anything, that ancient democracies through meetings of the popular assemblies were more likely to war with each other than to which all were invited and by election or other governments;and the non-quantitative randomallotment of ordinarypeople to carry does little more than illustrate testimony out government functions. Terms of office occasional cooperationbetween democracies were short (typicallyone year), and authority and/or struggling democratic groups in the was strictly limited. Perhaps modern rep- context of Athenian imperial ambitions. resentativedemocracy with its entrusting of Wars among probable democraciesin fifth- power to an elective, careeristelite enhances century Sicily further weaken the proposi- the prospectof peace between such states. tion. Scholarshave variouslychampioned such Nevertheless, theorists of democratic factors as institutional restraints, cultural peace may still find the ancient evidence norms, shared competitive experiences,per- useful for their investigations.The lack of a ceptions of outsiders, and trading connec- discernible propensity for democratic peace tions as providing the main impetus towards in ancient Greece does not mean that the democratic peace. Future study of the con- phenomenon is unreal in the modern trastingway the Greeksdealt with these cat- world.33 Perhaps future work might focus egories of group behaviormay go a long way precisely on the differences of setting and to resolvingwhat it is that generallyprompts institutions between ancient and modern - or retards - peace between democracies. democraciesin an attempt to explainwhy the pattern occurs in one era and not the other. Russett & Antholis make a start of it when References they speculate about the role of institutions versus perceptions in trying to explain their Asheri,David, 1990. 'Agrigentolibera: rivolgi- unexpectedresults, but they arehandicapped menti internie problemiconstituzionali, ca by their insistence that one can find clear 471-446 a.C.' [Free Agrigentum:Internal Upheavals and Constitutional Problems, c. 471-446 B.C.]. Athenaeum78: 483-501. 33 On the other hand, those who doubt the existenceof democraticpeace will no doubt take this study as further Asheri, David, 1992. 'Sicily, 478-431 B.C.', in groundsfor skepticism. David Lewis, John Boardman & John Kenyon 606 journal of PEACE RESEARCH volume38 / number5 / september2001

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