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ARCTOS ACTA PHILOLOGICA FENNICA VOL. XXXV HELSINKI 2001 INDEX NEIL ADKIN "I Am Tedious Aeneas": Virgil, Aen. 1,372 ff. 9 JEAN-PIERRE GUILHEMBET Quelques domus ou résidences romaines négligées 15 RIIKKA HÄLIKKÄ Sparsis comis, solutis capillis: 'Loose' Hair in Ovid's 23 Elegiac Poetry MAARIT KAIMIO ET ALII Metatheatricality in the Greek Satyr-Play 35 MIKA KAJAVA Hanging Around Downtown 79 KALLE KORHONEN Osservazioni sul collezionismo epigrafico siciliano 85 PETER KRUSCHWITZ Zwei sprachliche Beobachtungen zu republikanischen 103 Rechtstexten UTA-MARIA LIERTZ Die Dendrophoren aus Nida und Kaiserverehrung von 115 Kultvereinen im Nordwesten des Imperium Romanum LUIGI PEDRONI Il significato dei segni di valore sui denarii repubbli- 129 cani: contributi per la riapertura di una problematica OLLI SALOMIES Roman Nomina in the Greek East: Observations on 139 Some Recently Published Inscriptions WERNER J. SCHNEIDER Ein der Heimat verwiesener Autor: Anaximenes von 175 Lampsakos bei Lukian, Herod. 3 HEIKKI SOLIN Analecta epigraphica CXCII–CXCVIII 189 De novis libris iudicia 243 Index librorum in hoc volumine recensorum 298 Libri nobis missi 300 Index scriptorum 303 ANALECTA EPIGRAPHICA HEIKKI SOLIN CXCII. WEITERE NEUE LATEINISCHE COGNOMINA Wie im vorigen Arctos-Band versprochen, werde ich in regelmässigen Abständen Nachträge zum Repertorium lateinischer Cognomina liefern. Da schon jetzt, nur ein Jahr nach der letzten Auslese (Arctos 34 [2000] 149– 151), mehrere neue Bildungen zu notieren sind, gebe ich hier die mir in der Zwischenzeit bekannt gewordenen Novitäten. Auch manche bisher selten belegte Namenbildungen werden verzeichnet (solche Bildungen sind jedoch nicht systematisch berücksichtigt worden). Besondere Mühe habe ich ver- wandt, um seltene Namenbildungen aus dem griechischen Osten zusammen- zustellen, wobei interessante Einzelheiten aufgetaucht sind, wie etwa zahl- reiche Neubildungen auf -ianus -iana, die ein übliches Namenbildungsmittel in vornehmen Familien in manchen Griechenstädten waren, oder die Verwendung von orthographischen Varianten wie die Geminierung von Konsonanten (etwa Τρεβωννιανός neben Trebonianus). – "Rep." meint das Repertorium nominum et cognominum Latinorum von Salomies und Solin (1988, 2. Aufl. 1994); "Kajanto" I. Kajantos The Latin Cognomina, Helsinki 1965. – Neue Namen (bisher nicht belegte feminine [oder gegebenenfalls maskuline] Formen mitgerechnet) sind fett gesetzt. Adventinus -a: Kajanto 349 mit drei Belegen. Dazu AE 1996, 1595 (Bostra) Ulpia Adventina, Tochter und Frau eines Legionscenturionen. Der neue Beleg erhärtet die Annahme, dass Adventinus -a kaum nur eine ortho- * Marco Buonocore hat auf bewährte Weise meine Handschriftenstudien unterstützt. Mika Kajava, Olli Salomies und Kalle Korhonen haben ebenfalls in bewährter Weise meinen Text durchgelesen und mit Bemerkungen bereichert. Erja Salmenkivi war bei ägyptischen Personennamen, Martti Leiwo bei linguistischen Fragen behilflich. Einen ganz besonderen Dank schulde ich Manfred G. Schmidt für die sprachliche Durchsicht des Textes. 190 Heikki Solin graphische Variante von Aventinus sei, wie in ThlL I, 835 angenommen. Αἰφικιανός: TitCal 250, 9 (3. Jh. n. Chr.). Das Gentilicium Aeficius - ia ist auf Kos als Einzelname belegt: Paton – Hicks 186a. Als Gentilname im griechischen Osten aus Athen (IG II2 4243, 2. Hälfte des 1. Jh. n. Chr.) und Knidos (I. Knidos 386) bekannt. Aelias: Rep.2 289. 