Harakat Hezbollah Al-Nujaba (HHN)
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Song, State, Sawa Music and Political Radio Between the US and Syria
Song, State, Sawa Music and Political Radio between the US and Syria Beau Bothwell Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2013 © 2013 Beau Bothwell All rights reserved ABSTRACT Song, State, Sawa: Music and Political Radio between the US and Syria Beau Bothwell This dissertation is a study of popular music and state-controlled radio broadcasting in the Arabic-speaking world, focusing on Syria and the Syrian radioscape, and a set of American stations named Radio Sawa. I examine American and Syrian politically directed broadcasts as multi-faceted objects around which broadcasters and listeners often differ not only in goals, operating assumptions, and political beliefs, but also in how they fundamentally conceptualize the practice of listening to the radio. Beginning with the history of international broadcasting in the Middle East, I analyze the institutional theories under which music is employed as a tool of American and Syrian policy, the imagined youths to whom the musical messages are addressed, and the actual sonic content tasked with political persuasion. At the reception side of the broadcaster-listener interaction, this dissertation addresses the auditory practices, histories of radio, and theories of music through which listeners in the sonic environment of Damascus, Syria create locally relevant meaning out of music and radio. Drawing on theories of listening and communication developed in historical musicology and ethnomusicology, science and technology studies, and recent transnational ethnographic and media studies, as well as on theories of listening developed in the Arabic public discourse about popular music, my dissertation outlines the intersection of the hypothetical listeners defined by the US and Syrian governments in their efforts to use music for political ends, and the actual people who turn on the radio to hear the music. -
Iran's Men in Baghdad
IRAQ Iran’s men in Baghdad Three Iranian-backed Shi’ite militias have together become the most powerful military force in Iraq BY BABAK DEHGHANPISHEH BAGHDAD, NOVEMBER 12, 2014 PULITZER PRIZE ENTRY INTERNATIONAL REPORTING 1 IRAQ IRAN’S MEN IN BAGHDAD mong the thousands of militia fighters who flocked to northern Iraq to battle militant Agroup Islamic State over the summer was Qais al-Khazali. Like the fighters, Khazali wore green camouflage. But he also sported a shoulder-strapped pistol and sunglasses and was flanked by armed bodyguards. When he was not on the battlefield, the 40-year-old Iraqi donned the robes and white turban of a cleric. Khazali is the head of a militia called Asaib Ahl al-Haq that is backed by Iran. Thanks to his position he is one of the most feared and respected militia leaders in Iraq, and one of Iran’s most important POWER: Iranian-backed Qais Khazali, leader of Asaib Ahl al-Haq, votes representatives in the country. in Iraq’s parliamentary election in April. Below, members of his group His militia is one of three small Iraqi Shi’ite carry coffins of fighters killed during clashes with Islamic State in July. On armies, all backed by Iran, which together have the cover, a fighter from the Badr Brigades guards a checkpoint seized become the most powerful military force in Iraq since from Islamic State militants outside Amerli in early September. REUTERS/ the collapse of the national army in June. AHMED JADALLAH (ABOVE, COVER); REUTERS/ALAA AL-MARJANI (BELOW) Alongside Asaib Ahl al-Haq, there are the Badr Brigades, formed in the 1980s during the Iran-Iraq War, and the younger and more secretive Kataib Hezbollah. -
Badr Brigade
Badr Organization Type of Organization: militia, political party, religious, social services provider, terrorist, transnational, violent Ideologies and Affiliations: Iranian-sponsored, Islamist, jihadist, Khomeinist, Shiite Place(s) of Origin: Iraq Year of Origin: 19831 Founder(s): Iraqi Shiites loyal to the al-Hakim Shiite clerical dynasty,2 with the help of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC)3 Place(s) of Operation: Iraq, Syria 4 Also Known As: 5 • Badr Brigade 6 • Badr Brigades 7 • Badr Corps 8 • Badr Organization of Reconstruction and Development 9 • Badr Organisation in Iraq 10 • Martyr Mohamed Baqir al-Sadr Forces 1 Jon Lee Anderson, “The Candidate,” New Yorker, February 2, 2004, http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2004/02/02/the-candidate-3; Mahan Abedin, “Dossier: The Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI),” Middle East Intelligence Bulletin, 5 (October 2003): 10, http://www.meforum.org/meib/articles/0310_iraqd.htm. 2 Eli Lake, “Iran's Militias Are Taking Over Iraq’s Army,” Bloomberg View, February 3, 2015, http://www.bloombergview.com/articles/2015-02-03/exclusive-iran-s-militias-are-taking-over-iraq-s-army. 3 Kenneth Katzman, “Iran’s Activities and Influence in Iraq,” Congressional Research Service, June 4, 2009, http://oai.dtic.mil/oai/oai?verb=getRecord&metadataPrefix=html&identifier=ADA501453. 4 Michael Knights, “Iran’s Foreign Legion: The Role of Iraqi Shiite Militias in Syria,” Washington Institute for Near East Policy, June 23, 2013, http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/irans-foreign-legion-the-role- -
