Reinhold Niebuhr & the Problem of Paradox the Great War & the Dawn of the American Century Will Christianity Survive In

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WINTER 2017 • NUMBER 6 genuine human flourishing. DOMINATION /dämə’nāSH(ə)n/ /də’minyən (IS NOT) DOMINION /də’minyən submission of the powerless to our will.

and imperfect. Following after God’s work of creating, sustaining, and and God’s work of creating, sustaining, Following after and imperfect. made to exercise rule in the form of dominion: delegated, providential providential delegated, form of dominion: made to exercise rule in the liberating all of creation, human beings exercise power with the aim of human liberating all of creation, all the earth…” Called to share the Divine likeness, human beings were human beings were likeness, the Divine all the earth…” Called to share “Let us make mankind in our image; and let them have dominion over and let them have dominion over us make mankind in our image; “Let including just war casuistry, helps guide human beings back to the just including just war casuistry, that feed our hunger for power, advantage, and glory through the forced and glory through the forced advantage, that feed our hunger for power, rule. Domination is characterized by self-centered acts of other-donation Domination is characterized by self-centered acts of rule. —we have been ruled by the lust to —we have been ruled by the been afflicted by the libido dominandi The political-theological patrimony of the Christian intellectual tradition, The political-theological patrimony of the Christian intellectual care—responsibility—for the conditions of history, in history. Such care is conditions of history, in history. care—responsibility—for the with domination. Since the Fall in the Garden of Eden, human beings have Since the Fall in the Garden of Eden, human with domination. through the work of government, human dominion is approximate, limited, limited, human dominion is approximate, through the work of government, peace, characterized by the presence of justice and order as oriented toward characterized by the presence peace, characterized by other-centered acts of self-donation. This contrasts sharply This acts of self-donation. characterized by other-centered exercise of our governing vocation. In our private and public lives, including and public lives, In our private exercise of our governing vocation. Providence_winter17_cover.indd 1 exclusively on our reputation for good from which other moral the tension between order and maintaining order and justice goods flow, and that without justice. But that doesn’t mean in areas under our hegemony. stability other moral goods can- the answer is disengagement. This points toward why moral not flourish. leadership is in the national in- The Trump Administration PROVIDENCE terest. “The problem we face,” Closely connected to order, how- should consider a variety of WINTER 2017 | NUMBER 6 said Niebuhr, “is whether we ever, is justice. Power requires mediating solutions that are can put enough moral content prestige to be sustainable; so too on the table, including the cre- into our hegemony to make our order ultimately requires jus- ation of safe zones that would physical power morally suffer- tice. “[O]rder precedes justice recognize underlying demog- FEATURES able to our allies.” in the strategy of government,” raphy and provide a path for Niebuhr wrote, “but…only an stable post-conflict governance. Marc LiVecche The tension between order and order which implicates justice Such safe zones, implemented justice, between stability and can achieve a stable peace.” well, would offer the chance to REINHOLD NIEBUHR human rights, between states establish order in the midst of & THE PROBLEM OF PARADOX and individuals, lies at the heart Following Kennan and Niebuhr, chaos—even in geographically 4 of America’s quest for inter- a moral US foreign policy would discreet ways—that could lead national legitimacy. Nothing be prudent, consistent, forth- to new opportunities for justice. exposes that tension more than right, aware of its limitations, Joseph Loconte the question of military inter- and driven by the national in- What is not possible is a contin- vention. Is it better to tolerate terest. But if the national in- ued policy of inaction. Turning THE GREAT WAR & THE DAWN the reign of Bashar al-Assad terest desires the maintenance a blind eye to Syria tells the because he is a foreign sovereign of American power, our policy- world one