The Proclamation ofthe New Covenant: The Pre-Iconoclastic Altar Ciboria in Rome and Constantinople1 Je/e11a Bogda11ovi6
The allar ciborium is lhc piece of lhc lilurgical fumit11re four.' The ciborium resembles the tenl-like or domed strnc1ure, placed in the Christian sanctuary over the holy table ('nyio. usually connected witl1 bo1h sacred and royal 1e111s,• and as ,pnm\'~o.) where the bloodless sacrifice of the New Testament such a visual motif it can be traced back several centuries be and the presence ofJesus Chris! wi1hin lhc Dh, nc Liturgy arc fo re Lhc Common Era, in numerous representations in almost manifested.' The etymology of the term ciborium (1<1flwp1ov) every ancient Easlern culture with nomadic heri1agc. Since the is nol clear especially ha,, ng in mind 1hat the expression ii focus oftllis paper is on the ciborium "itllin the Christian church self has several meanings: cup, cupola, dome, and baldacchino, 1J1e discussion is narrowed 10 1hc Judco-Chris1ian and Helle canopy referring both to the covering seats of royalty and over nistic tradition. al1ar.• According 10 S1. Gcnnanus, lhc eighth ccnr11ry pa1ri The earlies! archeological remains of the allar ciboria date arch of Co11s1antinople,' the term K11l<,>p1ov is dcriva1ivc of from the sixth century and arc found in the churches of S1. the Greek words Kl~, K11)oyt6,;. meaning box, chest. coffer, hence Alexander and St. Andrew in Rome, and in tl1e churches of rcprcscming 1abcmaclc or ark.' and 1hc word wp,ov meaning Hagios Polyektos and Hagia Euphemia in Cons1antinople.' the effulgence, or Light of God. Metaphorical lang11age al However, according 10 1he archcological rcpor1s and 1he old ways holds several meanings simultaneously. In this sense. representations and descriptions from otl1er sources such as S1. German us and olhcr 1hcologians connccl the ciborium _.,th coins or manuscripls. 1he eiboria were used \\illtin lhe Chris the Hebrew term keber for the tomb, since tl1e altar and tomb tian churches al least two centuries prior to tha1da1e. 1• Knowl rcprcscn1 the same things in Christian and Jewish eschatology. edge of the Christian canopy-like architectural structures be· Otl1crs are of the opinion tl1at ciborium is derivalive of tl1c gins " ~lh 1he Edic1 of Tolcralion (313) and dcvelopmen1 of Latin tem1 for the holy gifts. cibus. that was held suspended Christian iconography under Constantine the Great (d. 337). from 1hc1cn1-likebaldacchino.•Generally speaki.ng. a ciborium Ciboria co1m1:tissioned by Constantine and !tis heirs marked is an open domed or pyramidal roof resting on the same num 1he lombs oftl1e Aposlles Pe1er and Paul in Rome in 1he ba ber ofcolmnns as tl1e number of comers of the shelter, at least silica manyrium ofSt. Peter (after 319) and San Paulo fuori Jc
This paper is derived from a projccl in the course Early CJmman and Ciborium is the architedural Jttmciure, but it is closely related to the 8y:antme Art andA1v:.h1tecruro. taught by Prof. Ljubica O. Popovich in b,.,ldacchino. The tenn is of late medie\'a) derivative from the ll:ilian the fall of 2000. I would like 10 thank Prof. Popovich once again for her (ba/docco)or Sp:inish (baldaqum) expression for the elaborately brocaded unrescr"ed assistnncc at C\'<:-ry stage ofw ork, a~ wcll 3$ for her sugg¢Stion material imported from &ghdnd that was hung as a canopy over an altar thnt I p.,r1icip.1te in the Art H/J.loryOraduate Sympoi,um :'II Floridn Stale or dool'w-:iy. L.1ter ii C:lme to stand for the freestanding canopy over :in Ul'l.ivetSity. which led to the publication of this p;tper i.nA1h
Lazar Mirko,,iC. Pr,wosl
mura inRome(after 384), as well astl1etombofChrist atJerusa increasingly as the Emperor of Heaven. 16 it is very plausible 10 lcm (326-35). 10 name but a few. connect the in1perial ceremo1tial rites wi U1 the mdimcmaiy Scholars searched for the possible explanation of the rites of 1he liturgy. However. the inOuencc of Je"ish litnrgy canopy stn,cture and its function in tl1e Christian church in should not be w1dcrcstima1cd in spite of the Roman intoler the imperial iconography of the time. The repeated tent-like ance cowards the Jews. and baldacchino patterns in tl1e visual representations con No other clement in Jewish faith has such central and nected \\1th the epiphany and adve11t11s had a long-lived tradi long-lived l11eological imponancc as docs che Ark oft he Cov tion in every pan of the Roman Empire. 11 However. it has bocn enanc, since ic symbolizes the presence of God (I Sam. 4:3) pointed out that altar canopy structnres differed from one an and theconnoction between God and the nat ion oflsrael. Great other according to the panicular symbolic function they had. significance is accorded to the tent-like structure called U1e The canopies erected over the many, tombs physically con "Tent of Meeting.. or Tabernacle" where the Ark was placed tn1sted significantly from the canopies over imperial thrones (2 Sam. 7:6). The Tabernacle represents the porcable sanclu• in royal au/ae." Roman tombs for wealthy and influential fanti ary conscrncted by Moses as a place of worship for the Hebrew lies were mainly on central plans, sometimes sunnoumed by a tribes during the period of wandering tl1at preceded their ar second storey on which was a round canopy-like strnctnre, rival in U1e Promised Land. The earliest sanctuary was a simple carried by columns and ""tl1 a pointed roof. " Their ,;sual ap tent within which, it was believed. the Lord himself mani pearance is similar to the canopy placed over the tomb ofC hrist fested his presence and communicated his will. The Taber in Jcmsalcm as represented ou the si"1h centn1y Bobl>io and nacle was constructed witli capestry cunai ns decorated with Monza a111p11llae. According to the Euscbius of Caesar.:.~ chcn1bim (Exod. 25:9fl). The interior was divided into two (fourth century). the chief tl1eological adviser of Constantine, rooms, differing in their sanctity: "the holy place" and "the and to the Uber Po111iflcalis, St. Peter. a member of a mainly most holy place·· (Holy of Holies, Heb. Debir). The room that poor and neglected "sect" during his life, received the same represe111ed "the holy place·· contained tl1e table on which the honors as the Empress Helena and Emperor Constantine: an bread of the Presence ~~howbread). the allar of incensc. ,md al1ar, corona. and four large cand.leslicks.14 Constantine was tl1e seven-branched candelabnun (menorah) were placed. "The at l11a1 time, acclaimed as relaced to the traditional Roman Holy of Holies.. was chought to be an actnal dwelling place of gods."Having in mind tliat Constantine tl1e Great viewed him the God of Israel, who invisibly sat emhroncd above the solid self as God's vicar on earch, and that the !.