Bob Rae, Advisor, Postsecondary Review
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Proquest Dissertations
OPPOSITION TO CONSCRIPTION IN ONTARIO 1917 A thesis submitted to the Department of History of the University of Ottawa in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts. % L,., A: 6- ''t, '-'rSily O* John R. Witham 1970 UMI Number: EC55241 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI UMI Microform EC55241 Copyright 2011 by ProQuest LLC All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER ONE:IDEOLOGICAL OPPOSITION 8 CHAPTER TWO:THE TRADE UNIONS 33 CHAPTER THREE:THE FARMERS 63 CHAPTER FOUR:THE LIBERAL PARTI 93 CONCLUSION 127 APPENDIX A# Ontario Liberals Sitting in the House of Commons, May and December, 1917 • 131 APPENDIX B. "The Fiery Cross is now uplifted throughout Canada." 132 KEY TO ABBREVIATIONS 135 BIBLIOGRAPHY 136 11 INTRODUCTION The Introduction of conscription in 1917 evoked a deter mined, occasionally violent opposition from French Canadians. Their protests were so loud and so persistent that they have tended to obscure the fact that English Canada did not unanimous ly support compulsory military service. -
DRAFT Five Principles Open Letter
c/o Mennonite Central Committee Ontario The Honourable Deb Matthews, MPP 50 Kent Ave. Minister of Health Kitchener, ON N2G 3R1 10th Floor, Hepburn Block 80 Grosvenor Street Toronto, Ontario M7A 2C4 March 25, 2010 Dear Minister Matthews, The decision the McGuinty government has taken to end the Special Diet Allowance for people on Ontario Works and the Ontario Disability Support Program has been interpreted as a disturbing signal about the degree to which government is committed to the goals of poverty reduction and the importance of protecting the human rights of people with disabilities. However, it also presents you with the opportunity to create a new program that will address the acknowledged shortcomings of the Special Diet Allowance program, while ensuring continuation of the important financial support it provides to people with documented health challenges. In light of the government's announcement that the Ministry of Health will be creating a replacement program for the Special Diet Allowance, we are writing to forward our proposal for Five Principles that should form the basis for this new program. The 25 in 5 Network and its partners, the ODSP Action Coalition and the Registered Nurses’ Association of Ontario (RNAO), are circulating the enclosed Five Principles document to other partner organizations, individuals, and supporters. We trust that you will hear from many around the province who also believe that the new program must be based on these principles. Statements about the scope and mandate of the new program have been made by members of government that have led many to fear that people currently receiving Special Diet will no longer be adequately supported by our government. -
Austerity, Competitiveness and Neoliberalism Redux Ontario Responds to the Great Recession
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Socialist Studies (E-Journal) / Études Socialistes Socialist Studies / Études socialistes 7(1/2) Spring/Fall 2011: 141‐170 Copyright © 2011 The Author(s) SPECIAL ISSUE ON ORGANIZING FOR AUSTERITY: THE NEOLIBERAL STATE, REGULATING LABOUR AND WORKING CLASS RESISTANCE Austerity, Competitiveness and Neoliberalism Redux Ontario Responds to the Great Recession CARLO FANELLI and MARK P. THOMAS Sociology & Anthropology, Carleton University. Toronto, Ontario, Canada. Sociology, York University. Toronto, Ontario, Canada. Abstract This article examines the deepening integration of market imperatives throughout the province of Ontario. We do this by, first, examining neoliberalism’s theoretical underpinnings, second, reviewing Ontario’s historical context, and third, scrutinizing the Open Ontario Plan, with a focus on proposed changes to employment standards legislation. We argue that contrary to claims of shared restraint and the pressing need for public austerity, Premier McGuinty’s Liberal’s have re‐branded and re‐packaged core neoliberal policies in such a manner that costs are socialized and profits privatized, thereby intensifying class polarization along with its racialized and gendered diversities. Résumé Cet article analyse l’intégration de plus en plus profonde des impératifs du marché dans la province de l’Ontario. Nous faisons cette analyse, premièrement, en analysant les bases théoriques du néolibéralisme, deuxièmement, en décrivant le contexte historique de l’Ontario, et troisièmement, en examinant le “Open Ontario Plan”, sous l’angle particulier des propositions de changement de la législation sur le droit du Carlo Fanelli is a PhD candidate in the Department of Sociology & Anthropology at Carleton University. -
Lesson Plan with Activities: Political