of two things: either OF THE AMERICAN CENTURY and his ouster may lead to more makers must think hard about we are too weak to act, or we 16 don’t care about justice like we chaos and death? Or is it better “put[ting] enough moral content to overthrow him and hopefully into our hegemony”—not just claim. Regardless of the an- Kent r. hiLL save lives, understanding that moral language—to keep that swer, it will prompt a further the crisis inside Syria could get power afloat. decline in American prestige WILL CHRISTIANITY even worse? and will ultimately undermine SURVIVE IN THE MIDDLE EAST? The question is not whether our our power. And unless we are 26 Niebuhr would create a hier- foreign policy will be one that prepared to let someone else A CHRISTIAN PERSPECTIVE archy, or at least a sequence, implicates justice, but where lead in this most ancient, most between order and justice. As and how we execute that jus- sacred, and most unstable part Marc LiVecche notes in his es- tice in a way that enhances, and of our planet, diminished power say for this issue, Niebuhr saw doesn’t undermine, order. is an outcome that is entirely a continual conflict between unacceptable. Portrait of Reinhold Niebuhr by Hannah Strauss, impossible-to-attain ideals and The question of Syria is not simple. It is a conflict that presents Robert Nicholson is the execu- original commission, 2017. A pensive Reinhold other, possibly lesser, ideals which were possible to attain a host of bad actors and options, tive director of the Philos Project, Niebuhr considers the scene before him, surrounded at least approximately. Order, none of which seems likely to and co-publisher of Providence. by iconic images from the Second World War. While more possible than anything like bring about an immediate end ad orieNTeM will be a regular referencing historical events, horrific locations, and perfect justice, must come first. to the war. The polar options of feature offering commentary on the machinery of warfare, these images also suggest Like Kennan, Niebuhr believed nonintervention and full-scale the Middle East from a Western the focal points of Niebuhr’s internal conflicts as he that stability is itself a moral invasion are unlikely to balance prespective. wrestled with his own theological and ethical conceptual dilemmas. Immediately behind Niebuhr is an amphibious assault, with warfighters disembarking a landing craft and wading toward a shoreline al- ready engaged with the fire, smoke, and din of battle. Above him, bombers swarm in deadly formation. Below are rendered scenes depicting the hated guard towers and dreaded gate of Auschwitz-Birkenau and the atomic bombing of Hiroshima, Japan. Taken to- gether, these scenes begin to describe the reach, the moral and political complexity, and the devastation of human conflict.

83 ESSAYS PUBLISHERS Mark Tooley Amitai Etzioni Robert Nicholson MORAL TRIAGE 38 EDITOR Mark Tooley Mark Tooley MANAGING EDITOR CHRISTIANS & AMERICAN EMPIRE 43 Marc LiVecche

Alan W. Dowd DEPUTY EDITOR A SHIELD FOR FAITH 46 Mark Melton SENIOR EDITORS Wayne A. Schroeder Keith Pavlischek JUST CALLING: Joseph Loconte THE CHRISTIAN BASIS ASSOCIATE EDITOR FOR A CAREER IN PEACEMAKING 57 Susannah Black

Lubomir Martin Ondrasek CONTRIBUTING EDITORS Mark Amstutz JEAN BETHKE ELSHTAIN: Fred Barnes AN AUGUSTINIAN AT WAR 66 Nigel Biggar J. Daryl Charles Paul Coyer Douglas Burton Michael Cromartie THE BATTLE FOR MOSUL Dean Curry & THE END OF HISTORY 72 Alan Dowd Thomas Farr Mary Habeck rebeccah heiNrichs will iNbodeN REVIEWS JaMes TurNer JohNsoN herb loNdoN TiMoThy Mallard Daniel Strand Paul Marshall PAR ADISE LOST: FaiTh McdoNNell ON THE POWER OF NOSTALGIA walTer russell Mead IN POLITICS Paul Miller Mark Lilla’s The Shipwrecked Mind 76 Joshua MiTchell luke MooN eric PaTTersoN att obush M G MackubiN ThoMas oweNs PAR ADIGM LOST greg ThorNbUry Richard Haass’ A World in Disarray 78 INTERN logaN whiTe

LAYOUT & DESIGN AD ORIENTEM JosePh aVakiaN Robert Nicholson PRINTED BY MORALITY & THE CRISIS IN SYRIA 81 liNeMark

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ISSN 24713511 ESSAY

Jean Bethke Elshtain. Amongst students, she shone. Source: Errol Elshtain. JEAN BETHKE ELSHTAIN: AN AUGUSTINIAN AT WAR Lubomir Martin Ondrasek