497. Dazu HAE 1523 Aelias, vivas in ⊂Christo⊃ (Sexus bleibt unbekannt). Αἰτερνιανή: M. H. Sayar, Perinthos-Herakleia (Marmara Ereğlisi) und Umgebung. Geschichte, Testimonien, griechische und lateinische Inschriften (DAW 269 = Veröff. Kleinasiat. Komm. 9), Wien 1998 = I. Perinthos-Herakleia 89. Der Männername Aeternianus lässt sich nicht mit Sicherheit belegen; der in OPEL I 47 dafür angeführte Beleg aus CIL XIII 3323 lautet Etenianus, wohinter ein selbständiger Name stecken kann: s. weiter unten. Agrippiana: Kajanto 175. Dazu Ἀγριππιανή SEG XXIX 425 (Patrai, 4./5. Jh.). Anguilla. Dieses in Rep.2 497 aus I. Aquileia 894 gewonnene Testimonium bleibt unsicher. Eine neue Bestandsaufname hat ergeben, dass in der Inschrift möglicherweise eher Angulata zu lesen sei.1 Anicianus. Den wenig zahlreichen von Kajanto 140 verzeichneten Belegen sind hinzuzufügen ILTG 6; I. Ephesos 1238. Ἀπελινάριος: I. Perinthos-Herakleia 309 Αὐρ. Ἀ. Interessante Nebenform von Apollinaris: dem Namengeber schwebte als Ausgangspunkt Ἀπελλῆς Ἀπελλᾶς vor. Apro: Kajanto 325 mit zwei sicheren Belegen.2 Dazu ICUR 19432 ab Aprone; SEG IX 491 (Taucheira in Cyrenaica, 1. Jh. n. Chr.) Ἄπρων. Aproniana: Kajanto 140. Dazu I. Beroia 419 Publicia T. fil. Aproniane; I. Ephesos 3467. Aprunc(u)la: HAE 1242 (Apruncula); C. Castillo – J. Gómez Pantoja – M. D. Mauleon, Inscr. rom. del Museo de Navarra (1981) 41 (Apruncla). Kajanto kennt nur den Männernamen Aprunculus (325 mit drei Belegen aus der vorgerückten Kaiserzeit; dazu noch ein älterer Beleg in CIL II 4581 vgl. 1 Vgl. H. S., "Spigolature aquileiesi", in Atti del Colloquio Ceti medi in Cisalpina (Milano 2000), Milano 2002 (im Druck). 2 Von den vier bei Kajanto angeführten Belegen sind auszuscheiden CIL III 6010, 15, ein Ziegelstempel mit dem Text OF APRO, wo was auch immer stecken kann; und CIL VI 35979, wo eher der Frauenname Aphro vorliegt. Analecta epigraphica 191 I. Barcelona 190). Ἀρβουξηιανός: I. Ephesos 2055, 16 (kaiserz.) Λ. Κ[αλπούρν]ιος Ἀρβουξηιανό[ς], ein Koer, Apollonpriester. Der Gentilname Arbuxeius ist nur aus CIL I2 1436 (Nemi) bekannt. Armentius: Kajanto 325 mit drei Belegen. Dazu CIL XV 8325 L. Maesi Armentivi. Ἀρρηνιανή: ArchDelt 45 (1990) Chron. 257 Nr. 5 (Nicopolis in Epeiros). Kajanto 140 verzeichnet nur den Männernamen mit zwei Belegen. In Epeiros könnte der Name auch als griechisch gedeutet werden. Asellinus: Kajanto 326 mit zwei Belegen. Dazu AE 1995, 397 (Iuvanum); ILBulg. 89. Asprianus: Kajanto 141 = 265 mit zwei Belegen. Dazu AE 1983, 371 (Fanum Fortunae). Wessel IGCVO 1358 (Syracusae). Ἀττικιανή: eine ἀρχιέρεια in Hierapolis, AE 1998, 1363 (1. Hälfte des 3. Jh. n. Chr.). Bisher war nur der Männername Atticianus belegt (Kajanto 203); überraschend bleibt dabei, dass neben den recht zahlreichen Männernamenbelegen (Kajanto verzeichnet deren insgesamt 23) Frauen- namenbelege bisher gänzlich fehlten. Ἀττίκων: A. Brugnone, Κώκαλος 20 (1974) 235 Nr. 8 (Thermae Himeraeae, nach der Herausgeberin 1. Jh. n. Chr.). Nach dem Photo zu schliessen scheint die Lesung sicher. Ist dieser Name, der sonst nicht belegt zu sein scheint (das Suffix -o(n) neben dem viel üblicheren -io(n) war in der griechischen und lateinischen Anthroponymie nicht sehr gebräuchlich), als griechisch oder lateinisch aufzufassen? Diese Frage (die auch den vorigen Namen berührt) ist nicht nur theoretisch, denn die römischen Namengeber haben Atticus doch wohl als ein lateinisches Cognomen identifiziert, wie aus seiner Frühgeschichte hervorgeht, die in Rom beginnt. Aber wie steht es mit diesem Ἀττίκων in einer griechisch geschriebenen Urkunde in Sizilien im 1. Jh. n. Chr., – freilich in einer Stadt, wo die Stellung des Lateinischen stärker war als sonst auf der Insel? Dabei ist es wichtig, sich zu vergegen- wärtigen, dass im griechischen Bereich die Verwendung von Ἀττικός und seiner Sippe erst in der Kaiserzeit einsetzt (mit einer einzigen Ausnahme: Ath. Agora XVII 739 aus dem 2. Jh. v. Chr.3).Wie ich andernorts dargelegt habe, ist es durchaus möglich, die Verbreitung dieses Namens mit einigen 3 Ἀττικός fehlt bei Bechtel HPN, muss aber dort aus dieser Inschrift nachgetragen werden. 