-Ord was viewed slab of gold that resled on the Ark of the Covenant and had II 1l1e lent-like and b.1ldacehino s1ru c1:ur¢S 3$ represented in the scc::ond and " ··Hie eJl q111 nomen accepwm a Det>, prmc,pe genens sul, ded11 ~'Obis. fourth Styles oft.he Pompeian waJI painting present the e\idencc that a qui se progenlam tJJe J/crt:.11li$, non /abulosfs, 11ud oeq1u1.11s wrt1t11b11s ciborium wa11 an import.ant fe,:t ture oftbe ,~ lace cettmonies ,md p-3J:ice comprOba\<:I. •• (lnccrti Pancgyricus Ma.ximi:mocl Const1ntino -307 Ct, :irclll1ec1ure of the Hellenislic: Eas.1 pr«Jom.inanlly. l:ttcr adopted by the ()(h;:r cap. VI II, 2): ··Ur emnr tpttJ.( 1mmortolesDeoi quanquam um\v:ncstmmw partS of Rom3.n Empire. Nero ·s runbition to be rrooa,ni~ as a Sroond colamus. interdum Ul.men m suo q11emq11e ttmplo llC se,te ~-eneramur.. :· Akxandcr the Grc.'lt :ind to be identi.fied ,,,.ith lhe Sun-god could be found (Panegyricus VII: Eumcni Cons1nn1in0Aug .• cap. I, S)according to: ti.folly documented in his inltrest in the skenc symbolism a.nd the domic.11 ban Tcac:dalc Smith, '1'hc- J_,ter.:in Fostrgum: A Gift ofC011stantine1bc Gre:u." queting hall he ha.d bu ill for the rcx:c-ption ofllill gucst.throne lO,bcmnclc when the ruler was idcn- ingtholos. More in: Baldwin E Smith 126. 1ificd with hea\"cn and presented to his people as a god. Moreover, dm'ing the $.hort period ofthe New Kingdool An.lenl,olep IV (reign l348-1336t5 ,. Euscbius.. ThoEccltsrasl/cal History. IX. viii. 15-ix.l I, ·o:. Pagec-t al eds. l3CE)proclaimed his faith in :i singlegod. lhCwn disk Alen and changed (Cambridge, Ma.'-!!.: Harvard l,;P:ind London: \ViUiam Heint1n.'llm LTD. his 11 ;1.mc 10 Akhcn111en ("'Effoctive for ther\ten··) introducing thus one or t9l8) 3l9-6l. the- c-.arlicst refc-:rcnccs to mooothe-ism and the idea oftbe nlt$Stngtr of God among hum.'Ul$. For lhe reference to Akhcn-'tcn I 1h;1.nk once again Or. The ph)°ltlcal appcaranooofther\tk andTabenucle is described in 2 Mos, s,,ctlana i>opoviC. " 2):90: About the sh;tpe ofd.e Art .ind Tabem~elc 1htrc are contronni.:11 debate! between 01risti:m aod JC\\ish inlerprdati<>M, more in: Bi:inc-:t Molly Teasdale So:tith. "De,-elopment"379-414. KOhnel, From tire F..anJ1ly101he Heave.nlyJerosa!em Repre.se.numons <>f " rhe H<>lyCtty tn Chrlsfl
8 THE PROCJ..AMAT/0.l\' OF TH£ NEW COVENANT: THE PRE- JCONOCL ..>.STJC ALTAR CJBORlA IN ROM£ Ai'JO CONSTANTINOPLE
golden chenibim at each side. The Ark was a gold-covered ture in n11111erous synagogues." Willi homilies and the reading wooden coffer containing the tablets of the Ten Command of the Scripture. tbe earliest Eucharistic ri1cs-1hosc of the ments. In tbe time oftbe First Temple (before 586 BCE) which Sunday Eucharisl and ll1c Eucharist tha1 followed baptis111, as was creeled by god-appointed King David in Jemsalem, the described by Justin the Martyr (second century) in Il1e Firs! permanent place of the Ark and the Tabernacle "in the Holy Apoiog,-rcsemble JC\\iSh si11agoguc service." of Holies of the Temple. under the chcn,bim's wings•· ( I Kg. Fro111 lhe Davidic ri111cs on. ll1e Ark and Tabernacle. the 8:611) was es1ablished. Temple, and Jerusalem represem the associative iJnages of the During the so-called "Second Temple period., (586 BCE- covenant and 1he heavenly realm in Jc11ish eschatology." Witl1 70 CE) which was ~•rtly in1cr1";ncd with lhc '·New Tes1a Jesus· death, resurrection, and ascension. earthly Jemsalem me111 period,'' Jewish cschalology evolved witl1 the concept of lost its dominant role iJ1 ll1e ecclesiastical history of redemp the Messwh presemed in the prophecy of Isaiah (esp. Isa. 9. tion in Christian csehaiology."Howevcr, topology and sym 11. 42)." Isaiah ·s prophecy emphasized that lhc fu1urc niler bolism of earthly Jemsalem, where the ltistorical events of (,\ fessit,h) should be: a king, a pries!, and a prophet. Jesus Jesus' earthly 1ninislly took place. became a "model" for the appeared as lite one who uni1ed tl1ese three functions in His rcpresen1a1ion of Heavenly Jcmsalem.''ln other words, ll1e persona (hypos1asis). As a King of the universe (Mt. 22: Lk. heavenly realm was emphasized in Il1e New Tes1amen1 period I. 32f; 2 Sam. 7.12). He received from the w1y begimting the as a formative period for the transition from visional)· proph imperial characteristics thal "record His righteous acts and ecy 10 cschalology. Having those notions in 111ind. earthly His victories over 1he impious ... ,. Jesus is ll1e great High Priest Jemsalem. ll1e Temple. and the Ark and Tabernacle. repre of ll1e unh·erse (Mk. IL 231[ Mt. 6. 9: Lk. 11, 2: Mt. 17, 20f; sent 1be coun1crpar1s of 1he associative images for Heaven!)' Mk. 16. 15ff: Mt. 28. 19f). appointed as lhe new Aaron or Jenisalem. tl1e Church, and ll1e ahar and allar ciboriwn." Melchizcdek, ··10 whom alone ii is permitted to search ll1e The placement of ll1e fourth and fifth cennuies chancel hidden mysteries of every rational soul."" Jesus Himself rep screen iJ1 Jcn,salcm 's churches and synagogues records 1he resented His prophecy regarding the foll of earthly Jerusalem relocation of liturgical praclices fro111 U1c ex1erior sacrificial (Lk. 21; Mk. 13; ML 23) Uirough His deaU1 on Il1e cross. The places to the iJ1terior of both Jewish and Christian sancnuu destmction of the Jemsalem Temple in 70 was preceded by ies. perhaps due 10 the same origin ofl11c scni cc and similar Jesus· coming 10 lhe world. His earlhly ministry, and more praclices. ,. Moreover. it seems plausible 10 assu111e ll1a1 ll1e specifically by His entry into Jemsalem immediately followed first portable ahars might have been in the nave of the by lhe story of His passion. dea1h. and resurrection (Lk. 22f. churchcs." The 0oor mos.1ic in from of lhe apse of ll1e sixU1 Mk. I 4f. Mt. 26f)." After ils destniclion the holiness previ ccnlury chapel of Theolokos al Mt. Nebo represents a struc ously reserved for Il1e Temple was transferred to Il1e individual t,ual motif recognized as 1he Jerus.1lem Temple." The depicted synagogues."The principal object of the posi-70 Je"ish ritual edifice is an elongated s1rucrurc, with the apse on one of ils was lhe written Torah, housed in a Torah shrine. The lilurgi shorter sides, and it is visually recog1lizable as a basilica. The cal shift in Judaism was made from ll1e sacrificial worship in di\~sion of 1be en1rance area. the part of the nave \\i lh the the Jerusalem Temple to ll1e recitation of prarcrs and Scrip- sacrificial altar. aud the apse area reserved for the Holy of
