NATURAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT: THE REPRODUCTION AND USE OF ENVIRONMENTAL MISINFORMATION IN 'S FOREST-SAVANNA TRANSITION ZONE

Melissa Leach and James Fairhead

1 INTRODUCTION policy institutions have evolved and operate. While An erroneous analysis of environmental change has this short article cannot consider these issues more informed environmental policy in part of Guinea, than schematically, it does suggest and exemplify West Africa for almost a hundred years. In examin- important parameters for the sort of analysis needed. ing how such error has persisted, in this case concerning ongoing savannization oftropical The vegetation of Guinea's forest which is not in fact taking place, one is forced reflects its position in West Africa's forest-savanna to examine critically the relationship between the transition zone, and consists of patches of humid information produced about environmental prob- forest in more or less wooded savanna. The forest lems, and the external institutions which have as- 'islands', which surround old and new village sites, sumed responsibility to deal with them. The range of have been considered by environmental policy-mak- concerns to which environmental policy responds ers to be the relics of a once extensive natural forest influences not only how information is (or is cover now destroyed by local farming and fire-set- not) used, but also how it is constituted. In short, ting; a destruction which they have sought to redress. inaccurate information and the methodology pro- But village experience, archival and air photographic ducing it can persist and drive policy because of the comparisons do not support this view. Instead, they institutional structures they serve. show forest islands to be the result of human man- agement, created around villages in savanna by their In this article we explore how inaccurate assess- inhabitants. They also show that the woody vegeta- ments and explanations of environmental change tion cover of savannas has been increasing during the and local people's roles in it, based on particular period when policy-makers have believed the oppo-- sorts of data and analysis, are generated and vali- site (Fairhead and Leach et al. 1992a, Leach and dated by the external institutions involved with envi- Fairhead 1993). In the Kissidougou case, therefore, ronmental policy.These institutions include not 'official' interpretations of environmental change and only local and national forestry and agricultural of local responsibility for it, dependent on and rein- administrations and NGOs, but also foreign donors forcing the agendas of state institutions, have been responding to global and regional concerns. We upheld at striking odds with local experience. examine some ways in which institutions, policies and the information on which they depend have co- 2 ENVIRONMENTAL DEGRADATION evolved within particular relationships to scientific PERCEIVED and popular opinion about environmental processes. West African vegetation maps, showing the forest zone, forest-savanna transition zone, guinean, An attempt is made to explain how certain views and sudanian and sahelian savanna zones, and desert in explanations of change have gained credence and more or less horizontal bands easily lend themselves acquired validity, while others have been excluded to interpretation as temporal, as well as spatial tran- from consideration and investigation. This involves sitions. Whether from desertification, sahelianization tracing not only the relative dominance of particular or savannization of forest, observers have been disciplines in investigating environmental trends, tempted to see each zone as the anthropogenically butalsothepriorityaccordedtoparticular degraded derivate of a vegetation type now found methods and data sets within those disciplines, and further south. On many maps, the forest-savanna the deductive theories which guide data interpreta- transition zone is marked as a 'derived savanna' - or tion. We find that such dominance canonlybe ex-forest - zone. In Guinea, policy-makers since the understood in the context of the socio-political and turn of the century have been convinced of this financial structures within which environmental southwards shift, as the conflation of spatial and