192 Heikki Solin berühmten Namensträgern zu verbinden,4 d. h. ihn als lateinischen Namen zu identifizieren;5 besonders solche Derivative wie Ἀττικιανή oder Ἀττίκιλλα würde man eher dem lateinischen Namengut zurechnen.6 Auctianus: Kajanto 350 mit drei Belegen. Dazu CIG 3844 (Aezani) Αὐκτιανός(?). Auspicius. Zu den wenigen von Kajanto 318 verzeichneten Belegen kommt hinzu Αὐσπίκιος I. Ephesos 1821. Avidianus: Kajanto 141 mit zwei Belegen. Dazu I. Pisid. Cen. (IK 57) 28 Π. Οὔλ. Ἀουιδιανὸς Ῥοτείλιος Πρόπινκος. Birianus: IGLS 9174 (Bostra) Biriano de numero M(aurorum) Ill(yricorum) Constan(tium). Vgl. Virianus Kajanto 159. Blandianus: Kajanto 282 mit zwei Belegen. Dazu SEG XX 56 (Hamaxia) Αὐρ. Βλανδιανὸς Κόνων (Sohn Αὐρ. Ἀνθέστιος Κονωνιανὸς Βλάνδος). Blossianus: Kajanto 142 mit einem Beleg. Dazu Γ. Μάρ(ιος) Βλοσσιανὸς Θράσων IG X 2, 2, 73 (Heraclea Lyncestis). Das Auftauchen von Blossianus in Heraclea Lyncestis setzt eine dort angesiedelte Familie der Blossii voraus (s. Salomies, oben 153), sofern Blossianus selbst nicht als zweiter Gentilname des C. Marius zu werten ist, gemäss einer besonders in Makedonien verbreiteten Sitte, neue Gentilnamen auf -ianus zu bilden.7 Caelina: Καιλεῖνα I. Anazarbos I 550. Auch Caelinus bisher nicht belegt. Die Wahl dieses Cognomens setzt nicht eine in Anazarbos angesiedelte Familie der Caelii voraus, obschon morphologisch Caelinus -a aus dem Gentilicium gebildet ist. Ebenso gut mag dem lokalen Namengeber 4 H. S., "Latin Cognomina in the Greek East", in The Greek East in the Roman Context. Proceedings of a colloquium organized by the Finnish Institute at Athens, May 21 and 22, 1999, edited by O. Salomies (Papers and Monographs of the Finnish Institute at Athens 7), Helsinki 2001, 197f. 5 Eine andere Sache ist, dass das Ethnikon selbst seit jeher weit verbreitet war und dass mehrere Derivate entstanden, darunter auch Ἀττικίων in der Bedeutung 'kleiner Athener', belegt in Aristophanes' Frieden 214. 6 Erst recht ist es unzulässig, solche Namenbelege aus lateinischen Urkunden
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  • Antoninus À Reculons. Sur Les Pas D'élagabal

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    Antoninus à reculons. Sur les pas d’Élagabal Laurent Bricault To cite this version: Laurent Bricault. Antoninus à reculons. Sur les pas d’Élagabal. A. Hostein & S. Lalanne (éd.). Les voyages des empereurs dans l’Orient romain (époques antonine et sévérienne), Errance, pp.71 - 86, 2012, 978-2877725156. hal-01817284 HAL Id: hal-01817284 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01817284 Submitted on 22 Jun 2018 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Durant les trois premiers siècles de notre ère, les empereurs romains diri- gèrent un immense empire territorial dont la pleine maîtrise constituait LES VOYAGES DES EMPEREURS un enjeu essentiel. Si Rome demeura longtemps la Ville d’où le destin du monde était décidé, la mobilité des princes dans les provinces de l’impe- rium Romanum devint dès Auguste l’un des aspects essentiels du “métier DANS L’ORIENT ROMAIN d’empereur” (Fergus Millar). Les grands voyageurs, aux personnalités pourtant très différentes, qu’étaient Hadrien, Marc Aurèle, Septime Sé- vère, Caracalla ou Élagabal, comprirent parfaitement que voyager était ÉPOQUES ANTONINE ET SÉVÉRIENNE une autre manière de gouverner. Cet ouvrage rassemble les contributions d’historiens français et étran- gers réunis à l’occasion de trois journées d’études organisées à l’Institut sous la direction d’Antony Hostein et Sophie Lalanne National d’Histoire de l’Art (INHA), à Paris, en juin 2010, février 2011 et septembre 2011.