Shia Strength - Iraqi Militants Adapt to the US Drawdown
TERRORISM & INSURGENCY Date Posted: 30-Sep-2011 Jane's Intelligence Review Shia strength - Iraqi militants adapt to the US drawdown Key Points Iranian-backed Shia militants in Iraq are responsible for a disproportionately high number of the US casualties suffered in recent months. Kataib Hizbullah, the most sophisticated group, is considered a direct extension of Iran's Qods Force and could become involved in international operations in support of Iranian goals. Asaib Ahl al-Haq and Promised Day Brigades are Iraqi Shia insurgent groups, whose links to Iran peaked in 2008 and have slowly reduced since then. Iraq's 'special groups', such as Kataib Hizbullah and Promised Day Brigades, have stepped up attacks as US forces look to withdraw. Michael Knights looks at Iran's support for the Shia militants, their operations and their post-US future. The US military suffered its heaviest monthly casualties in Iraq in three years in June, when 14 of its soldiers were killed in action. At least 12 of them were killed by Iranian-backed 'special groups', prompting fresh complaints from the US that Iran was encouraging its Iraqi allies to step up their attacks as the scheduled withdrawal of all US forces from Iraq looms. The surge in attacks highlighted the threat posed by Shia militants, especially if the US and Iraqi governments sign an agreement allowing US forces to stay beyond the 31 December withdrawal deadline. Even if the US leaves as previously agreed, Iran is expected to continue to back Iraqi proxies in order to influence the political situation and retain an ability to strike Western assets in the country and possibly elsewhere. -
Theire Journal
CONTENTS 20 A MUCKRAKING LIFE THE IRE JOURNAL Early investigative journalist provides relevant lessons TABLE OF CONTENTS By Steve Weinberg MAY/JUNE 2003 The IRE Journal 4 IRE gaining momentum 22 – 31 FOLLOWING THE FAITHFUL in drive for “Breakthroughs” By Brant Houston PRIEST SCANDAL The IRE Journal Globe court battle unseals church records, 5 NEWS BRIEFS AND MEMBER NEWS reveals longtime abuse By Sacha Pfeiffer 8 WINNERS NAMED The Boston Globe IN 2002 IRE AWARDS By The IRE Journal FAITH HEALER Hidden cameras help, 12 2003 CONFERENCE LINEUP hidden records frustrate FEATURES HOTTEST TOPICS probe into televangelist By MaryJo Sylwester By Meade Jorgensen USA Today Dateline NBC 15 BUDGET PROPOSAL CITY PORTRAITS Despite economy, IRE stays stable, Role of religion increases training and membership starkly different By Brant Houston in town profiles The IRE Journal By Jill Lawrence USA Today COUNTING THE FAITHFUL 17 THE BLACK BELT WITH CHURCH ROLL DATA Alabama’s Third World IMAM UPROAR brought to public attention By Ron Nixon Imam’s history The IRE Journal By John Archibald, Carla Crowder hurts credibility and Jeff Hansen on local scene The Birmingham News By Tom Merriman WJW-Cleveland 18 INTERVIEWS WITH THE INTERVIEWERS Confrontational interviews By Lori Luechtefeld 34 TORTURE The IRE Journal Iraqi athletes report regime’s cruelties By Tom Farrey ESPN.com ABOUT THE COVER 35 FOI REPORT Bishop Wilton D. Gregory, Paper intervenes in case to argue for public database president of the U. S. Conference By Ziva Branstetter of Catholic Bishops, listens to a Tulsa World question after the opening session of the conference. -
Observations on the Air War in Syria Lt Col S
Views Observations on the Air War in Syria Lt Col S. Edward Boxx, USAF His face was blackened, his clothes in tatters. He couldn’t talk. He just point- ed to the flames, still about four miles away, then whispered: “Aviones . bombas” (planes . bombs). —Guernica survivor iulio Douhet, Hugh Trenchard, Billy Mitchell, and Henry “Hap” Arnold were some of the greatest airpower theorists in history. Their thoughts have unequivocally formed the basis of G 1 modern airpower. However, their ideas concerning the most effective use of airpower were by no means uniform and congruent in their de- termination of what constituted a vital center with strategic effects. In fact the debate continues to this day, and one may draw on recent con- flicts in the Middle East to make observations on the topic. Specifi- cally, this article examines the actions of one of the world’s largest air forces in a struggle against its own people—namely, the rebels of the Free Syrian Army (FSA). As of early 2013, the current Syrian civil war has resulted in more than 60,000 deaths, 2.5 million internally displaced persons, and in ex- cess of 600,000 refugees in Turkey, Jordan, Iraq, and Lebanon.2 Presi- dent Bashar al-Assad has maintained his position in part because of his ability to control the skies and strike opposition targets—including ci- vilians.3 The tactics of the Al Quwwat al-Jawwiyah al Arabiya as- Souriya (Syrian air force) appear reminiscent of those in the Spanish Civil War, when bombers of the German Condor Legion struck the Basque market town of Guernica, Spain, on 26 April 1937. -
US Military Intervention in the Post-Cold War