81 ids bulletin vol 25 no 2 1994 temporal transitions has been incorporated into the impact of local practices from them. Their discipli- scientific canon informing Guinea's and West Afri- nary position and the social conditions of their ca's environmental policy. The first forest reserves fieldwork reinforced their pejorative vision of the established in KissIdougou in 1932 were conceived of environmental impact of local farming and fire as a protective 'curtain' to halt the southwards spread management practices, rendering it both difficult of fire and farming-induced savannization, on the and seemingly unecessary properly to verify change grounds that: 'everywhere, the cultivation of dryland with local people themselves. rice with intensity ruins the forest and causes it to disappear. In Kissi country, one has arrived at such The acceptability of interpretating vegetation history an advanced stage that the levél of afforestation and anthropogenic impact from snapshot landscape certainly does not exceed one-tenth (Guinée Service observations still persists, not only in phytosociology Forestier 1932). but also in deductions from plant and other indica- tors, vegetation surveys, and in the use of remotely- In 1993, the conflation of spatial with temporal zones sensed imagery. For example modern observers of provided the logic which led a major donor-funded Kissidougou often consider the presence of oil palms environmental rehabilitation project to take 40 to indicate that forest has retreated from the area, Kissidougou farmers on a journey to northern Mali, while the team preparing Guinea's forestry action to see the future of their own landscape if protective plan (République de Guinée 1988) deduced from measures were not undertaken. their air photographic 'snapshots' and vegetation surveys that southern Kissidougou was a 'post-for- The assumption of anthropogenic degradation of a est' zone. Similar social distance and pre-conviction prior natural forest formation was integral to the first as characterized the colonial botanists enables to- delineation of West African vegetation zones in the day's analysts, too, to overlook both local people's early colonial period by the botanist Chevalier. Thisenvironmental experiences and management, and analysis was transferred directly into contemporary the use of historical methods (e.g. oral histories and policy since Chevalierwas, at the time, the seniormost archive consultation) to understand environmental advisor to the French West African colonial adminis- influences and trends.In the Kissidougou case, trations responsible for environmental concerns. historical methods lead to quite different conclu- Subsequently, deductions made from analysis of the sions; local management has caused palms to ad- botanical composition ('phytosociology') of vegeta- vance into long-established savanna, and the tion in these zones by botanists such as Aubreville bushy vegetation now inthesouthofthe and Adam reinforced the hypothesis that the forest- prefecture has replaced grassland, so the area is savanna mosaic was in temporal transition. Observ- actually a 'post-savanna', not 'post-forest' zone. ing the tree species characteristic of the boundary between these different vegetation forms, botanists It is only more recently that past and present survey deduced that this 'transition woodland' represented data and remotely-sensed images have been avail- savannized forest (e.g. Adam 1948, 1968). They did able for comparison, adding time depth to these not consider other possibilities: that transition wood- scientifically acceptable data sources. Yet in Guinea, land could represent a stable intermediate form, the environmental services have been so convinced of establishment of forest in savanna, or the complex the degradation they are combatting that they have outcome of local management strategies. not thought it necessary to compare the air photo- graphs and satellite images they have commissioned As Aubreville and Adam, in turn, became senior with those available from 1952. Furthermore com- figures in French West Africa's forestry administra- parative interpretation, even when carried out, is tions, so their phytosociological analysis, interpreted frequently not independent of preconceived ideas of within the logic of degradation, became institution- vegetation change. In Kissidougou, the incredulous alized as the principle methodology for assessing reactions of forestry staff when presented with 1952- regional vegetation change. At the same time, their 1990 air photograph comparisons showing increased publications became key texts in comprehending woody vegetation led them to a sceptical search for West African environmental history more generally ways to render the comparison invalid (the photo- (e.g. Aubreville 1949).In their characteristic ap- graphs were taken in a-typical years, or incompara- proach, these botanists directly observed landscape ble seasons....). In other parts of West Africa, simi- features and deduced landscape history and the larly surprising results have simply been disbelieved