The Roman conquest and the destruction of the Se<:ond Ttmple in 70 CE mgy In the B),-:anrme Rue (London· SPCK. 1989), 18. " occurred just as the 1>rophcc1cs oflhe Old Testament had :announced. .md \\'f:lpptd tht histor~l. me:ssi:inic and esch. By thee ighth ccnw.ry thw:e,-ents be<:~me cn.icial points of the later de,"el• ,. For the 31tar 3l'ld the altar ciborium arc the ,·ery pl:t~ where he:we:nly :md " opmcnt oft he liturgical S)1nbolism nnd m}'lilicism. ca.rthly realm are mised bu1 not di3$0lved, l lci11z Sclm."<:kenberg a.nd Kurt Schubert.Je,~i.sh f1,110rtogrophytmd le<> ,. Branham 3 75-94. " rrograpl,y m Early and Med1ew1l Chnsllomty (Ac;scn: Van Gorcum nnd Minne:tpofo•: Fo11 rcs P, 1992) 16 l, with rcfcre:nccs. 1'he oldest archcological cv1dcncc about altors in Constantinopolitan " churches from the fourth and fifth centuries loc.ntcthcm in the mwcarca in Joan Branham. ··Sacred Space under F.r.1Stm: in Ancient Synagogues nnd front of the apse, See: ~fa thews EarlyChurche.s 11-41 , " Early Churc~·· Art 8ullet,n 3 (1992): 375-94. 31 S.J. S:-ille:r :iocording to: Branham 375-94. F'or photo rcproduc."lion of the More about the carlicst Euoharistic riles of the early Church in: Hugh apse (Joor ke Bi;u)C.'l Ko bnel From the E 9 ATHANOR XX JELENA BOGDANOVI Holies is evident. The first portable altars might have been in two figures are turned toward the Apostle’s tomb in a gesture the nave of the churches. In the Old St. Peter’s basilica, the of worship, and a pair of female and male frontal orant fig- tomb of the Apostle was in the apse in the former place of the ures are represented on either side of the shrine. Holy of Holies, and the Christian altar was somewhere in the The symbolism of the golden lamp as the ever-burning nave since there was not enough space for the altar in the lamp is familiar: “out from the tomb comes the risen Christ, apse. The symbolical union of two distinct segments of the the light that illuminates, i.e. saves.”38 The lamp was suspended Jerusalem Temple—the altar area with a Torah shrine and the from the intersection of the ribs that formed the ciborium roof. Holy of Holies, within the Christian edifice— might be inter- Thus, the sparkling lamplight came not from the outside, but preted both spatially and liturgically. The transfer of the Temple from the inner space of the ciborium. The sensation of the attributes to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre might be sche- participants in the service in St. Peter’s basilica has to be very matically presented so that “the Tomb of Christ takes the place similar to the pilgrim Egeria’s (381-384 CE) description of of the Holy of Holies,” the place of Divine Presence, “the ever- the congregation in the Holy Sepulchre: burning lamp in the Tomb is like menorah in the Temple, ...and the lamps and candles are all lit, which while the Rock of the Crucifixion,” where the Lord sacrificed makes it [Anastasis] very bright. The fire is His only-begotten son, “assumes the role of the altar on Mt. brought not from outside, but from the cave- Moriah,” where Abraham offered the sacrifice of Isaac.32 Holy inside the screen-where a lamp is always places and history that marked the topology of earthly Jerusa- burning night and day.39 lem appear to be transferred to the other Constantian churches, A golden lamp was suspended from the ciborium in the including the Old St. Peter’s basilica. form of a golden crown, aurum corona, above the body of According to the surviving documents, excavations, and lights.40 Besides the similarities to the ever-burning light of the representation on the early fifth century ivory casket from Jesus’ tomb, prefigured in the ever burning light of the menorah Pola (Figure 1),33 St. Peter’s grave was sheltered by a canopy. lamp, aurum corona can be related also to the Roman cer- It rested on four spiral vine scroll columns, columnae vitineae emony of the aurum coronarium. The rite was named after that Constantine brought de Grecias.34 Two more architraved the gold diadem that the citizens of the Roman Empire and spiral columns linked the backside of the baldacchino to the representatives of the provinces presented to the emperor as a corners of the apse,35 forming together with the baldacchino symbolic sign of his imperial supremacy over them. This im- the continuous curtained screen. The jeweled “tower,”36 a perial iconographical motif can be transferred to the religious ciborium that housed the Blessed Sacrament, as it was men- image of Christ as the Heavenly King, the Source of Light.41 tioned in the Liber Pontificalis, had a pointed roof with di- The Acts of the Apostles that were depicted on four large agonal arching ribs surmounted by an orb, as it is represented candlesticks wrought in silver (now lost),42 refer to the spiri- on the Pola Casket. At the point of the intersection of ribs, a tual identity of the Apostles with the self-giving person, the golden lamp was suspended in the form of golden corona of Son of God, Jesus Christ, defining liturgical mysteries as the lights. Below the canopy a rectangular enclosure was railed mysteries of Christ’s life enacted during the cycle of the church off and slightly raised above the floor level. Ciborium stood year. To express this spiritual identity St. Peter and eleven directly over the Apostle’s tomb. The altar was very probably Apostles state that all who believe in Christ are together and movable, separated from the shrine, positioned somewhere in hold everything in common, including the mystery of divine front of the shrine or near it (Figure 2).37 On the Pola Casket life (Acts. 2:44). Moreover, St. Peter was the first Apostle who 32 Quotations from Robert Ousterhout, “From Temple to Sepulchre: An Ideo- 36 In Greek ðbñãïò; fn. 7. above. logical Transformation” according to: Branham 375-94. About this spe- cific architectural symbolism: Ousterhout 375-94. About liturgical sym- 37 More in: Ward-Perkins 469-89. bolism in: Taft 45-75. 38 The Greek word for illumination, öfôéóìá means baptism. More on the 33 About donations of Constantine to St. Peter’s and the ekphrasis of the inte- symbolism of light for the Christian liturgy: Taft 45-75. rior of the church see: L. Duchesne, Liber Pontificalis 1 (Paris: 1955-6). About excavations of St. Peter’s see: J.B. Ward-Perkins, “The Shrine of St. 39 Egeria’s Travels translated by J. Wilkinson (London, 1971) 123-4, accord- Peter and its Twelve Spiral Columns,” in: Studies in Roman and Early ing to: Taft 45-75. Christian Architecture, ed. J. B. Ward-Perkins (London: Pindar P, 1994) 469-89. About the representation of the shrine of St. Peter on the Pola Cas- 40 “Coronam auream ante corpus qui est farus cantharus” Liber Pontificalis ket as it appeared in the fifth century see: Richard Krautheimer, Early Chris- (ed. Duchesne) 176, according to: Molly Teasdale Smith, “Development” tian and Byzantine Architecture (New Heaven and London: Yale UP, 1986) 379-414. 