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Home , Ludovica Albertoni, Pierre de Ronsard

Notes

Introduction 1. Leone Ebreo, Dialogues of Love, trans. Cosmos Damian Bachich and Rossella Pes- catori (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009), p.140. The editors note here that this usage is found in Boccaccio as well, citing De genealogia deorum (III:21). 2. Kathleen P. Long, Hermaphrodites in Europee (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006). 3. Pierre de Ronsard, Œuvres complètes, ed. Paul Laumonier, vol.12 (: Didier, 1946), p.40, ll.109–12. The translation here, as all translations unless otherwise indicated, are my own. 4. For an important, thoughtful presentation of the negative view see Raymond B. Waddington, “The Bisexual Portrait of Francis I: Fontainebleau, Castiglione, and the Tone of Courtly Mythology,” Playing with Gender, ed. Jean R Brink, Maryanne C. Horowitz, Allison P. Coudert (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1991), pp.99–132. Barbara Hochstedler Meyer supports seeing a more positive message in of the portrait in “Marguerite de Navarre and the Androgynous Por- trait of François Ier,” Renaissance Quarterlyy (Summer, 1995): 287–325. Further discussion is in Long, Hermaphrodites, 198–200; Gary Ferguson, Queer (Re) Readings in the French Renaissancee (Aldershot UK: Ashgate, 2008), p.262; and Daniel Russell, “Emblematic Discourse in Renaissance Royal Entries,” in French Ceremonial Entries in the Sixteenth Century: Event, Image, Text, ed. Nicolas Russell and Hélène Visentin (Toronto: Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Stud- ies, 2007), pp.55–72. Russell complicates the question by suggesting, following Françoise Bardon, that the image may be posthumous and have its origins in a of Henri II. 5. Amour was feminine when used in a nonsexual sense. For a list of other such gender-changing words, see Georges Gougenheim, Grammaire de la langue fran- çaise du seizième sièclee (Lyon: IAC, 1951), pp.41–46. 6. Reflecting the negative theology of Pseudo-Dionysius, this idea is especially strong in the De Docta ignoratiaa of Nicolas of Cusa (1401–1464), much admired by Lefevre d’Etaples (ca 1450–1537) and by Charles de Bovelles (1479–1566). See also Jean Libis, “L’Androgyne et le Nocturne,” L’Androgyne: Cahiers de l’Hermétismee (Paris: Albin Michel, 1986), pp.11–25. 168 ● Notes to Pages 3–6

7. The many ever-present biblical texts stored in people’s memories were subject to unintentional editing, as is documented in frequent inexact biblical quotations often, perhaps generally, made without consulting hard copy. Some of the result- ing divergences from the received text of the Bible are not without interest. They are flagged when they occur in texts quoted in this study. 8. In this study androgynee is frequently used as an adjective as well as a noun, replacing the more common adjectival form, androgynous, since its modern connotations (neither quite one nor the other) are sharply contrary to what is intended here.

Chapter 1 1. The Greek tradition contains earlier references to androgynes without using that term to describe them, notably in the works of Empedocles (490–345 BCE), which O’Brien identifies as a source of Plato’s myth (Denis O’Brien, Empedocles’ Cosmic Cyclee [Cambridge University Press, 1969], p.25). There they are “whole- natured creatures” who “had no sex, or were bi-sexed.” Later “men and women arose from the separation of the whole-natured creatures” (p.209). Empedocles’s works were for all practical purposes unavailable to Renaissance readers. 2. Georg Wissowa and August F. Pauly, Realencyclpädie der classischen Altertumswis- senschaftt, vol 20.2(Stuttgart: Druckenmüller, 1931), columns 1984–1991. Justin Martyr (100–165 CE) notes that when Plato, in Republic 10, ascribes responsi- bility to man because he has free will, Plato borrowed this idea from (see Justin, La philosophie passe au Christt, l’œuvre de Justin, ed. and trans. Adalbert Hamman [Paris: Éditions de Paris, 1958], p.71). (The passage in question occurs in Justin’s Apologies, ch.44). 3. Augustine, in De Civ. Dei (18.39), makes the grandfather of Hermes/Mercury a contemporary of Moses. The best known and possibly earliest preserved of the many mentions of Plato’s travels to Egypt is Cicero, De republica (1.10.16). 4. The perceived connections between Moses and Pythagoras and ’s impli- cation that Pythagoras was a Jew are explored in Christiane L. Joost-Gaugier, Pythagoras and Renaissance Europe: Finding Heaven (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press, 2009). 5. For an image of the portrait, accessed December 29, 2012, see http://www.wga .hu/html_m/b/berrugue/pedro/plato.html. Now in the Louvre, it was part of a series of twenty-eight panel-portraits of great men (Aristotle, , Solon, etc.) painted by Pedro Berruguete and Joos van Gent in the 1470s and 80s. Although glossed versions of ancient texts, including Plato, might have looked similar, the date of the painting makes the Bible quite likely. For an image of such a glossed Bible, see Biblia latina cum glossa ordinaria Walafridi Strabonis aliorumque et interlineari Anselmi Laudunensis et cum postillis ac moralitatibus Nicolai de Lyra. . . (Basel: Froben, 1498), accessed November 25, 2013, http:// www.e-rara .ch/bau_1/content/pageview/5083825. That page shows Genesis 1:27; any other page would look similar, as would manuscript Bibles on which incunabula edi- tions were modeled. Notes to Pages 6–7 ● 169