ean Bethke Elshtain (1941- important mode of thinking disintegration and anarchy, and J2013) was an American about the ethics of war and peace yearns for order, security, and political theorist, ethicist, and in the West—which she always civic peace. Furthermore, she public intellectual who made insisted remained relevant to- recognizes that peace cannot scholarly contributions to the day, even if certain aspects might be attained without a certain debates on feminism, marriage bear reexamination and further level of coercion and occasion- and the family, democracy and development in light of the new ally even the use of military civil society, theology and reli- realities of 21st -century conflict. force. Like Augustine, who is gion, and war and international widely considered the father of relations. Indeed, such was the the Western just war tradition, scope of her contributions that JUST WAR TRADITION: A and unlike other realist thinkers four multi-day conferences were CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK such as Thomas Hobbes and the required to assess and honor FOR THE ETHICS OF WAR & more contemporary E. H. Carr, her work. Sponsored by the PEACE Elshtain was also a moral and McDonald Agape Foundation theological realist2 who main- and convened at the University Jean Bethke Elshtain was a tains that ethics should not be of Chicago, where she had taught political realist, but not in the separated from politics. Elshtain since 1995, these events, dubbed usual sense of the word.1 Like rejects the classical realists’ be- “The Engaged Mind,” were held other realist thinkers, she takes lief that any reference to ethics annually from 2010-2013. The the dynamics of self-interest and morality in politics is just last conference, which evalu- and power in domestic and in- an ideological cover up, smoke- ated her concerns regarding ternational relations serious- screen, or window-dressing that war, was held posthumously in ly, emphasizes the important conceals the true intentions of the months shortly following role of sovereign states in the the political actors involved. She her death. Taking up the same international system, believes would not deny this as a possi- focus, this essay will elucidate in the practical inevitability of bility, but believes political con- Elshtain’s understanding of the conflict in human society, wor- flicts and wars can seldom be just war tradition—a long and ries about the danger of societal reduced to the basic principles

66 of realpolitik since people usu- She acknowledges three funda- Kantian ethics as too formal ally act from a multiplicity of mental ethical assumptions—or and narrow, abstract, inflexible motives, including moral ones, as she calls them, “self-evident for interpretation, excessively even if never in a completely truths”—that guide (also her) moralistic, and based on the pure form. just war thinking: “the existence faulty assumption that moral of universal moral dispositions,” values can never conflict with Although her political realism “an insistence on the need for one another.10 is anchored in moral realism— moral judgments,” and “the she argues that the veracity or power of moral appeals and Elshtain posits that the just war falsity of moral claims can be arguments.”5 tradition, as an alternative to re- established independently of alism on one hand and pacifism commonly-held beliefs of a par- The ethical framework within on the other, seeks to provide ticular culture and are not just which Elshtain conducts her justification for the use of force an expression of the subjective just war thinking is casuist- and at the same time puts sig- attitude of a particular individ- ry—“moral reasoning” based nificant limits on its potential ual or a matter of social con- in cases, which according to her destructiveness.11 Elshtain fre- tract—Elshtain is not a senten- “drove the just war tradition quently warns that “just war is tious moralist. She agrees with historically.”6 In this form of and must remain a cautionary another Augustinian thinker, practical reasoning, one relies tale,”12 referring to Augustine’s Reinhold Niebuhr, who asserts on paradigm cases and basic teaching that “war and strife, that to treat Jesus’ ethics as moral norms and principles, however just the cause, stir up a “simple possibility” directly arguing by analogy and applying temptations to ravish and to applicable to political and so- them to unsettled novel cas- devour, often in order to ensure cial life would be an egregious es, while being attentive to the peace.”13 War is and always will error and that any attempt to, complexities of the world that be a tragedy, even when justi- as Martin Luther says, “try to may change the moral evalu- fied, and one must therefore rule the world by the