82 ¡ds bulletin vol 25 no 2 1994 and dismissed: for example 'A comparison of the desertification. While the projection of global and information from the two surveys gives an increase regional concerns onto Kissidougou's environmen- in woody biomass in the early 1980s. This is highly tal management has recently heightened, it has driven improbable, and is undoubtedly an artefact of differ- administrative perceptions of environmental change ent research methodologies.It is therefore very since the early colonial period. A concern that defor- difficult to estimate trends in land use' (Price 1992). estation in Kissidougou would damage regional cli- mate and hydrology was apparent in the earliest In contrast, and despite the authors' own warnings, writings of Chevalier (e.g. 1909), for example, and such justifiable scepticism was cast aside when a underlay a major watershed rehabilitation pro- comparison of eastern Guinea satellite images taken gramme outlined in the 1930s, and funded first in the ten years apart seemed to show significant vegeta- 1950s following the 1948 Goma inter-African soil tion degradation, and on which basis funds for a conference, and again in 1991. regional environmental rehabilitation programme were secured (Grégoire et al. 1988). This analysis of environmental change which in- forms local policy cannot be separated from the The images of environmental change derived fromfinancial context in which environmental institu- these 'scientific' analyses have been incorporated not tions operate. In Guinea, the concern of early colonial only into Guinean environmental institutions, butadministrations with the perceived destructiveness also into formal sector education and the popular of African environmental management arose because consciousness of state functionaries. They are regu- the colonial economy was heavily dependent on larly reproduced in school geography lessons and 'threatened' natural resources; first wild rubber and national university theses. For those educated within then, in Kissidougou, on palm products and tree this vision, casual readings of the landscape serve crops grown in forest patches (Fairhead and Leach as confirmatory evidence; dry season bush fire is 1993). In the later colonial and post-colonial periods, taken as proof of a worsening problem, and the to these national economic concerns with environ- conversion to farmland of a few forest islands mental degradation were added more regional and near the town for intensive gardening to serve the global ones. In the 1950s new administrative funding urban market are taken to suggest forest island possibilities were made available for regional soil, diminution everywhere. climate and hydrological conservation following the heightened Africa-wide environmental concern epito- Interpretations of vegetation degradation are rein- mized by the 1948 Goma conference. More recently, forced not only by local observation, but also by the administrative solvency and development activities global and regional level analyses with which they have come to rely even more heavily on foreign aid, are in keeping, and which carry the weight of inter- and have thus become subject to various forms of national authority. Given FAO figures concerning 'green conditionality' (Davies 1992; Davies and Leach rapid forest loss in West Africa (FAO 1990), for 1991). This greening of aid, and the specific forms it example, it appears inconceivable that Kissidougou takes,reflects donors' needs to satisfy home should be experiencing anything else. Such figures, politicalconstituenciesheavilyinfluenced by so frequently publicized in the more glossy develop- media images and northern environmental NGOs, ment literature and on the radio, are far more acces- as well as their own institutional assessments of sible to the environmental administrations and ur- African environmental problems. ban public concerned with Kissidougou than are analyses of the locality itself. Equally the rhetoric of In Guinea, a large proportion of foreign assistance is shared environmental crisis, made so apparent in now allocated, sectorally and by region, directly to the 1992 UNCED conference in Rio, appeals far environmental rehabilitation. A new generation of more powerfully to local officials than the statements heavily-funded environmental projects has emerged, of the villagers supposedly experiencing these prob- including, in Kissidougou, two component projects lems. Thus in a recent conference designed to raise of the internationally-funded protection awareness of Kissidougou prefecture's environmen- programme. In agricultural and other development tal problems, both the prefect and Kissidougou's activities, as well, overt environmental sustainability urban-based environmental NGO framed their components are important for attracting future funds. speeches in terms of global concern with biodiversity Kissidougou's prefecture administration, agriculture loss and the common West African struggle against and forestry services are well aware of the packages