56f; John Beckwith, Early Christian and Byzantine Art (New Haven/Lon- don: Yale UP, 1993) 27f; Ward-Perkins 469-89. 41 More on the rite of aurum coronarium in: Robert Deshman, “Antiquity and Empire in the Throne of Charles the Bald,” in Byzantine East, Latin 34 Ward-Perkins 469-89. West. Art-historical studies in honour of Kurt Weitzmann, Doula Mouriki, Slobodan ur i et al eds. (Princeton: Princeton UP, 1995) 131-7. 35 The imprints of the two rear column bases of the canopy show that the screen separated the apse from the transept, from shoulder to shoulder, with 42 Beckwith 27. the canopy projecting forward into the crossing, thus over the tomb. More in: Ward-Perkins 469-89. 10 THE PROCLAMATION OF THE NEW COVENANT: THE PRE-ICONOCLASTIC ALTAR CIBORIA IN ROME AND CONSTANTINOPLE baptized non-Jews, clearly announcing the replacement of the the Tree of Life are connected with the Torah scrolls. The Old Covenant between the God and people of Israel with the Tree of Life signified the Torah in its fulfillment, both as the New Covenant between the God and people of God, those bap- instrument of God’s creation and the norm of life of the Jew- tized in Christ (Acts.10:9ff).43 ish people,50 and as the representative of the Torah it also de- The six twisted columns, four that formed canopy over picts the heavenly Paradise.51 Visual representations of the Tree St. Peter’s grave and two more at the corners of the apse, were of Life are rare, but the fresco over the Torah niche in Dura made of a single block of fine-grained, translucent, Greek Europos synagogue (before 256) with the “tree of life for all marble.44 Each of them was divided into four zones, separated who holds fast to her [Tree of Life]” employs almost the same by a cable molding, of which the first and third were spirally iconographical vocabulary as the ciborium over the Apostle’s fluted, and the second and fourth carved in high relief with tomb in St. Peter’s church (Figure 5). On the fresco the Torah vine scrolls and naked, winged putti. The composite capitals shrine is enclosed by the aedicula very similar to the ideal and the bases of the columns are also rich in leaves and orna- reconstruction of St. Peter’s tomb. The columns of the Torah ments (Figure 3).45 The columns, as mentioned in the Liber aedicula are twisted and resemble the twisted columns of the Pontificalis and depicted on the Pola Casket,46 could be con- ciborium over St. Peter’s grave. The branches of the Tree of nected with the pagan tradition and the cult of Dionysius,47 Life surmount the niche with the Torah shrine emphasizing since there are references that canopies made of or with vine the eschatological dimension of the image. The ciborium col- scrolls, sometimes inhabited by birds, beasts, and vintaging umns wrapped in vine-scrolls could be seen as the eschato- figures, were used in the cult (Figure 4).48 Dyonisius, a god of logical image of the New Testament. The motif of intertwined vine, was also known as a funerary god who delivered souls of scrolls was a very popular decorative motif with the meaning the dead due to his association with the return of spring and of everlasting life during the whole of the Roman Empire, vegetation each year.49 The historical events of the Last Sup- both in the areas in North Africa52 and Syro-Palestine. There- per, Crucifixion, and Resurrection, firmly connected with li- fore it seems reasonable that the motif was adapted to express turgical mysteries of life in Christ, all happened in the spring- fundamental Christian themes such as the vintage of the Lord time. Once again, pagan funerary celebrations of emperors in the Church both in the East and West, which was used at and reception of a divine ruler could be connected with wor- least until the sixth century. It might be that the Jewish icono- shipping Christ, King of the Universe, and the Apostles and graphical meaning was perhaps modified for the specific vi- martyrs to whom He delegated His power and authority, just sual media,53 and coupled with the adapted imperial imagery as Roman emperors delegated their power to consuls, magis- that affirmed the triumph of Christ. trates, and other officials. In Jewish eschatology the scrolls of The orant figures54 from the Pola Casket emerging through 43 God’s people, in Greek ëáüs, has nothing to do with ethnic characteristics etation deity” may explain how the heavenly canopy came to be associated of the nation, as it has in Judaism. with the reception of the divine ruler. Baldwin E. Smith 116. 44 Remember that Constantine brought columnae vitineae de Grecias ftn. 34 50 “For the Torah is the tree of life for everyone who occupies himself with it. above. Whoever keeps its commandments in this world lives and endures, like the tree of life, for the world to come. To obey the Torah in this world is to be 45 No pair of columns was the same, but according to the archeological re- compared with [eating] the fruits of the tree of life.” Quotation from: mains and descriptions they were restored. More in: Ward-Perkins 469-89. Schreckenberg and Schubert 166, with further references. 46 About the reference in the Liber Pontificalis 176 according to: Molly 51 Schreckenberg and Schubert 163-7. Teasdale Smith, “Development” 379-414. 52 About the tradition of vine scroll as a decorative motif in the Greek-speak- 47 Although some scholars saw similarities with structural elements of fantas- ing world and its influence on the Western part of the Roman Empire, as tic garden architecture, most of them narrowed their studies on the similari- well about the examples of vine scroll columns from the chancel screens of ties with structural elements of architecture with Dionysiac attributes. More Christian date found in North Africa, see: Ward-Perkins 469-89. It is inter- in: Ward-Perkins 469-89; Molly Teasdale Smith, “Development” 379-414. esting that the earliest structure of the expression of faith among Latin- speaking Christians was influenced from the mid-third century on predomi- 48 Molly Teasdale Smith, “Development” 379-414. The column in high re- nantly by North-African, and ultimately, Alexandrian theology. More in: lief with entwined vine scrolls, Silen mask and other Dionysiac attributes is Schulz 142. preserved in Museo Nazionale Romano. In the mausoleum of Galla Placidia (c. 425) in Ravenna the vault mosaics with vine scrolls and vintage scenes 53 Fresco represents two-dimensional image very similar to three-dimensional with little putti are also very indicative of such a representation in the tomb tomb surmounted by a ciborium. structure. 