University of Connecticut OpenCommons@UConn Doctoral Dissertations University of Connecticut Graduate School 4-29-2014 U.S. Military Intervention in the Post-Cold War Era: A Case Study Analysis of Presidential Decision Making Dennis N. Ricci University of Connecticut - Storrs, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://opencommons.uconn.edu/dissertations Recommended Citation Ricci, Dennis N., "U.S. Military Intervention in the Post-Cold War Era: A Case Study Analysis of Presidential Decision Making" (2014). Doctoral Dissertations. 364. https://opencommons.uconn.edu/dissertations/364 U.S. Military Intervention in the Post-Cold War Era: A Case-Study Analysis of Presidential Decision Making Dennis N. Ricci, Ph.D. University of Connecticut 2014 ABSTRACT The primary focus of this study is to explain presidential decision making, specifically whether to intervene militarily or not in a given circumstance in the Post-Cold War era. First, we define military intervention as the deployment of troops and weaponry in active military engagement (not peacekeeping). The cases in which we are interested involve the actual or intended use of force (“boots on the ground”), in other words, not drone attacks or missile strikes. Thus, we substantially reduce the number of potential cases by excluding several limited uses of force against Iraq, Sudan, and Afghanistan in the 1990s. Given the absence of a countervailing force or major power to serve as deterrent, such as the Soviet enemy in the Cold War period, there are potentially two types of military interventions: (1) humanitarian intervention designed to stop potential genocide and other atrocities and (2) the pre-emptive reaction to terrorism or other threats, such as under the Bush Doctrine. -
Iran's Foreign and Defense Policies
Iran’s Foreign and Defense Policies name redacted Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs December 21, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44017 Iran’s Foreign and Defense Policies Summary Iran’s national security policy is the product of many, and sometimes competing, factors: the ideology of Iran’s Islamic revolution; Iranian leadership’s perception of threats to the regime and to the country; long-standing Iranian national interests; and the interaction of the Iranian regime’s various factions and constituencies. Some experts assert that the goal of Iran’s national security strategy is to overturn a power structure in the Middle East that Iran asserts favors the United States and its allies Israel, Saudi Arabia, and other Sunni Muslim Arab regimes. Iran characterizes its support for Shiite and other Islamist movements as support for the “oppressed” and asserts that Saudi Arabia, in particular, is instigating sectarian tensions and trying to exclude Iran from regional affairs. Others interpret Iran as primarily attempting to protect itself from U.S. or other efforts to invade or intimidate it or to change its regime. Its strategy might, alternatively or additionally, represent an attempt to enhance Iran’s international prestige or restore a sense of “greatness” reminiscent of the ancient Persian empires. From 2010 until 2016, Iran’s foreign policy also focused on attempting to mitigate the effects of international sanctions on Iran. Iran employs a number of different tools in pursuing its national security policy. Some Iranian policy tools are common to most countries: traditional diplomacy and the public promotion of Iran’s values and interests. -
The Specter of Sunni Military Mobilization in Lebanon
The Specter of Sunni Military Mobilization in Lebanon Patricio Asfura-Heim • Chris Steinitz with contributions by Ghassan Schbley Cleared for public release DOP-2013-U-006349-Final November 2013 Strategic Studies is a division of CNA. This directorate conducts analyses of security policy, regional analyses, studies of political-military issues, and strategy and force assessments. CNA Strategic Studies is part of the glob- al community of strategic studies institutes and in fact collaborates with many of them. On the ground experience is a hallmark of our regional work. Our specialists combine in-country experience, language skills, and the use of local primary-source data to produce empirically based work. All of our analysts have advanced degrees, and virtually all have lived and worked abroad. Similarly, our strategists and military/naval operations experts have either active duty experience or have served as field analysts with operating Navy and Marine Corps commands. They are skilled at anticipating the “prob- lem after next” as well as determining measures of effectiveness to assess ongoing initiatives. A particular strength is bringing empirical methods to the evaluation of peace-time engagement and shaping activities. The Strategic Studies Division’s charter is global. In particular, our analysts have proven expertise in the follow- ing areas: The full range of Asian security issues The full range of Middle East related security issues, especially Iran and the Arabian Gulf Maritime strategy Insurgency and stabilization Future national security environment and forces European security issues, especially the Mediterranean littoral West Africa, especially the Gulf of Guinea Latin America The world’s most important navies Deterrence, arms control, missile defense and WMD proliferation The Strategic Studies Division is led by Dr. -
Understanding Hezbollah's Involvement in Syria by Nadav Pollak, Hanin Ghaddar