Gospel” ation of any one act. Elshtain approach it with great reluc- would fail and have disastrous subscribes to neither a deonto- tance and regret. But despite consequences. Thus, Elshtain logical nor consequentialist ap- the terrible tragedy of war, just both rejects moral relativism, proach in ethics, but maintains war thinkers argue that “even which has become prevalent in that just war interacts with these more tragic is permitting gross present-day Western society, modes of moral reasoning to injustices and massive crimes to and is cognizant of moral am- transcend the field’s typical fault go unpunished.”14 Guided by the biguities, especially in politics. lines. That same interaction principal conviction that the aim Elshtain’s metaethical position enables the just war approach of war is to the restoration or can be characterized as a form to transcend the realist-ideal- defense of a just peace, Elshtain of minimalist universalism, ist dichotomy of international recognizes that the deployment and its practical application relations.7 Elshtain is not only of force can be a tragic necessity. can be seen in an important critical of thinkers who refuse document—written in response to apply any moral standards to Locating the justified use to the 9/11 terrorist attacks—ti- the use of force, but also those of force in a framework of tled “What We’re Fighting For: who apply “deontological ri- Augustinian realism, she American Intellectuals Defend gidities rather than casuistical expounds: the War against Terrorism.”3 rules”8 to question the use of Elshtain was one of the princi- force. She consistently reminds Augustinian just war pal authors of this open letter us that one must “reason from thinking imposes con- signed by sixty scholars and principles but there may, in straints where they might public intellectuals. In it they practice, be exceptions to the not otherwise exist, gen- 9 defend the war against terror- principles.” In other words, the erates a debate that might ism on moral grounds, starting principles may be—after rigor- not otherwise occur, and their argument with the affir- ous exercise of prudential judg- promotes skepticism and mation of “five fundamental ment—“overridden” in certain uneasiness about the use truths that pertain to all people cases. Some just war thinkers and abuse of power with- without distinction” and the ground their ethics of war and out opting out of political declaration that “we fight to peace in a strict deontological reality altogether in favor defend ourselves and to defend tradition, which Elshtain finds of utopian fantasies and these universal principles.”4 problematic because she views

67 projects. It requires action purpose of this criterion is to and judgment in a world “forestall random, private, and of limits, estrangements, unlimited violence.”19 The just and partial justice. It fos- war must be “openly declared ters recognition of the or otherwise authorized,” but provisional nature of all the question of what consti- political arrangements. tutes a legitimate authority re- It is at once respectful of mains open. In recent decades, distinctive and particular there has been an increasingly peoples and deeply inter- popular notion that the United nationalist. It recogniz- Nations possesses the ultimate es self-defense against right to authorize the use of unjust aggression but force, with the underlying as- refuses to legitimate im- sumption that this policy would perialistic crusades and prevent the unilateral use of the building of empires in force, which is generally viewed the name of peace.15 in a strongly negative light as Elshtain further argues that unjust and even imperialistic. Augustinian realism acknowl- Elshtain disagrees, claiming edges the limits of the human Augustine in His Study, by Sandro that “there is nothing in the just ability to bring about perfect Botticelli, 1490-94. Uffizi. Source: war tradition that requires that Wikimedia Commons. peace to our earthly existence. a decision to go to war, in order Her approach also recogniz- to be legitimate, must be made es the paradoxical nature of do not represent some sort of by a group of states or by some power, appreciating both the simplistic “check-list” but rather other body by contrast to de jure 20 warning that power must be complex ethical principles that state itself.” This is not to say distrusted and the contention are put at the service of moral that a state should not attempt that power is an inescapable and political deliberation