83 ids bulletin vol 25 no 2 1994 which satisfy the donors in this respect: agroforestry notions about 'man's destructive impact on the envi- programmes, forest conservation and improvement, ronment', projected locally, have entered the numer- bush fire control, and rationalization and reduction ous processes through which such people under- of shifting cultivation in favour of intensive wetland stand themselves as relatively more 'civilized' or rice. The emergence of local, urban-based environ- 'globalized' (cf. Bledsoe 1990). mental NGOs, such as Kissidougou's 'Friends of Nature' society, has been encouraged by recent do- Distinctions between urban-institutional, and rural nor interest not only in environmental issues but also villagers', perceptions of environmental change also in the capacity of NGOs to achieve 'participatory' derive from different valuations of vegetation qual- development. In short, presenting a degrading or ity.For urban observers and the forestry service, threatened environment has become an imperative high value is accorded to large forest trees, whether to gain access to donors' ftmds. for recent global reasons or for the commercial gains to be made from timber exploitation, which has Considering the environment as degrading and recently become big business inKissidougou. Villag- threatened is equally crucial to the solvency of state ers do not share this valuation, not least because the environmental institutions when they do not receive forestry laws designed to regulate timber exploita- donor support. Since their inception, francophone tion (preserve the environment) deny them all but an West African forestry services have derived rev- insignificant royalty from trees cut by outsiders in enues from the sale of permits and licences for timber their forest islands. Their values are conditioned, and wildlife exploitation, and fines for breaking state instead, by the importance of different vegetation environmental laws. They have been able to do this types and species in agriculture, gathering, settle- only by removing control over the management of ment and tree crop protection and cultural practices, natural resources (e.g. fire and trees) from local peo- and in which lower bush fallow vegetation is fre- ple. This has been done through deeming the latter quently more useful than high forest (Leach and inadequate resource custodians whose destructive Fairhead 1993). The large trees of forest islands are, activities are in need of repressive regulation. Rev-in fact, more the 'fortuitous' consequence of villag- enues are thus ensured by a reading of the landscape ers' environmental management for other reasons as degraded and degrading; of forest islands as dis- than a deliberately encouraged feature. While the appearing relics in an increasingly grassy savanna, felling of these trees may be of little consequence to not as created in an increasingly woody one. Thevillagers (or to forest area in the long term), to importance to forestry staff of informal receipts de- urban and official observers it epitomizes, and rived by applying policies of repression only accen- thus reinforces their conviction of, environmental tuates the imperative for this environmental reading, destruction. while the antagonistic relationship between forestry agents and villagers which is thus engendered bars In short, information about the nature of environ- communication about local people's own experi- mental change is constituted and maintained within ences of environmental change and management. the exercise of political and institutional power. Thus at local and national, as well as international levels,the economic structures within which environmental agencies operate frame the ways 3 ENVIRONMENTAL DEGRADATION that information is derived. EXPLAINED The image of environmental degradation in The attitudes of forestry staff relate not only to their Kissidougou is supported by apparently successful financial and educational status as members of the explanations for it in terms of local land use practices forestry service, but also to their socio-cultural posi- and their changing socio-economic, demographic tions. They share with many other formally edu- and institutional context.Just as the prevalent cated urban-based Guineans a particular vision ofsocio-cultural, institutional and financial structures villagers' resource management capabilities.The lead certain readings of and methods for investigat- image ofthe rural farmer as environmental ing environmental change to dominate, while ex- destroyer, and of the need for modernization of cluding others from consideration, so these same resource management and farming techniques, structuresinfluencethe methods and theories conforms to and helps to justify the self-distinctionbrought to bear in understanding why the environ- of urban intellectuals as 'modern'.Generalized ment has changed.