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 2673 A Transformative Experience: Understanding Hezbollah's Involvement in Syria by Nadav Pollak, Hanin Ghaddar Aug 15, 2016 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Nadav Pollak Nadav Pollak is a former Diane and Guilford Glazer Foundation fellow at The Washington Institute. Hanin Ghaddar Hanin Ghaddar is the Friedmann Fellow at The Washington Institute's Geduld Program on Arab Politics, where she focuses on Shia politics throughout the Levant. Brief Analysis How has Hezbollah avoided a catastrophic quagmire in Syria and even exploited its campaign there to enhance its military capabilities? Two experts chart the group's evolution and its future threats to Lebanon, Israel, and regional order. n August 11, Nadav Pollak and Hanin Ghaddar addressed a Washington Institute Policy Forum marking the O publication of the new study "The Transformation of Hezbollah by Its Involvement in Syria ." Pollak, the paper's author and a former Diane and Guilford Glazer Foundation Fellow at the Institute, currently works as a counterterrorism analyst at the Anti-Defamation League. Ghaddar is the Institute's inaugural Friedmann Visiting Fellow and former managing editor of Lebanon's NOW news website. The following is a rapporteur's summary of their remarks. NADAV POLLAK D espite extensive reporting on Hezbollah's involvement in Syria, little attention has been paid to the experience the militia has gained there or the consequences it faces back home in Lebanon. The Hezbollah contingent in Syria (often referred to as "Hezbollah's Eastern Command" by Israeli analysts) deploys between 5,000 and 8,000 fighters at any given time, including Special Forces (Katibat Radwan), standing forces from all units, part-time fighters (taabia), and new recruits who have undergone a fast-tracked combat training period of 60-90 days -- an unprecedented development. -
Iraq: Politics and Governance
Iraq: Politics and Governance Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Carla E. Humud Analyst in Middle Eastern and African Affairs March 9, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21968 Iraq: Politics and Governance Summary Iraq’s sectarian and ethnic divisions—muted toward the end of the 2003-2011 U.S. military intervention in Iraq—are fueling a major challenge to Iraq’s stability and to U.S. policy in Iraq and the broader Middle East region. The resentment of Iraq’s Sunni Arabs toward the Shiite- dominated central government facilitated the capture in 2014 of nearly one-third of Iraqi territory by the Sunni Islamist extremist group called the Islamic State (IS, also known as ISIL, ISIS, or the Arabic acronym Da'esh). Iraq’s Kurds are separately embroiled in political, territorial, and economic disputes with Baghdad, but those differences have been at least temporarily subordinated to the common struggle against the Islamic State. U.S. officials assert that the Iraqi government must work to gain the loyalty of more of Iraq’s Sunnis—and to resolve differences with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG)—if an eventual defeat of the Islamic State is to result in long-term stability. Prospects for greater inter- communal unity appeared to increase in 2014 with the replacement of former Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki with the current Prime Minister, Haydar al-Abbadi. Although both men are from the Shiite Islamist Da’wa Party, Abbadi has taken some steps to try to compromise with Sunnis and with the KRG. However, a significant point of contention with the KRG remains the KRG’s marketing of crude oil exports separately from Baghdad. -
Shiite Foreign Militias in Syria
Shiite Foreign Militias in Syria Iran's role in the Syrian conflict and the ISIS fight By Aaron Hesse- Research Fellow August 2015 Introduction: This paper seeks to identify and elucidate the role that Iran-backed Shiite foreign fighters play in Syria and to compare how often they target the Islamic State in Iraq and Sham (ISIS) and the Syrian opposition. Shiite foreign fighters inside Syria present a major problem for the Syrian opposition forces due to their generally superior morale and fighting abilities. They also pose a long-term threat to American and Western interests due to their role in expanding the Syrian conflict and increasing its sectarian content. Many of these militias arose in Syria for the stated purpose of protecting Shiite religious shrines.i When ISIS burst onto the scene in summer 2014, the goal of fighting ISIS brutality was added on as a second ostensible purpose of the militias. However, contrary to the prevailing narrative that is based mainly on Iraq, the Iran-backed Shiite militias have been of extremely limited value in the ISIS fight in Syria. This paper will attempt to show that these groups work and perform military duties on behalf of the government of Bashar al-Assad and their benefactors in Iran almost exclusively to target the Syrian rebels. The Iran-backed militias have no real interest in fighting ISIS in Syria. This makes Assad, as well as Iran, unreliable partners in the fight to destroy ISIS. Metrics: This paper will focus on the outsized role that Iran-backed Shiite foreign fighters are playing in Syria.