in to present a strong case before reality in our world. On my concrete situations. The po- an international body or that reading of Elshtain’s works, litical theorist is not dogmatic it would not be prudent to cre- her Augustinian realism is un- on the precise number of cri- ate a coalition of states to fight dergirded by three essential teria that should be fulfilled war, but one thing that Elshtain concepts—limits, responsibil- when deciding whether to use wants to unequivocally argue, ity, and hope—which are vis- force, and does not ascribe them is that “just war doctrine does ible in the following citation: equal importance. She acknowl- not stipulate that only the UN 21 “Augustinian realists are not edges that “just war principles can legitimately declare war.” crusaders, but they do insist are ambiguous and complex. that we are called upon to act in Evaluations have to be made at In her writings, Elshtain seems a mode of realistic hope with a each step along the way. New to focus on the second ad bel- hardheaded recognition of the facts may alter previous assess- lum criterion, namely, having limits to action”16 ments. Greater and lesser evils a just cause for war. According to her, wars of “aggression,” must be taken into account.”18 In summary, Elshtain insists “self-aggrandizement,” and that the just war tradition is Let us now briefly analyze the “holy wars” that seek to ex- pand the boundaries of faith not a rigid moral system with guiding principles that Elshtain by military means are clearly “immutable rules so much as uses to determine when the ini- prohibited within the just war [it is a means of] clarifying the tiation of force is justified and tradition.22 Conversely, any re- circumstances that should—and what criteria should guide just sponse to aggression against actually, if imperfectly—do justi- conduct in the midst of war. fy a state in going to war (jus ad one’s homeland (self-defense) bellum), and what is and is not or another country (humanitar- allowable in fighting the wars JUS AD BELLUM ian intervention) comprises just to which a state has commit- cause. Elshtain has become a ted itself (jus in bello).”17 When First, a just or justified war can leading voice among contempo- scrutinizing various criteria of only begin and be conducted rary just war thinkers who iden- the tradition, it is worth noting under a legitimate political au- tify humanitarian intervention that, for Elshtain, these criteria thority. Elshtain notes that the as a justifiable cause for war.

68 Because of such cases in which of the just war tradition pri- sufficiently grave aggression marily from an ethical perspec- clearly must be resisted, one of tive, rather than as it has been Elshtain’s more contested views commonly understood in the is the insistence that we ought post-Westphalian era, may be never to claim that peace is in difficult for some to accept, but all cases preferable to war.23 it appears to be the only way one Accordingly, while some con- can legitimately justify the use temporary just war thinkers— of force in order to prevent a se- perhaps most notably observed vere humanitarian catastrophe. in the U.S. Bishops’ pastoral letter The Challenge of Peace The third ad bellum criterion— (1983)—began to recast the just closely related to the just cause war tradition as beginning with principle—is that a war must a “presumption against war,” be undertaken with the right Elshtain pressed in the oppo- intention. For Elshtain, this site direction and substantially does not mean that a country or shifted the just war emphasis coalition must be “entirely dis- back toward a “presumption for interested” when entering war.27 justice.” Aligned with this pre- An Augustinian in hers. Source: Here is an “insurmountable sumption, Elshtain, acknowl- University of Chicago Divinity School. tension” between the Kantian edging the morality of force in and Augustinian approaches cases of intervention against to just war: while the former “organized, continuing and sys- every justifiable situation would insists on purity of intention, tematic violence or the immi- be both impossible and imprac- the latter maintains that “all nent threat of such,”24 welcomed tical, yet it also does not follow human motives are mixed, we the emergence of a related con- that one should therefore not are limited, finite creatures who cept called the “Responsibility intervene anywhere. Perhaps often will and nill simultaneous- to Protect” (R2P), initiated the most controversial element