LESSON PLAN POLITICAL PARTIES Recommended for Grade 10 Duration: Approximately 60 minutes BACKGROUND INFORMATION Parliamentary Roles: www.ola.org/en/visit-learn/about-ontarios-parliament/ parliamentary-roles LEARNING GOALS This lesson plan is designed to engage students in the political process through participatory activities and a discussion about the various political parties. Students will learn the differences between the major parties of Ontario and how they connect with voters, and gain an understanding of the important elements of partisan politics. INTRODUCTORY DISCUSSION (10 minutes) Canada is a constitutional monarchy and a parliamentary democracy, founded on the rule of law and respect for rights and freedoms. Ask students which country our system of government is based on. Canada’s parliamentary system stems from the British, or “Westminster,” tradition. Since Canada is a federal state, responsibility for lawmaking is shared among one federal, ten provincial and three territorial governments. Canada shares the same parliamentary system and similar roles as other parliaments in the Commonwealth – countries with historic links to Britain. In our parliament, the Chamber is where our laws are debated and created. There are some important figures who help with this process. Some are partisan and some are non-partisan. What does it mean to be partisan/non-partisan? Who would be voicing their opinions in the Chamber? A helpful analogy is to imagine the Chamber as a game of hockey, where the political parties are the teams playing and the non-partisan roles as the people who make sure the game can happen (ex. referees, announcers, score keepers, etc.) LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY OF ONTARIO POLITICAL PARTIES 01 EXPLANATION (5 minutes) Political Parties: • A political party is a group of people who share the same political beliefs. -
C,Anadä LIBERÄL PÄRÏY ORGAI{IZÂTIOII AI{D
N,flonalLtbrav Bibliothèque nationale l*l du Canada Acquisitions and Direction des acquisitions et Bibliog raphic Services Branch des services bibliograPhiques 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa, Ontario Ottawa (Ontario) K1A ON4 K.lA ON4 Yout l¡le Volre élérence Our lile Noue rclércnce The author has granted an L'auteur a accordé une licence irrevocable non-exclus¡ve licence irrévocable et non exclus¡ve allowing the National Library of permettant à la Bibliothèque Canada to reproduce, loan, nationale du Canada de distribute or sell cop¡es of reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou his/her thesis by any means and vendre des copies de sa thèse in any form or format, making de quelque manière et sous this thesis available to interested quelque forme que ce soit pour persons. mettre des exemplaires de cette thèse à Ia disposition des personnes intéressées. The author retains ownership of L'auteur conserve la propriété du the copyright in his/her thesis. droit d'auteur qu¡ protège sa Neither the thesis nor substantial thèse. Ni la thèse ni des extraits extracts from it may be printed or substantiels de celle-ci ne otherwise reproduced without doivent être imprimés ou his/her permission. autrement reproduits sans son autorisation. ISBN 0-612-13090_8 C,anadä LIBERÄL PÄRÏY ORGAI{IZÂTIOII AI{D }'ANITOBA'S 1995 PROVINCIAL ELECTION BY ROBERT ANDREIJ DRI'I'IMOITD A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies of the University of Manitoba in partial fulfiilment of the requirements of the degree of }TASIER OF ARTS @ 1996 Permission has been granted to the LIBRARY OF THE LTNIVERSITY OF MANITOBA to lend or sell copies of this thesis, to the NATIONAL LIBRARY OF CANADA to microfilm this thesis and to lend or sell copies of the film, and LIBRARY MICROFILMS to publish an abstract of this thesis. -
In Crisis Or Decline? Selecting Women to Lead Provincial Parties in Government
University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Arts Arts Research & Publications 2018-06 In Crisis or Decline? Selecting Women to Lead Provincial Parties in Government Thomas, Melanee Cambridge University Press Thomas, M. (2018). In Crisis or Decline? Selecting Women to Lead Provincial Parties in Government. Canadian Journal of Political Science/Revue canadienne de science politique, 51(2), 379-403. http://hdl.handle.net/1880/107552 journal article Unless otherwise indicated, this material is protected by copyright and has been made available with authorization from the copyright owner. You may use this material in any way that is permitted by the Copyright Act or through licensing that has been assigned to the document. For uses that are not allowable under copyright legislation or licensing, you are required to seek permission. Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca In Crisis or Decline? Selecting Women to Lead Provincial Parties in Government By Melanee Thomas Associate Professor Department of Political Science University of Calgary 2500 University Drive NW Calgary, AB T2N 1N4 Abstract: The majority of Canada’s women premiers were selected to that office while their parties held government. This is uncommon, both in the comparative literature and amongst premiers who are men. What explains this gendered selection pattern to Canada’s provincial premiers’ offices? This paper explores the most common explanation found in the comparative literature for women’s emergence as leaders of electorally competitive parties and as chief political executives: women are more likely to be selected when that party is in crisis or decline. Using the population of women provincial premiers in Canada as case studies, evidence suggests 3 of 8 women premiers were selected to lead parties in government that were in crisis or decline; a fourth was selected to lead a small, left-leaning party as predicted by the literature. -