54 Orant is usually a female figure standing with outstretched arms as if in 49 Moreover, in the ceremonies of the New Year Festival at Babylon the god prayer used in Early Christian art as a symbol of the faithful dead. See: appeared under “the ‘golden heaven,’ which ... was a baldacchino or canopy Webster’s Third New International Dictionary of the English Language of gold or cloth of gold upon which the planets were represented.” Quota- Unabridged (Springfield, Mass: Merriam-Webster Publishers, 1986). How- tion of S. H. Hooke, Babylonian and Assyrian Religion (London, 1953) ever, perhaps it is worth to remark that the word originates from Greek 49, after Baldwin E. Smith 116. When the people welcomed the return of term ïÛñVíéïò referring to heavenly, divine, spiritual, pertaining to the the god responsible for the renewed fertility of the land, the customary way sky, everything which is opposite to earthly and material and term ïÛñVíïò in which it was enacted in both the Mesopotamian and Egyptian rituals with reference to eschatological descent of the heavenly to the earthly, mean- pertaining to the Spring Festival when the priest king welcomed the “veg- ing between heaven and earth (Lampe 977). Moreover, it is also very inter- 11 ATHANOR XX JELENA BOGDANOVI the curtains can be visually and compositionally compared offering bread and wine. This idea may be supported by the with the figures from the Old Testament theme represented in sixth century representation from the Vienna Genesis, where the Ashburnham or Tours Pentateuch, the seventh century Latin the meeting of Melchizedek and Abraham is depicted behind Vulgate manuscript (Figure 6). On the lower half of the illu- the domical curtained ciborium. If so, there was no better place mination in the center of the composition, the Tabernacle or in Rome to represent the spiritual unity in Christ than on St. Tent of Meeting is depicted. Priests, Moses and Joshua, from Peter’s tomb.59 one side, and Aaron, Nadab, and Abihu,55 from the other, en- Some pagan altars were also surmounted by canopies to ter the Tabernacle, after experiencing the epiphany on the shelter a sacrifice and offerings placed on or below the altar, Mount Sinai represented in the upper part of the illumination making the refrigerium at a venerated and sheltered martyr’s (Exod. 24). The Tent of Meeting is made of curtains (Exod. tomb very inconvenient for Christian service. In time the 26) with a wooden altar embellished with precious metals and refrigerium rite was eliminated from Christian practice ac- equipped with necessary accessories (Exod. 27). The Ark and cording to the late fourth and fifth century writings of the Tabernacle symbolize the very moment of Shekina, the Di- Church Fathers such as St. Ambrose, the bishop of Milan and vine Presence since they are depicted after the event on Mount St. John Chrysostom, the patriarch of Constantinople. They Sinai when Moses has been given the tablets of the law by the also clarified the meaning of the liturgical furnishing, includ- hand of the Lord. From the fourth century writings of the nun ing the altar and altar ciborium. St. Ambrose wrote that souls Egeria it is obvious that the tomb of Christ, not the sanctuary and symbolic remains of the martyrs, including brandea60 from of the martyrium basilica where the Eucharist was celebrated, the actual martyr’s tomb, should be placed beneath the altar, was the focal point of the vespers and the resurrection vigil.56 to become the true spiritual sacrifice offered to Christ.61 He This practice is concurrent with the period when St. Peter’s based his writing on the Revelation of John62 as the only book shrine as depicted on the Pola Casket was also venerated. Since of the New Testament in which Heavenly Jerusalem and sanc- the mouths of the celebrants from the Pola Casket are open, it tuaries are “visualized” as the symbol of the New Covenant can be assumed that the evening liturgical service full of sym- and in a way as the extension of the Holy of Holies. St. John bolism of the Divine Presence connected with the presence of Chrysostom emphasized the aspect of mystery during the li- the martyr’s relics is represented. turgical service, presenting the sacramental reality of the The liturgical service in the early years of Christianity anaphora within the overall symbolic form of the liturgy,63 remains obscure. Until the end of the fourth century two cer- basing his writing mainly on John 3:16: “You so loved your emonies might have been performed at venerated Christian world that You gave Your only-begotten Son, in order that tombs: first the offerings of food and wine provided by the everyone who believes in Him may not be lost but may have faithful for funerary banquets, the refrigerium, following pa- everlasting life.” For St. John Chrysostom, bread and wine, gan practices of the Parentalia; and the second, the celebra- body and blood of our Lord, are the sacraments that He gave tion of the Eucharist, symbolizing the sacrifice of Christ for to “His Apostles” and to “all who have been perfected in whom the martyr died.57 Melchizedek’s giving bread and wine faith,”64 representing thus the visual images of the symbolism to Abraham (Gen. 14:18-20) can be interpreted in Jewish con- of death and resurrection in the Eucharist.65 Therefore, the text referring to bread as showbread, and wine as the libation focus of the service, both in the West and in the East, was offering, and in Christian sense as the prefiguration of the shifted from the veneration of the sepulchre to the rite of the Eucharist.58 The two figures below the altar ciborium repre- Eucharist. This shift was followed by the New Testament in- sented on the Pola Casket, might refer to the ceremony of terpretation of the death of Jesus in terms of Old Testament esting to remark that ïÛñVíéóêïò, dim. ïÛñVíïò with meaning “little heaven 61 St. Ambrose, Apologia Prophetae David (VI, 9) according to Molly or sky” at the same time points to the vaulted ceiling, especially top of a Teasdale Smith, “Development” 379-414. tent, canopy, as explained in: Greek-English Lexicon, eds. Liddell and Scott, vol 2 (Oxford: Claredon P, 1948). Those notions are significant especially 62 Especially Rev. 6:9 inspired St. Ambrose to make allusion to the altar of having in mind that participants in the earliest Christian services spoke the the eschaton proclaiming that the altar should be with the souls of the mar- language and had the complete insight in complex meaning of the word, tyrs placed beneath it. Molly Teasdale Smith, “Development” 379-414, action and object had as a whole. with references. 55 All the figures are inscribed in Latin as such. 63 It is important to note that by the sixth century Byzantine theologians were not interested in the Eucharist as an autonomous celebration, but as an 56 More in: Taft 45-75, with further references. integral part of liturgy. More in: Christopher Walter, Art and Ritual of the Byzantine Church (London: Variorum Publications LTD, 1982) 180. 