84 ids bulletin vol 25 no 2 1994 The view that local land use converts forest to sa- to account for forest decline. Short fallows and long vanna and reduces savanna tree cover and soil qual- cultivation periods on savanna uplands are often ity has long dominated policy-makers' thinking. taken as evidence of modern population pressure. These apparent processes of degradation seem read- That local farmers use intensive cultivation practices ily obervab1e in the short term; in, for example, the for positive ecological and economic reasons, unre- clearing and burning of wooded lands for farming, lated to population pressure (Fairhead and Leach andthe setting of fire by hunters and herders. But 1992b), is not considered. Nor does the possibility of less attention is paid to processes of regeneration and population growth enabling environmental improve- the impact of local practices on them. In villagers' ment receive attention (cf. Boserup 1965).Yet in experience, their land use has, in the long run, tended Kissidougou where there are more villages, there are to maintain or enhance woody vegetation and soil more forest islands, and more people can mean more quality. The logic of local cultivation practices whichintensive, soil- and vegetation-enhancing savanna encourage the advance of forest in this region has cultivation, and more generalized fire control. been documented both by ourselves (Fairhead and Leach etal.1992b) and in neighbouring Cote Socio-economic theories to explain supposed recent d'Ivoire (Blanc-Pamard and Spichiger 1973). Villag- environmental degradation attribute it partly to mod- ers generally consider themselves to be improving ern poverty, forcing villagers to sacrifice sustainable once less productive lands, rather than reducing the long-term resource management in favour of short- productivity of once 'naturally' productive ones. term uses which are seen as inevitably degrading. Recent environmental degradation is also explained The contrasting external image of local land use as through the idea of modern resource exploitation as inevitably degrading is combined with the use of disorganized and individualistic: subject to a trag- particular theories about the impact of demographic edy of the commons. This view justifies arguments and social change to account for the long-term degra- both for more state control (e.g. over timber cutting dation which policy-makers believe has taken place. and fire), and for the privatization and registration of Discussions in development circles of the links be- land tenure.The supposedly better state of the tween population and environment, poverty and environment in the past is sometimes simply linked environment, and social organization and environ- to the idea that fewer people were then using (dam- mental management have set the terms of debate aging) the commons. But social scientists in which guide causal interpretations by development Kissidougou have also invoked more recent strands personnel, consultants, and national institutions. of the commons debate (cf. Ostrom 1990), consider- Given that it is explanations of supposed environ- ing that local institutions can and once did control mental degradation which are being sought, and environmental management effectively, and that re- given the prevailing intellectual, social and fiscal cent degradation is due to their breakdown. In this, structures which condition causal analysis, all but a picture of people in greater 'harmony' with their the dominant strands of thinking within these de- forested environment is projected onto the pre-colo- bates tend to be suppressed at the project level. Thus nial period; a harmony maintained either by effica- it is Malthusian views of the relationship betweencious traditional authority (Green 1991, Stiegelitz population and environment, the deduction that 1990) or, in more sophisticated terms, by the integra- impoverishment forces villagers to draw down theirtion of fire control within infra and inter-village natural resources, and the notion of a 'tragedy of the social, cultural and political relationships (Zerouki commons', which are used to explain increasing 1993). An armory of factors is held responsible for environmental degradation in Kissidougou. the loss of this controlled harmony including the effects of colonial and post-colonial policy, socio- Environmental degradation is attributed to assumed economic change, the weakening of traditional au- demographic trends by policy-makers who believe thority, new economic and cultural aspirations and that, since local land use is degrading, more people social divisions, and the alienation of local resource must mean more degradation, principally through control to state structures. The logical policy implica- extra upland use. An image of low pre-colonial tion is that resource use can be rendered sustainable population densities is commonly linked to the sup- by improving forms of 'regulation', 'authority' and posed previous existence of extensive forest cover in 'organization', although from within this perspec- the prefecture, and rapid population growth during tive, a role is seen for new or reinforced local institu- this century (and now refugee settlements) are held tions as well as state ones.

