AN INTIMATE REVOLUTION FASCISM, SEXUALITY, AND KOMMUNE I IN 1960S WEST GERMANY Hannah Ryan A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Bachelor of Arts (Honours) in History. University of Sydney October 2011 Acknowledgements My thanks go firstly to Dr Margarite Poulos for her guidance and gentle pressure to get on with the job. Thanks too to Dr Frances Clarke and Dr John Gagné, whose seminars showed me how thrilling History can be. My still startled gratitude to Associate Professor Dirk Moses, who moved to Florence and so kindly bestowed many of his precious German texts onto me. They have found a good home on my bookshelf and in my bibliography. My love to Joseph, whose staggering confidence in me inspired me to work harder than was my inclination. I am grateful to Mala and Josh for their heartening Honours solidarity. Matthew and Lucy’s alternate offerings of comfort and critique were also very welcome. Finally, I must thank my mother Victoria Black and my father Christopher Ryan for not asking too many questions but being prepared to sit down with a red pen and a draft when I requested it. I hope they have not taken my writing on the bourgeois family to heart. A note on translation: All translations from German are my own. CONTENTS Introduction 1 Chapter One 14 Socialism with a Sexy Face Chapter Two 37 A Commune with a View Chapter Three 64 Promiscuity and Provocation Conclusion 85 Sexual Revolution? Appendix 88 Bibliography 91 INTRODUCTION Sex is not just sex. To talk of sex is never to talk of sex alone.1 In the 1960s, when nudity became a mass commodity, when cries for sexual revolution echoed throughout the Western world, when the “love-in” became a form of protest, the volume of discussion about sexuality reached unprecedented heights. The youth’s insistent demand for free love was not about sexual pleasure alone, but was also about power, authoritarianism, repression, and happiness. In West Germany, discourse on sexuality had especially dark undertones. Bound up in talk of sex was the stark fact of Germany’s recent past of totalitarianism and organised extermination of human life. The loudest, brashest voice inciting Germans to speak about sex in the late 1960s came from the infamous Kommune I.2 This collective of young men and women founded a commune in West Berlin and developed their own radical sexual politics. In particular, their disavowal of monogamy and the traditional family subverted bourgeois norms and provoked outrage. By assaulting the strict border between the public and private spheres and so noticeably denouncing West German sexual mores as repressive, the communards opened a new way to talk about the unspeakable: the terrors of National Socialism and the Holocaust. Kommune I emerged within West Germany’s wider antiauthoritarian movement of 1967 and 1968 which was, in turn, part of a global popular uprising encapsulated in the single term 1 It was Michel Foucault who so startlingly pointed out this idea: Michel Foucault, The Will to Knowledge: The History of Sexuality, Volume 1 (London: Penguin Books, [1976] 1998). The sociologist Jeffrey Weeks puts it thus: ‘Discussions of sexuality are always more than that; they are discussions of social relations, the surrogate medium through which other intractable battles could be fought.’ Jeffrey Weeks, Sexuality and its Discontents: Meanings, Myths, and Modern Sexualities (London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1985), p. 74. 2 This thesis deals exclusively with the Bundesrepublik, and therefore when “Germany” is used, it refers either to Germany pre-1949, West Germany between 1949 and 1989, or post-reunification Germany. Similarly, “Berlin” never refers to East Berlin. Bundesrepublik is shorthand for Bundesrepublik Deutschland, which translates as the Federal Republic of Germany, the name given to the state of West Germany between 1949 and 1990. In order to avoid the wordier English, I have adopted the German term throughout. Generally on translation, I have only left the German in its original when it expresses an idea without an appropriate translation in English, or when the German refers to something very specific. For example, Kontinuitätsfrage means “continuity question” in English, but refers to the very specific question of continuity between different incarnations of the German state. 1 “1968”.3 The broad narrative of West Germany’s “1968” is well established.4 A “New Left” emerged at the beginnings of the 1960s, disenchanted with dogmatic Marxism and the Stalinist incarnation of communism. The New Left broadened its analysis beyond economics to include politics and culture.5 Accordingly, it reoriented socialism, shifting the focus from the working class towards intellectuals and students as fertile ground for revolution.6 In 1966, political protest began to ferment, sparked by the introduction of numerus clausus in universities, West Germany’s support for the ongoing war in Vietnam, and the government’s planned emergency laws.7 Student unrest began to stir in West Berlin, particularly at the Free University, where new protest strategies such as the “sit-in” were adopted. 