57 Molly Teasdale Smith, “Development” 379-414, with references. 64 Schulz 154. 58 Schreckenberg and Schubert 215-7. 65 Schulz 14-20, 150-9. 59 Moreover, St. Peter is in a way prefigured in Abraham, since he also was the one to leave the country to spread the Word of God (compare Gen. 14 66 The Eucharist is prefigured in the sacrificial ritual performed by the “Priest and Acts. 10). of God Most High,” Melchizedek, and later Abraham whom he gave the laws of the High Priesthood (Gen. 14:18-20). 60 Brandea referrs to the pieces of martyrs’ cloths. 12 THE PROCLAMATION OF THE NEW COVENANT: THE PRE-ICONOCLASTIC ALTAR CIBORIA IN ROME AND CONSTANTINOPLE sacrifices66 to develop later into the image of the Last Supper light, incense, and a deacon carrying the Gospel Book reached as the paschal sacrifice of the unblemished Lamb of God.67 the sanctuary, the Holy Scripture was placed on the altar as The celebration of Eucharist is indivisibly connected with the the Word of God. After readings and sermons as the Liturgy altar so the placement of a permanent altar over the tomb of of the Word, the Liturgy of the Faithful might begin. The en- the martyr for memorial services for the dead introduced a try of bread of wine to the altar as the Great Entry or Entrance new element, important for the later development of the Chris- of the Mysteries in the procession represented symbols of tian church and its architecture.68 By the early fifth century Christ’s going to His death. Their preparation on the altar the altars were introduced at the venerated tombs that were symbolized His dead body in the burial place, while the Holy sheltered by canopies as they had been from the time of Communion symbolized His resurrection. The sacrament as a Constantine.69 A canopy remained an architectural furnishing sign of reality greater than itself made the liturgy God’s plan that might shelter both the tomb and the altar, or only one of for salvation through a mystery when the participants “see them.70 Two canopies at S. Alessandro on the Via Nomentana one thing and believe another.”77 in Rome are examples of the early fifth century canopies— The creation of a sanctuary also underwent changes from one above the grave of the martyr Teodolus, and the other the sixth century on. After the Council in Trullo (692 CE) it above the graves of martyrs Alexander and Eventius, with the was altar slab directly over the tomb of the two martyrs.71 ...not permitted to anyone among the laity By the sixth century translatio of the relics became a to enter the sacred altar, with the exception practice,72 so that the relics of the martyrs could be placed be- that the imperial power and authority is in neath the altar and ciborium far away from the actual site of no way or manner excluded therefrom when- the martyr’s tomb. The custom was initiated at Constantinople ever it wishes to offer gifts to the creator, in where the bodies of some of the Apostles were moved to the accordance with a certain most ancient tra- Church of the Holy Apostles.73 Translatio of the relics might dition.78 be also initiated by further development of the liturgical prac- The low, transparent chancel barriers divided the space tice. In the period between the sixth and ninth centuries, the of the Holy of Holies79 accessible only to the priests from the liturgy underwent radical changes, evolving the symbolism of area reserved for the prayer of laity.80 The entrances were in the funeral procession.74 The setting of the Eucharist in the middle of the chancel barrier and if the sanctuary extended Constantinople at the time of St. John Chrysostom was ar- before the apse two more entrances were on the north and ranged as a symbolic funeral procession prefigured in Christ’s south. The liturgy in the sanctuary could be seen by the laity, earthly life.75 After the preparatory rites and enarxis,76 the while being physically inaccessible to them. The altar was bishop should enter the church with his attending clergy recognized as the symbol of the holy tomb of Christ and place through the central, royal doors leading through the narthex of His resurrection, a place where earthly and heavenly realms into the nave reaching the sanctuary that occupied the semi- meet, where the Holy Spirit consecrates the bread and the circular apse on the east. When the procession, led by candle- wine.81 The bejeweled holy table symbolized the place in the 67 Wybrew 17. The image of the Last Supper within anaphora in Byzantine 73 The earliest recorded translations of relics to Constantinople were those of Liturgy was especially emphasized during the eleventh century under in- Timothy in 356 and of Andrew and Luke in 357, and deposited in the fluence of Byzantine theologian Nicholas of Andida. It was also a period church of the Holy Apostles. Unfortunately, relics from the Holy Apostles when crucial shifts in liturgical interpretation evolved different visual rep- were destroyed under Crusaders in 1204. About the veneration of relics: resentations connected with liturgical service, that could be seen predomi- Walter 156, with references. nantly in Slavic Orthodox churches due to the preservation of the large painted cycles in them. See: Wybrew 129-44, Walter passim. 74 About the liturgical evolutionary sequences of the procession, since the development is not quite clear, the most accurate: Taft 45-75, with further 68 Krautheimer 35. references. 69 Krautheimer 35. 75 Wybrew 47-66. 70 The canopy at St. Peter’s shrine might have been the model for the hexago- 76 Wybrew 47-66, St. Germanus 16-23, Schulz 142-158. nal canopy erected by order of Constantine the Great over the Tomb of Christ at the Holy Sepulchre complex in Jerusalem. According to the pil- 77 Quotation of St. John Chrysostom’s words according to: Wybrew 47-66. grim Etheria, in the 380s, the liturgy was celebrated on many occasions in front of the Holy Sepulchre, where the altar and Christ’s tomb were. Molly 78 Quotation after Sharon E. J. Gerstel, Beholding the Sacred Mysteries. Pro- Teasdale Smith, “Development” 379-414, with references. grams of the Byzantine Sanctuary (Seattle and London: U of Washington P, 1999) 6. 71 Molly Teasdale Smith, “Development” 379-414. 79 The chancel barrier in the Hagia Sophia was about waist-high. St. Germanus 72 Martyr’s relics were not allowed to be removed from their final resting 17. place at the very beginning of Christianity. It is the practice of the sixth century, perhaps slightly earlier. St. John Chrysostom spoke of the high 80 Wybrew 47-66. prophylactic value of the relics of saints, so the practice of their translation might be connected also with “pragmatic” reasons. See: Walter 181-2, with 81 St. Germanus 61. references. 