ly.”28 Elshtain believes a state by the Canadian government of waging a war of humanitarian cannot and should not be ab- in 2001 and endorsed by the intervention is compromising solutely disinterested in the United Nations in 2005, as a the national sovereignty of the use of force for humanitarian response to the international country under attack. Elshtain, purposes because the primary community’s utter failure to realizing this conundrum, offers reason for the existence of a prevent several mass atrocities the following interpretation and state is “to protect its own citi- in the 1990s. Moreover, Elshtain imperative: zens and to defend the national belongs to a group of just war interest.”29 The right intention thinkers who believe that under We must recall and recu- within Augustinian framework certain circumstances the use perate an earlier moral is ultimately love (caritas) for of preventative force may be conception of sovereign- one’s neighbor, which unlike justifiable, even if the concepts ty to live alongside the the pacifist tradition does not of preventive and preemptive monopoly of the means exclude the use of military force. war and how she understands of violence definition Considering how challenging it them are beyond the scope of of the state, namely, an is to evaluate true motivations 25 of the human heart and the fact this essay. understanding of sover- that human behavior consists eignty as responsibility; There are many significant ques- of a multiplicity of motives, it Correlatively, this means tions and dilemmas that sur- is not surprising that Elshtain sovereigns can “unsov- round the issue at hand, includ- does not put too much emphasis ereign” themselves, as ing how wide or narrow should on this principle in her writings. Kings could unking be the option for humanitarian themselves and trans- intervention or what criteria Another ad bellum criterion of mogrify into tyrants: this should be used for determin- the just war tradition maintains in the medieval right of ing the potential justifiability 26 that there should be a reason- of using force for humanitarian resistance tradition. able chance of success before purposes. Using military force Elshtain’s insistence on view- engaging in war. This criteri- for humanitarian purposes in ing sovereignty in the context on is centered on prudential

69 judgments regarding the course JUS IN BELLO tradition perspective, Elshtain and outcome of the war. It is writes: There are two interrelated cri- generally presumed that one teria that pertain to just con- should only engage in a military duct in war: discrimination and [W]e made no attempt to operation when it is probable proportionality. The primary meet the strenuous de- that such an operation is going purpose of both principles is to mand of proportionality; to be successful and the sacrifice restrain the use of force in com- rather, we violated the of blood and treasure would not bat and thus limit destruction norm of discrimination in be in vain. This criterion is dis- emanating from it. Elshtain’s a strange up-ended kind cussed by Elshtain only sporad- of way by devising a new ically, perhaps partially because work is particularly attentive to the discrimination principle— criterion, it seems: com- it seems—at least in the case of batant immunity ranked the United States, the world’s known also as non-combatant immunity—which she considers higher as a consideration sole military superpower for than did noncombatant the past quarter-century—much “the most important in bello criterion.”33 “Discrimination,” immunity for Serbian—or less relevant than, for instance, Albanian Kosovar—ci- the principle of discrimination. Elshtain explains, “refers to the need to differentiate between vilians. With our deter- mination to keep NATO The final criterion for entering combatants and noncomba- soldiers—in other words, combat in the just war tradition tants. Noncombatants histor- American soldiers—out of is the principle of last resort. ically have been women, chil- harm’s way, we embraced Elshtain seems to be a little in- dren, the aged and infirm, all combatant immunity for consistent here when she in her unarmed persons going about our own combatants and, earlier works lists this criterion their daily lives, and prisoners indirectly, for the Serb as one of the “seven (or more of war who have been disarmed 34 soldiers. Instead, we did or less) requirements”30 found by definition.” It is import- a great deal of damage in Augustine, and then later ant to