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    THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO THE SPACES BETWEEN THE TEETH: ENVIRONMENT, SETTLEMENT, AND INTERACTION ON THE ISLAMIC-BYZANTINE FRONTIER VOLUME ONE A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE HUMANITIES IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF NEAR EASTERN LANGUAGES AND CIVILIZATIONS BY A. ASA EGER CHICAGO, ILLINOIS AUGUST 2008 THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO THE SPACES BETWEEN THE TEETH: ENVIRONMENT, SETTLEMENT, AND INTERACTION ON THE ISLAMIC-BYZANTINE FRONTIER VOLUME TWO A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE HUMANITIES IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF NEAR EASTERN LANGUAGES AND CIVILIZATIONS BY A. ASA EGER CHICAGO, ILLINOIS AUGUST 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS VOLUME ONE TABLE OF CONTENTS .............................................................................................. iv LIST OF FIGURES ....................................................................................................... ix LIST OF TABLES ....................................................................................................... xii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................................................................................ xiii ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................ xvi ABBREVIATIONS ................................................................................................... xviii CHAPTER ONE ............................................................................................................
  • Theological Studies JANUARY, 1914 DOCUMENTS CANONS ATTRIBUTED to the COUNCIL of CON­

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    The journal of Theological Studies JANUARY, 1914 DOCUMENTS CANONS ATTRIBUTED TO THE COUNCIL OF CON­ . STANTINOPLE, A.D. 381, TOGETHER WITH THE NAMES OF THE BISHOPS, FROM TWO PATMOS MSS POB' POr'. IN the year 1898 I was enabled, through the good offices of my colleague Mr D. G. Hogarth, at that time Director of the British School at Athens, to obtain a transcript of a good deal of the matter contained in two MSS at Patmos, POB' and POi''-sister MSS, each of them written somewhere about A.D. Soo-which are our oldest witnesses to the text of the Greek Canon Law. So far as I know, they have never been employed by any editor; and I myself had only made occasional use of my transcript, as a check on the printed texts, when I wanted to know what was the Greek original underlying any particular passage of the Latin versions of the councils. It was only when I had it in my mind to propose to the Clarendon Press the publication of a manual edition of the early Greek canons (that is, of the fourth and fifth centuries) that I examined my material more closely. The most obvious difference between Greek and Latin MSS of Canons, taken in the mass, is the striking resemblance of the former among themselves contrasted with the almost in{inite degrees of divergence from one another which prevail in the latter. The contents of Greek canonical MSS are always more or less the same : the greater surprise was it to find in the Patmos MSS a series of canons attributed to the Council of Constantinople (A.D.