13 ATHANOR XX JELENA BOGDANOVI tomb of Christ where He was placed. only imagine the light sparkling and reflecting from the gold The holy table is also the throne of God, on mosaics and silver-decked furnishing, giving an impression which, borne by the Cherubim, He rested that it originated from the inner light within the church edi- His body. At that table, at His mystical sup- fice itself. The majestic space and decoration of the Hagia per, Christ sat among His disciples and, tak- Sophia, consistently adapted to the liturgy, created an impres- ing bread and wine, said to His disciples and sion of “heaven on earth, the heavenly sanctuary...image of apostles: “Take, eat, and drink of it: this is the cosmos, throne of the very glory of God.”87 Later struc- my body and my blood” (Mt. 26:26-28).82 tures of the post-iconoclastic age revealed this atmosphere in According to St. Germanus the domical ciborium re- mosaic and fresco decoration, in accord with the more literal mained in the eighth century the representation of the memo- spirit. However, physical remains of the smaller Justinian’s ria and place where Christ was crucified, “for the two places foundations extend the picture of richness and form of liturgi- of burial and crucifixion in Jerusalem were near by.”83 Having cal furnishing. The glass-inlaid marble columns of the altar all these evolution sequences in mind, it seems that by the ciborium of Hagios Polyeuktos, and of Hagia Euphemia are eighth century, the liturgical furnishing, the rite, and the par- very instructive examples (Figure 7). The ciborium in the ticipants united to reveal both Christ’s earthly ministry and church of Hagia Euphemia was massive, monolithic, with a eschaton. Meeting of the earthly and heavenly in their dy- shallow dome, and there is record that the relics of St. namic tension made the liturgy more than the mere ceremo- Euphemia were placed within a box-type altar with a confessio, nial procession, but a prayer (since a prayer in a theological directly beneath the altar table, into which one could put one’s sense is a passage of human souls to eternal life). In this con- hand to touch the relics (Figure 8). This is an example of a text, the altar ciboria evolved in time into the liturgical fur- new variation in the relationship of the relics deposited under nishing, distinct from the ciboria over the venerated tombs or the altar since they were not buried in the crypt, as was com- reliquaries, with a complex meaning: the Golgotha, the Cru- mon for the period.88 cifixion, the Burial, and the Resurrection of Christ. In the West, from the sixth century on the development of The sixth century archeological records from the altar canopy can be followed through an example of Constantinople and Rome confirm the development of the al- ciborium in the church of St. Andrew the Apostle built under tar ciboria. Constantinopolitan churches under Justinian such Pope Symmachus (598-614). It is indicative that the ciborium as Hagios Polyeuktos (524-7) and Hagia Euphemia84 are the (tiburium) of pure silver and a confessio89 weighing 120 lbs. two with archeological remains of the altar ciboria. There are were jointly constructed and there is a legend that the body of abundant written references to the altar ciborium that once the Apostle Andrew at the time was in Constantinople, and existed in Hagia Sophia (532-7). The original sanctuary fur- that no relic of his was brought to Rome until the time of nishings, according to Procopios, Justinian’s court historian, Gregory the Great.90 This kind of a ciborium represents the were embellished with 40,000 lbs. of silver.85 The altar itself new trend in the use of altar canopy structures, since it intro- was composed of gold trapeza, gold columns, and a gold base, duced a “symbolic confession” which held no actual relic of ornamented with precious stones, and covered by a cloth with the Apostle but which might have contained brandea from rich silk and gold embroidery. On the altar cloth, Christ was his tomb, representing his spiritual presence and potency. In represented standing between Ss. Peter and Paul, along with a some cases, such as in the example of St. Martin of Tours in number of representations of divine miracles. Over the altar the early sixth century, instead of brandea, ampoullae con- rose a silver ciborium. According to the images found in chro- taining oil, which were available at the martyr’s tomb repre- nologically later miniatures, the four columns of the ciborium sented a symbolic confession, sheltered jointly with the altar were spanned by the arches supporting an eight-sided pyra- by silver ciborium.91 midal roof with a silver orb surmounted by a cross.86 One can In the case of the St. Peter’s church, the raising platform 82 St. Germanus 59. 86 Rowland J. Mainstone, Hagia Sophia. Architecture, Structure and Lit- urgy of Justinian’s Great Church (London: Thames and Hudson, 1988) 83 St. Germanus 59. 222. 84 Hagia Euphemia was the fifth century secular triclinium converted into the 87 Taft 45-75, with further references. church in the sixth century. Relics of St. Euphemia were translated from Chalcedon in the early seventh century and deposited in the church. More 88 The burying of the relics in the crypt in the churches of the period and in the in: Mathews Early Churches 61-7. area of Constantinopolitan influence is recorded in cases of the churches of St. John in the Studios monastery (mid-fifth century), Chalkoprateia, and 85 “And as for the treasure of this church-the [vessels of] gold and silver and the Hebdon, to name but a few. More in: Mathews Early Churches 67. precious stones which the Emperor Justinian has dedicated here-it is im- possible to give an exact account of all of them. I shall allow my readers to 89 Confessio is the term for the resting place of martyrs as confessors of the form an estimate by means of a single example. That part of the church Faith. which is especially sacred and accessible to priests only—it is called sanc- tuary—exhibits forty thousand pounds of silver.” Procopious, Buildings I, 90 Gregory the Great probably brought the arm of St. Andrew. Molly Teasdale 1, 65, 28-9. Smith, “Development” 379-414, with references. 14 THE PROCLAMATION OF" TIIE NEW COVENANT'. 'l'HE PllE•lCONOCLASTIC ALTAR CIBORIA JN R0:'.