note that Elshtain’s un- from the air, reducing asserts that this is a minor and derstanding of this criterion buildings to rubble, tear- relatively new criterion which underscores that civilians can ing up bridges, killing “did not really figure in the never be intentionally targeted 35 people in markets and thinking of Ambrose, Aquinas, by countries in war. television stations.36 or Augustine.”31 Elshtain does not interpret this criterion in the To illustrate the principle of In a different context, she re- strict sense, viewing “last resort discrimination, Elshtain chas- marked that it is “better by far [as] a resort to armed force tak- tised the Clinton administration to risk the lives of one’s own en after deliberation rather than for how it conducted the 1999 combatants than the lives of as an immediate reaction.”32 Kosovo War. While realizing ‘enemy’ infants.”37 Even though Rather than indefinitely trying the impossibility of waging it should be acknowledged that various alternatives, one only a zero-civilian-casualty war modern weaponry such as a pre- needs to take them serious- and affirming the principle cision-guided munition (PGM) ly into account and never use of double effect, the Elshtain greatly enhanced the possibility force as the first option. Elshtain nevertheless insisted that the of discriminating between legit- would endorse reasonable at- United States was obligated imate and illegitimate targets tempts at a peaceful resolution to do its utmost to minimize in military operations, Elshtain of conflict (e.g. negotiations, the number of civilian deaths insists that one should always sanctions, deterrence), but she and unnecessary destruction of remember the inherent dignity rejects an overly rigid interpre- infrastructure. This was hard- of each human person and nev- tation of the last resort criterion ly the case, considering that er take lightly the tragic loss of that would set a prohibitively the bombing campaigns were innocent life. high bar for entering war. In carried out from a minimum such cases, one would effectively altitude of 15,000 feet, which, Elshtain interprets the second join the ranks of the functional while protecting American avi- in bello criterion of propor- pacifists, who claim to be work- ators, significantly lowered the tionality generally in line with ing within the just war tradition accuracy of bombing runs, thus the majority of classical and but who in fact have a hard time increasing the likelihood of contemporary just war thinkers. identifying any war that could civilian deaths. Evaluating the The principle “requires that the be labeled as “just.” war efforts from the just war nature of one’s coercive force

70 should be proportional to any works for positive transforma- the Limits of Politics (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1996), injury sustained or planned, and tion in post-communist Central 111. that at whatever minimal force and Eastern Europe. He holds 13 Ibid. can be used to do the job should graduate degrees from Gordon- 14 Elshtain, Just War Against Terror, 54. 15 38 Jean Bethke Elshtain, “Just War and be deployed.” She expressed Conwell Theological Seminary, Humanitarian Intervention,” Ideas deep regret over “the extraor- Harvard University, and the from the National Humanities Center dinary lopsidedness of deaths University of Chicago and is (Volume 8, Number 2, 2001), 19. 16 Elshtain, Just War Against Terror, and causalities” in the Persian presently pursuing his D.Min. 70. (emphasis added) Gulf War, a situation in which in Transformational Leadership 17 Elshtain, “Epilogue,” in Just War the United States military may at Boston University. Theory, 324. 18 Elshtain, “Just War as Politics: disproportionately have used What the Gulf War Told Us About (Endnotes) force against its ill-resourced Contemporary American Life,” in But 1 My portrayal of Elshtain as an 39 Was It Just?, 48. Iraqi counterpart. Finally, this “Augustinian realist” can be found in 19 Elshtain, Just War Against Terror, 57. latter position should render “Augustinian Realism as a Foundation 20 Elshtain, “New Preface,” in Just War clear that Elshtain is not only for Christian Public Engagement: Theory, xiv. opposed to the use of excessive Lessons from Jean Bethke Elshtain,” 21 Elshtain, “Comments on the Libya Lubomir Martin Ondrasek & Ivan Intervention in Light of Just War force with its adverse impact on Moďoroši (eds.), Cirkev a spoločnost: Doctrine on ‘Right Authority’,” Capital the civilian or combatant pop- Smerom k zodpovednej angažovanosti Commentary, April 8, 2011. & Church and Society: Towards 22 Elshtain, “Just War Tradition,” Class ulations, but also views the use Responsible Engagement (Ružomberok, of weapons of mass destruction Lectures. SK: Verbum, 2015), 214-227. I have 23 Elshtain, “Thinking about War and as, by definition, prohibited by written on Elshtain as “A Different Sort Justice,” The Religion and Culture Web just war criteria.40 of Political Realist” in this chapter and Forum (University of Chicago Divinity used a portion of the material from there School, Martin Marty Center, May in this section of the essay. 