8 When the two major parties, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and the Social Democratic Party (SPD), united in November 1966 to form a Grand Coalition, only a very small number seats in the West German Parliament were occupied by the only remaining parliamentary opposition, the Free Democratic Party. As a response to the Grand Coalition and its echoes of totalitarianism, the Außerparlamentarische 3 I use “1968” with quotation marks to refer to the protest and counterculture that emerged at the end of the 1960s in most Western countries and 1968 without quotation marks to refer to the calendar year. 4 The best comprehensive histories of the “1968” protest movements in West Germany are Rob Burns and Wilfried van der Will, Protest and Democracy in West Germany (Hampshire: The Macmillan Press Ltd, 1988); Andrei S. Markovits and Philip S. Gorski, The German Left: Red, Green and Beyond (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1993); Wolfgang Kraushaar, 1968 als Mythos, Chiffre, Zäsur (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 2000); Simon Kießling, Die antiautoritäre Revolte der 68er: Postindustrielle Gesellschaft und säkulare Religionsgeschichte der Moderne (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 2006). For the cultural dimension of the movement, see Richard W. McCormick, Politics of the Self: Feminism and the Postmodern in West German Literature and Film (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); Sabine von Dirke, “All Power to the Imagination!” The West German Counterculture from the Student Movement to the Greens (Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 1997); Martin Klimke and Joachim Scharloth (eds.), 1968. Handbuch zur Kultur- und Mediengeschichte der Studentenbewegung (Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 2007). For a comprehensive timeline of the events of the German “1968” see Wolfgang Kraushaar, ‘Notizen zu einer Chronologie der Studentenbewegung’ in Peter Mosler, Was wir wollten, was wir wurden: Zeugnisse der Studentenrevolte (Hamburg: Rowohlt, 1988), pp. 249-295. 5 Detlef Siegfried, ‘Understanding 1968: Youth Rebellion, Generational Change and Postindustrial Society’ in Axel Schildt and Detlef Siegfried (eds.), Between Marx and Coca-Cola: Youth Cultures in Changing European Societies, 1960-1980 (New York: Berghahn Books, 2006), p. 59. 6 Edgar Wolfrum also points out that the New Left fixed on the idea of alienation (Entfremdung) in Marx’s thought, moving away from a fixation upon exploitation (Ausbeutung): Edgar Wolfrum, Die geglückte Demokratie: Geschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland von ihren Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 2006), p. 264. 7 Numerus clausus refers to “closed numbers”: courses only held a certain number of students and students were forced to leave the university after completing a certain number of semesters. While no German troops fought in Vietnam, successive governments of Adenauer and Erhard supported the United States’ efforts. See Eugenie M. Blang, ‘A Reappraisal of Germany’s Vietnam Policy, 1963-1966: Ludwig Erhard’s Response to America’s War in Vietnam,’ German Studies Review 27, no. 2 (May, 2004), pp. 341-360. 8 Markovits and Gorski, The German Left, p. 56. For a history of student protest at the Free University, see Tilman Fichter and Siegward Lönnendonker, Kleine Geschichte des SDS: Der Sozialistische Deutsche Studentenbund von 1946 bis zur Selbstauflösung (Berlin: Rotbuch Verlag, 1977), pp. 35-139 and the same authors’ compilation of primary documents: Siegward Lönnendonker and Tilman Fichter (eds.) with Claus Rietzschel, Freie Universität Berlin 1948-1973: Hochschule im Umbruch, Part IV Die Krise 1964-1967 (Berlin: Presse- und Informationsstelle der FU Berlin, 1975). 2 Opposition (extra-parliamentary opposition; APO) emerged. The APO was not a unified organisation: APO was an umbrella term which encompassed those who protested against the “establishment” in the late 1960s.9 The movement reached its first climax in mid-1967. On June 2, Benno Ohnesorg, a student bystander at protests against the visiting Iranian Shah, was shot dead by a policeman. Police, politicians and the mainstream media blamed the students for the death, and the policeman was not punished. The students, however, interpreted the shooting as political murder. In the following week, over one hundred thousand students demonstrated throughout West Germany.10 The atmosphere in the Bundesrepublik, and particularly in West Berlin, remained turbulent. Following a period of demonisation by the conservative Springer Press and its newspapers Bild and B.Z., who had dubbed him “red Rudi”, the leader of the student movement Rudi Dutschke was shot in the head three times in April 1968. Unrest again flared up until the end of May, which marked the watershed for the APO.11 While “1968” was certainly a transnational phenomenon, this should not obscure our view of the specificities of the movement in each country.12 The importance of the events signified by “1968” is undeniable but there is disagreement as to how to write them into Germany’s ruptured, troubled national narrative.