Tories Keep Lead, but Liberal-NDP Merger Could Change Status
For Immediate Release Canadian Public Opinion Poll Page 1 of 8 CANADIAN POLITICAL PULSE Tories Keep Lead, But Liberal-NDP Merger Could Change Status Quo A single centre-left party would provide a real challenge to the Conservatives, but only if it is led by Jack Layton or Bob Rae. [TORONTO – May 31, 2010] – The Conservative Party is holding on to a comfortable lead in KEY FINDINGS Canada's political scene, a new Angus Reid Public Opinion poll has found. ¾ Voting Intention: Con. 35%, Lib. 27%, NDP 19%, BQ 9%, Grn. 8%. The online survey of a representative national sample of 2,022 Canadians also looked at the ¾ Scenarios with a merged Liberal / NDP: way the electorate would behave in the event of a Six-point lead over the Tories under merger between the Liberal Party and the New Layton, Tie under Rae, Second place Democratic Party (NDP) under three different under Ignatieff prospective leaders. ¾ Approval Rating: Layton 30%, Harper Voting Intention 29%, Ignatieff 13%. Across the country, 35 per cent of decided voters ¾ Momentum: Layton -3, Harper -24, (unchanged since late April) would cast a ballot Ignatieff -28. for the Conservative candidate in their riding if a new federal election took place today. Full topline results are at the end of this release. The Liberal Party is second with 27 per cent (-1), From May 25 to May 27, 2010, Angus Reid Public Opinion conducted an online survey among 2,022 randomly selected just one point ahead of the proportion of the vote Canadian adults who are Angus Reid Forum panelists. -
The 2006 Federal Liberal and Alberta Conservative Leadership Campaigns
Choice or Consensus?: The 2006 Federal Liberal and Alberta Conservative Leadership Campaigns Jared J. Wesley PhD Candidate Department of Political Science University of Calgary Paper for Presentation at: The Annual Meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association University of Saskatchewan Saskatoon, Saskatchewan May 30, 2007 Comments welcome. Please do not cite without permission. CHOICE OR CONSENSUS?: THE 2006 FEDERAL LIBERAL AND ALBERTA CONSERVATIVE LEADERSHIP CAMPAIGNS INTRODUCTION Two of Canada’s most prominent political dynasties experienced power-shifts on the same weekend in December 2006. The Liberal Party of Canada and the Progressive Conservative Party of Alberta undertook leadership campaigns, which, while different in context, process and substance, produced remarkably similar outcomes. In both instances, so-called ‘dark-horse’ candidates emerged victorious, with Stéphane Dion and Ed Stelmach defeating frontrunners like Michael Ignatieff, Bob Rae, Jim Dinning, and Ted Morton. During the campaigns and since, Dion and Stelmach have been labeled as less charismatic than either their predecessors or their opponents, and both of the new leaders have drawn skepticism for their ability to win the next general election.1 This pair of surprising results raises interesting questions about the nature of leadership selection in Canada. Considering that each race was run in an entirely different context, and under an entirely different set of rules, which common factors may have contributed to the similar outcomes? The following study offers a partial answer. In analyzing the platforms of the major contenders in each campaign, the analysis suggests that candidates’ strategies played a significant role in determining the results. Whereas leading contenders opted to pursue direct confrontation over specific policy issues, Dion and Stelmach appeared to benefit by avoiding such conflict. -
2019 Federal Election: Result and Analysis
2019 Federal Election: Result and Analysis O C T O B E R 22, 2 0 1 9 NATIONAL ELECTION RESULTS 157 121 24 3 32 (-20) (+26) (-15) (+1) (+22) Comparison between results reflected based on party standings at dissolution of the 42nd parliament • The Liberal Party of Canada (LPC) won a second mandate, although was diminished to minority status. • The result of the 43rd Canadian election is one of the closest in recent memory, with both the Liberals and Conservatives separated by little more than one percentage point. Conservatives share of vote is slightly higher than the Liberals, making major gains in key areas for the party • Bloc Quebecois (BQ) is a winner in this election, moving up to official party status which will give the party added resources as well as significance in the House of Commons • The NDP managed to win enough seats to potentially play an important role in the House of Commons, but the party took a big hit in Quebec — where they were only able to hold one of the Layton era “Orange Wave” seats • Maxime Bernier, who started the People’s Party of Canada after narrowly losing the Conservative leadership contest in 2017, lost the seat he has held onto since 2006 • The former Treasury Board president Dr. Jane Philpott, who ran as an independent following her departure from the liberal caucus, lost her seat in Markham Stouffville to former Liberal MPP and Ontario Minister of Health, Dr. Helena Jaczek. Jody Wilson-Raybould won as an independent in Vancouver Granville NATIONAL ELECTION RESULTS 10 2 32 3 39 24 PARTY STANDINGS AT -