2 2003). For discussion on the different types of 24 Elshtain, “Comments on the Libya CONCLUSION realism, see Robin W. Lovin, Reinhold Intervention in Light of Just War Niebuhr and Christian Realism Doctrine on ‘Right Authority’,” Capital Jean Bethke Elshtain, a po- (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Commentary. litical theorist who admired Press, 1995), 3-24. 25 See Jean Bethke Elshtain, “Prevention, 3 Jean Bethke Elshtain, Just War Against Augustine and exhibited a seri- preemption, and other conundrums,” Terror: The Burden of American Power in Deen K. Chatterjee (ed.), The Ethics ous interest in the ethics of war in a Violent World (New York: Basic of Preventive War (Cambridge, UK: Books, 2003), 182-198. Cambridge University of Press, 2013), and peace, represents a unique 4 Ibid.,182-183. (emphasis added) 15-26. voice in the contemporary just 5 Jean Bethke Elshtain, “Just War 26 Elshtain, “Peace, Order, Justice: war tradition, and remains a as Politics: What the Gulf War Told Competing Understandings,” complex thinker whose thought Us About Contemporary American Millennium—Journal of International Life,” in Jean Bethke Elshtain (et al.) is difficult to neatly categorize. Studies, 422. (emphasis added) & David E. Decosse (ed.), But Was 27 Ibid., 420. This is nowhere more evident It Just?: Reflections on the Morality 28 Ibid. than in the battles she would of the Persian Gulf War (New York: 29 Ibid. Doubleday, 1992), 44-45. 30 Elshtain, “Epilogue,” in Just War launch, and that were launched 6 Jean Bethke Elshtain, “Varieties of Theory, 324. against her, as she brought the ‘Violence’: Thinking Ethically about 31 Elshtain, “The Just War Tradition and resources of just war casuistry the Use of Force in the War on Terror,” Natural Law,” Fordham International in John D. Carlson and Jonathan H. to bear on the “war on terror,” a Law Journal (Volume 28, Issue 3, Ebel (eds.), From Jeremiad to Jihad: 2004), 750. subject beyond the scope of this Religion, Violence, and America 32 Elshtain, Just War Against Terror, 61. essay but one worthy of a future (Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of 33 Elshtain, “New Preface,” in Just War California Press, 2012), 280. Theory, xiv. work. Here I have attempted to 7 Jean Bethke Elshtain, “Introduction,” 34 Elshtain, Just War Against Terror, 65. introduce one crucial area of her in Jean Bethke Elshtain (ed.), Just War 35 Elshtain, “New Preface,” in Just War scholarship, the popular and Theory (New York: New York University Theory, xiv-xv. 36 scholarly articulation of a moral Press, 1992), 2. Elshtain, “Just War and Humanitarian 8 Jean Bethke Elshtain, “Peace, Order, Intervention,” Ideas from the National framework by which American Justice: Competing Understandings,” Humanities Center, 15. citizens and their allies—mili- Millennium—Journal of International 37 Jean Bethke Elshtain, “Kosovo and the tary and civilian—can evaluate, Studies (Volume 36, Number 3, 2008), Just War Tradition,” in William Joseph 415. Buckley (ed.), Kosovo: Contending resist, and overcome the com- 9 Jean Bethke Elshtain, “On Never Voices on Balkan Interventions (Grand plex threats arrayed against us. Reaching the Coast of Utopia.” Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2000), 365. 38 And to do so justly. International Relations (Volume 22, Elshtain, “New Preface,” in Just War Number 2, 2008), 164. Theory, xv. 10 Jean Bethke Elshtain, “Just War 39 Elshtain, “Just War as Politics: Lubomir Martin Ondrasek Tradition,” Class Lectures (University of What the Gulf War Told Us About is the president and co-founder Chicago Divinity School, Spring 2008). Contemporary American Life,” in But 11 Elshtain, “Introduction,” in Just War Was It Just?, 53. of Acta Sanctorum, a Chicago- Theory, 1. 40 Elshtain, Just War Against Terror, based Christian non-profit that 12 Jean Bethke Elshtain, Augustine and 69-70.