85 ids bulletin vol 25 no 2 1994 These dominant social and demographic causal 4 CLOSURE explanations for degradation, and the phenomenon The intellectual, social, political and financial struc- of degradation itself, are mutually supporting and tures which sustain the external vision of environ- sustaining. From within this complex the actual mental degradation in Kissidougou form a constella- history of people's use of the environment, and the tion in which each element reinforces the others. It is complex factors influencingit,do not receive too simple to suggest that mistakes are made in serious examination. Kissidougou because erroneous information is uncritically inherited, although this has sometimes The institutional and financial structures in which been the case. It is more that the same basic analysis social science is applied to environmental problems is perpetually reconstituted over and over again in Guinea strongly support such uncritical explana- within prevailing institutional, financial and explana- tions of degradation. Studies are commissioned by tory climates. Nor is it the case that particular people donor agencies and projects who need (or at least, or institutions are pursuing conscious and direct must be seen to have sought) socio-economic personal interests in using information for political information to help them tackle more appropriately or economic ends; rather, all are subject to and are the and participatorily the environmental problems on vehicles of the same conjuncture of intellectual, insti- which their institutional survival depends. Often, tutional and economic structures (cf. Foucault 1976). then, the environmental problem is built into the very terms of reference of consultants who have Challenge to the dominant analysis in Guinea is rare. neither the time nor the social position to investigate This is partly because the scientific information which village natural resource management and its changes questions the forest-savanna transition model, and on any other terms. This problem is not necessarily which often proves to support the farmers' explana- solved when consultants are Guinean, or even tions which we have investigated, is dispersed among working in their own areas; indeed it can be different disciplines and their specialist academic compounded by the urban intellectual imagesjournals which are largely inaccessible to policy mak- which such local consultants bring to bear. Further- ers.Information from each discipline alone (e.g. more as the dominant social and demographicbotany, hydrology, soil science, population and cli- explanations of environmental degradation are the mate history) is insufficient to break the paradigm. stuffof academic debate, consultancy reports The lack of inter-disciplinary criticism is, indeed, one phrased in their terms gain easy acceptance and of the origins of consistency. In any case, little such credibility. discussion enters the information bulletins of multi- national organizations (e.g. FAO), NGOs, develop- The interface between environmental development ment journals and the media; the sources on which organizations and villagers, which has developed most development personnel rely for environmental over a long period and often in antagonistic ways, science information. renders the proper transfer of information about local environmental experiences highly problem- It has been surprising to us how little the personal atic. Villagers,faced byquestions about lifetime experiences of local development workers deforestation and environmental change, have influence the way that Kissidougou's environment learned to confirm what they know the questioners has come to be perceived.This may be because expect to hear. This is not only through politeness personal environmental histories have too limited a and awareness that the truth will be met with spatial coverage to challenge a generality, or because incredulity, but also through the desire to maintain unbroken personal histories are themselves rare: good relations with authoritative outsiders who state officials are transferred frequently and are in may bring as yet unknown benefits; a school, preference posted to areas with which they are road or advantageous recognition to the village, unfamiliar, so they have commonly been away for example. In such discussions, the historical from their childhood village environments for ecology that villagers portray is as politically in- long periods. Such people almost invariably justify flected as in their oral histories concerning settle- their perceptions of historical deforestation with ment foundation, where images of initial vacancy examples drawn from roadsides and urban (high forest, empty savanna, or abundant wild ani- peripheries, with which they have more continual mals) often justify the firstcomer status of current familiarity but which in Kissidougou are the residents (cf. Dupré 1991; Hill 1984). proverbial exceptions to the rule.

86 ids bulletin vol 25 no 2 1994 The dominant analysis has also remained unchal- problems of information transfer at the interface lenged by rural villagers. The precepts basic to local through taking a more participatory approach to science are not easily apprehended by researchers, research and development (e.g. PRA) - as current in and they can be surprising even to European science Kissidougou as elsewhere - are not the unproblematic per se. Local environmental experience and history answer they may first appear, without serious are, as we have seen, not easily accessible across attention to altering the intellectual, institutional and farmers' interface with environmental agencies and financial structures which are implicated in the urban intellectuals.Recent attempts to overcome production of knowledge and of confidence in it.