\1E 1\.'l"D CONSTA:XTINOPLE or 1he apse and Lhe area in rront or it, which incorporated the lcnse in the Byzantine sphere." Before the eighth century the Aposlle's tomb. were radically re-arranged at the end of the perception of che Eucharist was predornina111ly anagogically sixlh century 10 lit both lin,rgical practice and 1hc purpose of focused on ll1e contempla1ion of tl1e realities behind tl1e vis• veneration of Che relics (Figures 2. 9)."The altar with its ible realm. With 1he advent of Iconoclasm denying the possi ciborium oo four porphyry colulllJlS was placed over Che tomb," bility or any pictorial rendering of Chris!, and understanding while Che six vinc•scroll columns from previous ciborium were the cult of icons and relics as idolatry. the Eucharist was pro moved to form an iconostasis-like screen across the fronl of claimed as the only tn,e "icon•· orChrist.'"Thc commentaries the chancel.'' following the B)'7.autinc sanctuary furnishing or St. Gcrmanus re-evaluated and equilibrated the outer forms employed earlier in Conscantinople. The Eucharist rite was of the liturgy will, tl1e spiritual dimensions of the rite. More done according to clerical and laily rank. The Pope received over. tlie liturgy remained the memorial or Christ 's sacrifocc, conunmtion himself in ltiscathedra in the apse (pre.5/Jyteri11m), including the accomplishment of the old Law. Ilic anticipa and then che bishops and priests according to their dignity, tion ofll1e celestial liturgy.99 After the Iconoclastic controversy approached the Pope from sanctuary lo receive from him the and the triumph of lconofiles, the realistic images and rcpre Euchariscic bread, while the archdeacon was distributing the scnl.ations of sacred mysteries were very often employed, re Wine. The Communion for the laity was performed in the placing the idealized, symbolical images from Che pre-lcono areas adjacent to the sa.nc1uary (senator ium and mafroueum).9s claslic period. By 1he nintli and 1emh centuries, 1J1e pos1-lcono In fronc or chose spaces was lhe solea-schola which princi clastic shift marked the entry of the linirgical ll1emes in the pally figured as processional area. The whole linugical rite as painting program of the apse and subsidiary chapels usually it was rendered in Constancinople was a visual reprcscn1aiion dedicated to the saints. Besides the actual altar ciborium as or the idea that the Saviour comes to save us. Tiie veneration 11,e liturgical ftirnislting, paillled representations of ll1e altar or relics was also very important and it was "reachable" to ciborium within Eucharistic themes became very common by everyone. clergy or laity alike." 1he eleventh cc111ury. Therefore, ll1e visual symbols of the Old The veneration of the relics and objoc1s intimately asso Covenant remained llie essential elements in lite proclama• ciated with them before a shrine. a reliquary, or a Comb. re tion of the New Covenant during the Middle Ages. main intense: very often they were placed for display on the ciborium-like s1n1ctures, located somewhere in ll1e chmch in dependently of the altar space. The custom was espocially in• V.inderbilt Universily ., .Moll yTe-asd.1.le Smilh,, ·'.Development" 379-414. in tbc city. More about the ditfcrcnl levels of being in ..touc h.. with the s.tinl's: relics St<": Robin Corm.1ck. ··The ~laking of :i P:itron Saint: n,e ., Ward-J)crl-ms 469-89. Powers ofArt ;1nd Ritual in Byzantine Thessaloniki.·• Themes o/Vnicy m D11ie.rmy. Act.r ofrhe XXJI/Jh h1terna11onal Congress ofthe Hutory of ., Ward-Perkins4 69-89. Art. ed. Irvin Lavin (1986): ;47.;;. .. With the exception of the relics of l)cmctrios which were deposed in the shrine under tl,eciborium in lhe St [)emetrios church in 11leSS31oniki, and ., About the suMving low c:hanoc Iarrang e1nmt in the ninth ccnlury churches of Nicholas which ~ maincd in ~,!yr.a until they \\ere taken to Bari and see: lbom.'lS F. Mathews, ••An t'Srly Roman eb.aoccl arr:u,gcment and its deposed in the church ciborium ofSt. Nicholas in Bari, all import.ant relics lilurgic:il uses.·· Rrwsu, dr archelcgia crlslt{m(138 (1962): 73•95. of the E.1.Stern s.,ints were 1r:msl:ited 10 Constantinople. Walter 145, \\ith references. About the silver ciboriunt for St Den>ee.rios cult see: Comuck .. Jt is 1)()SSiblc. 1ha1 memben. ofth e rulingclsss and clergy might be able lo 547-55. enter the shrine with the saint 's: relic:s" hile the public mighl only come into the "prcscncc·· of the saint in froat of the shrine ns was a custom in ,. SI. Germanus 48-52. Con~:i ntinople and 11,cs..-.aloniki. However, in common everyone could take the shrine •LS a proof oftl ie regul:ir supem..1 1u ~ Jpresence ofth e S :1int ,. St. Germam,1 48-52. 15 ATHANOR XX JELENA BOGDANOVI _I;--~------/ _,,~-.-----..... _ I.I I ' I. I f [above] Figure 1. Pola casket, front panel, ivory, 5th century, Gabineto Fotografico Nazionale, Rome. Reprinted with the permission of Yale University Press. [right] Figure 2. St. Peter’s Shrine, Reconstruction drawing of the 5th century shrine, reproduced from J.B. Ward-Perkins, Studies in Roman and Early Christian Architecture (Pindar Press, 1994). 16 THE PROCLAMATION OF THE ?-."Elf' COVEN.4.'vT: ,.HE PRE-ICONOCLASTIC ALTAR CffiORIA lN ROME AND CO>JSTA:XflKOPL.E figure 3. 1\,isied Column,. St. Peter's Shrine., c. ~ centUI')'. ~cproduccd from J.B. Ward-P1..'fl.ins. Studies m Rom1m and Eart,, Chrwum Arch11ect11re (Pincb.r Press, 1994). Phoco: San.,;ianL Figur.: 4. V~se from 1he 1omb of Blue Gia$$ V~se. gl3.S$. c. 79. Pompeii. Reproduced from August ri.lau,Pompe11-/tsUfso11dArt. lrans. Francis W. Ktlsey(XfacMill~nComJ)any, 1902). 17 ATHANOR XX JELENA BOGDANOVI Figure 5. Drawing of the fresco over Torah niche, c. 256, Dura Europos Figure 6. Ashburnham Pentateuch, M.S.nouv.acq.lat. 2334 fol 76 recto, late 6th or 7th synagogue. Reproduced with permission of Dumbarton Oaks from century, probably Italy. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale. Reprinted with permission of Weitzmann and Kessler, The Frescoes of Dura Synagogue and Yale University Press. Christian Art (Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C., 1990). • ~ .,. • ii :~ ~'. li ' • •• ~-• ► ' • ' ' .• . ; t♦' ~ . ' \ \' ' . ' ' j .... l I ,,'h ' - • " . - " Figure 7. Inlaid column, 6th century, Hagia Euphemia, Istanbul V • Archaeological Museum, no. 5078. Reproduced with the kind permission of Professor Thomas Mathews. 18 THE PROCLAMATION OF THE NEW COVENANT: THE PRE-ICONOCLASTIC ALTAR CIBORIA IN ROME AND CONSTANTINOPLE [above] Figure 8. Hagia Euphemia, Reconstruction of sanctuary furnishings. Nauman & Belting, Die Euphemia-Kirche. Reproduced with permission from Thomas F. Mathews, Early Churches of Constantinople (Pennsylvania State UP, 1971). [right] Figure 9. St. Peter’s Shrine, Reconstruction drawing of the 7th century shrine. Reproduced from J.B. Ward-Perkins, Studies in Roman and Early Christian Architecture (Pindar Press, 1994). 19