JOHN A. MACDONALD ? Seeing Canada's First Prime Minister in the Context of His and Our Times
Thomas H. B. Symons Desmond Morton Donald Wright Bob Rae E. A. Heaman Patrice Dutil Barbara Messamore James Daschuk A-HISTORICAL Look at JOHN A. MACDONALD ? Seeing Canada's First Prime Minister in the Context of His and Our Times Summer 2015 Introduction 3 Macdonald’s Makeover SUMMER 2015 Randy Boswell John A. Macdonald: Macdonald's push for prosperity 6 A Founder and Builder 22 overcame conflicts of identity Thomas H. B. Symons E. A. Heaman John Alexander Macdonald: Macdonald’s Enduring Success 11 A Man Shaped by His Age 26 in Quebec Desmond Morton Patrice Dutil A biographer’s flawed portrait Formidable, flawed man 14 reveals hard truths about history 32 ‘impossible to idealize’ Donald Wright Barbara Messamore A time for reflection, Acknowledging patriarch’s failures 19 truth and reconciliation 39 will help Canada mature as a nation Bob Rae James Daschuk Canadian Issues is published by/Thèmes canadiens est publié par Canada History Fund Fonds pour l’histoire du Canada PRÉSIDENT/PResIDENT Canadian Issues/Thèmes canadiens is a quarterly publication of the Association for Canadian Jocelyn Letourneau, Université Laval Studies (ACS). It is distributed free of charge to individual and institutional members of the ACS. INTRODUCTION PRÉSIDENT D'HONNEUR/HONORARY ChaIR Canadian Issues is a bilingual publication. All material prepared by the ACS is published in both The Hon. Herbert Marx French and English. All other articles are published in the language in which they are written. SecRÉTAIRE DE LANGUE FRANÇAISE ET TRÉSORIER/ MACDONALd’S MAKEOVER FRENch-LaNGUAGE SecRETARY AND TReasURER Opinions expressed in articles are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Vivek Venkatesh, Concordia University the ACS. -
Discussion Following the Remarks of the Hon. Mr. Rae and Ambassador Giffin Proceedings of the Canada-United States Law Institute
Canada-United States Law Journal Volume 30 Issue Article 11 January 2004 Discussion following the Remarks of the Hon. Mr. Rae and Ambassador Giffin oceedingsPr of the Canada-United States Law Institute Conference on Multiple Actors in Canada-U.S. Relations: Multiple Issues, Multiple Actors - The Players in Canada-U.S. Relation Discussion Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/cuslj Part of the Transnational Law Commons Recommended Citation Discussion, Discussion following the Remarks of the Hon. Mr. Rae and Ambassador Giffin oceedingsPr of the Canada-United States Law Institute Conference on Multiple Actors in Canada-U.S. Relations: Multiple Issues, Multiple Actors - The Players in Canada-U.S. Relation, 30 Can.-U.S. L.J. 27 (2004) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/cuslj/vol30/iss/11 This Speech is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Canada-United States Law Journal by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. DISCUSSION FOLLOWING THE REMARKS OF THE HON. MR. RAE AND AMBASSADOR GIFFIN MR. GIFFIN: I have to respond to your point about your hope that our election will resolve some questions, I think our election has tried to resolve those very questions. I think there is a very vital debate going on between the President of the United States and the U.S. Senator who will be the De- mocratic nominee about our role in the world and whether or not it ought to be unilateral, multilateral, or whether it ought to engage the U.N. -
The Imperative of a Referendum
EARLY RELEASE The Imperative of a Referendum Patrice Dutil 1 The throne speech delivered to the Canadian Parliament by the new Lib- eral government in December 2015 made one very specific promise, which was crystal clear both in its commitment and its timing. “To make sure that every vote counts,” it declared, “the government will undertake con- sultations on electoral reform, and will take action to ensure that 2015 will be the last federal election conducted under the first-past-the-post voting system.” The implications of this declaration are heavy for Canada’s democracy and for its political future. The obvious question has to be addressed: What is the point of promising consultations if the government has already made up its mind to proceed with making fundamental changes? The govern- ment of Canada must indeed consult widely, but more than that, it must put its reform proposals to the people of Canada in a referendum. It has no mandate to push its reforms through by some arbitrary, hard deadline. On four separate occasions, Canadians from various parts of the country expressed their support for the first-past-the-post voting system. The gov- 1 Patrice Dutil is Professor in the Department of Politics and Public Administration at Ryerson University in Toronto. He has worked as a government policy advisor, a non- profit organization executive, a television producer, and a magazine editor. He is cur- rently the President of the Champlain Society (www.champlainsociety.ca) and the editor of Canadian Government Executive magazine. He was the founder and editor (1991- 1996) of The Literary Review of Canada (www.reviewcanada.ca).