REFERENCES -1992b, 'Managed productivity: the technical knowledge Adam, J. G., 1948, 'Les reliques boisées et les essences des used in local natural resource management in Kissidougou savanes dans la zone préforestière en Guinée francaise', Prefecture, COLA Working Paper 3, Kissidougou Bullétin de la Société Botanique Française, 98: 22-26 Fairhead, J. and Leach, M.,1993, 'Degrading people? The 1968, 'Flore et végétation de la lisière de la forêt dense misuse of history in Guinea's environmental policy'. Paper en Guinée', Bulletin IFAN Series A, 30, 3: 920-952 presented at the African Studies Association meeting, Boston, 4-7 December 1993 Aubreville, A., 1949, Climats, forêts et désertification de l'Afrique tropicale, Paris Foucault, M., 1976, 'Two lectures' in C. Gordon (ed) Power! Knowledge: selected interiews and other writings 1972- Blanc-Pamard, C. and Spichiger, R., 1973, 'Contact forêt- 1977', Hemel Hempstead: Harvester Press: 78-108 savane et recru forestier en Côte d'Ivoire', L'Espace Géographique, no 3: 199-206 Green, W., 1991, 'Lutte contre les feux de brousse'. Report for project DERIK, Kissidougou: DERIK Bledsoe, C., 1990, 'No success without struggle: social mobility and hardship for foster children in ', Grégoire, J.M., Fiasse S., and. Malingreau J.?., 1988, Man (N.S.) 25: 70-88 Evaluation de l'action des feux de brousse, de novembre 1987 à février 1988, dans la région frontalière Guinée-Sierra Boserup, E., 1965, The Conditions of Agricultural Growth: Leone, Projet Régional FED-CILSS-CCR 'Surveillance des Agrarian Change Under Population Pressure, London: Ressources Naturelles Renouvables au Sahel-Volet Guinée', Earthscan ISPRA: EEC Chevalier, A., 1909, 'Rapport sur les nouvelles recherches Guinée Service Forestier, 1932, 'Rapport annuel de fin sur les plantes à caoutchouc de la Guinée française', d'année 1932', Senegalese National Archives, 2G32(70) Senegalese National Archives, 1G276 Hill, M. 1984, 'Where to begin? the place of the hunter Darling, P.J., 1993, 'Updating some African population founders in Mende histories'. Anthropos No 79, 653-656 myths'.Paper presented at the First World Optimum Population Congress, 8-11 August 1993 Leach, M. and Fairhead J., 1993, 'whose social forestry and why? people, trees and managed continuity in Guinea's Davies, S., 1992, 'Green conditionality and food security: forest-savanna mosaic', Zeitschrift für Wirtschafts- winners and losers from the greening of aid', Journal of geographie, No 37: 2, 86-101 International Development, Vol 4 No 2 Ostrom, E. 1990, Governing the Commons: the Evolution -and Leach, M., 1991, 'Globalism versus villagism: food of Institutions for Collective Action, Cambridge: security and the environment at national and international Cambridge University Press levels', IDS Bulletin, Vol 22 No 3 Price, M., 1992, 'National inventories of the sources and Dupré, G., 1991, 'Les arbres, le fourré et le jardin: les plantes sinks of greenhouse gases'. Report on the initial mission to dans la société de Aribinda, Burkina Faso' in G. Dupré (ed.) Senegal 30 November - 3 December 1992. UNEP Savoirs paysans et dévéloppement, Karthala-ORSTOM, Paris: 181-194 République de Guinée, 1988, Politique forestière et plan d'action, TFAP 1988. Conakry FAO, 1990,Interim Report on Forest Resources Assessment 1990, Committee on Forestry tenth session, 24-28 September Stiegelitz, F.V., 1990, 'Exploitation forestière rurale et 1990, Rome réhabilitation des forêts: Premiers résultats d'un projet de recherche interdisciplinaire en Haute-Guinée', Berlin Fairhead, J., and Leach, M., with Millimouno, D., and Kamano, M., 1992a, 'Forests of the past? archival, oral Zerouki, B., 1993, 'Etude relative au feu aupres des historical and demographic evidence for Kissidougou populations des bassins versants types du Haut Niger', Prefecture's vegetation history', COLA Working Paper 1, Programme d'Amenagement des Bassins Versants Types Kissidougou du Haut Niger, Conakry

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