6. A rapid summary of the androgyne in the (mostly Italian) Renaissance is to be found in Edgar Wind, Pagan Mysteries in the Renaissancee (: Penguin/Per- egrine, 1967), p.212–15. 7. Similarly, other sources of the androgyne, like the Zoharr and other mystical Jewish sources, have been omitted from the discussion of Genesis. See Elliot R. Wolfson, “Ontology, Alterity, and Ethics in Kabbalistic Anthropology,” Exemplariaa 12, no. 1 (2000): 129–55, esp.141–48. 8. All quotations from the Bible in English, unless otherwise noted, are from the Revised Standard Version (RSV). 9. It is interesting to note how various translations transmit these contradictions. Robert Young’s so-called Literal Translation, first produced in 1862 and revised in 1898, replaces “creates” and related forms in verse 27 with “prepared,” as though subscribing to rationes seminaless or perhaps hoping to avoid having the appearance of Eve seem in conflict with the previous chapter. Daniel Boyarin offers another literal translation in which thep roblematic /Adam is regu- larly replaced by earth-creaturee to reflect the Hebrew etymology, but he retains the unstable singular and plural; then in Genesis 5:1–2 Boyarin reverts to Adam as proper noun, even if at the end, the name clearly refers to a plural: “This is the book of the Generations of Adam, on the day that created Adam in the image of God He made him. Male and female He created them, and He blessed them and called their name Adam, on the day he created them” (Daniel Boyarin, Sparks of the Logos Essays in Rabbinic Hermeneuticss [Leiden: Brill, 2003], p.175). 10. From the eighteenth century until the last quarter of the twentieth, the majority of scholars came to believe that the text of the Pentateuch was a compilation of earlier texts composed (orally or in writing) over a period of some five hundred years, from ca. 950 BCE to about 500 BCE. This consensus has been replaced in the last few decades by new questions and new arguments. Ted Hildebrandt’s “Genesis Bibliography” of 2004 is 147 pages long (Ted “Genesis Bibliography,” Ted Hildebrandt, accessed November 17, 2013, http://www.biblicalstudies .org.uk/genesis.php). There is a useful summary of these various approaches in Gordon Wenham, “Pentateuchal Studies Today,” Themelioss 22, no. 1 (October 1996): 3–13, accessed November 17, 2013, http://www.biblicalstudies.org.uk/ article_pentateuch_wenham.html. 11. Philo of Alexandria, also known as Philo Judaeus, sits at the margins of the Chris- tian tradition. He possibly influenced Paul directly, was a strong influence on Origen, and was respected and used by , by Eusebius, and (perhaps less directly) by many others. His work survived, where many other Jew- ish texts of the period did not, because of his influence on Clement and Origen. He was subsumed into the category of Fathers of the church, so considered by ; medieval manuscripts refer to him as Bishop Philo. Pamphilus, Eusebi- us’s teacher, copied Philo’s work for the library in Cesarea. See François Daumas, “La Solitude des Terapeutes,” Philon d’Alexandrie: Actes du Colloque, ed. Roger Arnaldez, Jean Pouilloux, et al. (Paris: CNRS, 1967), pp.347–58. 12. Augustine, De Genesi ad Litteram/ The Literal Meaning of Genesis, trans. and anno- tated John Hammond Taylor (New York: Newman, 1982), p.253 n.67. Taylor 170 ● Notes to Pages 7-8

suggests that part of the impulsion for this was to harmonize Genesis 1:1–2:4 with the second account, Gen 2:5–25. A mistranslation lies behind Augustine’s sense of the pressing need for such an idea: he “also interpreted Ecclesiastes (Sir- ach) 18:1 as meaning that God created all things simultaneously (simul) [an error in Old Latin and Vulgate translation of a Greek expression usually meaning ‘without exception’]. These considerations led him to conclude that when God created He did indeed create all things simultaneously, but that living things made in that original creative act were not made in actuality in their own proper substances but only potentially in their causal reasons placed in the earth by the Creator” (p.161 n.3). Eusebius too, in Préparation évangéliquee (III.10.13), evokes the activity of rationes seminales in hexameral creation. Henri de Lubac points out that many medieval theologians, starting with shared or rather inher- ited Augustine’s assumptions (Henri de Lubac, L’Exégèse médiévalee [Paris: Aubier, 1964], p.155). 13. Thomas de Vio Cajetan, Opera omniaa (Lyon: J & P Prost, 1639), p.22. 14. Augustine, who avoids subscribing to the idea of an androgyne in Genesis 1: 26–27, comes very close to this explanation in De Trinitatee (XII.7.10) when he says “Ad imaginem Dei quippe naturam ipsam humanam factam dicit, quae sexu utroque completur” [(Paul) says that human nature which is completed by each sex, was made in the image of God]. 15. Nicolas read Hebrew and was familiar with the rabbinical tradition that recog- nized an androgyne in this passage. From a radically different perspective, the physician Jean Liébault, in his Trésor des remedes secrets pour les maladies des femmess (Paris: Jacques Du Puys, 1585), also refers to the androgyne Adam. See Guy Poirier, L’Homosexualité dans l’imaginaire de la Renaissance (Paris: Cham- pion, 1996), p.66. 16. André Godin quotes Erasmus defending this practice, still current in his day, in annotation 25 on Romans 2:15: “nec est necesse ut Spiritui sancto tribuamus omnia” [nor are we obligated to attribute all things to the Holy spirit] (André Godin, Erasme lecteur d’Origènee [Geneva: Droz, 1982], p.170). 17. Peter C. Bouteneff, Beginningss (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 2008), pp.11–13. See his Appendix there, which compares the first chapter of Genesis in the Greek of the LXX, its English translation, and the NRSV (pp.185–97). 18. Maryanne Cline Horowitz, “The Image of God in Man—Is Woman Included?” Harvard Theological Review 72, nos. 3–4 (1979): 186. I am grateful to my col- league McAlhaney for clarifying the relationship between the Hebrew text, that of the LXX, and the Vulgate in a private communication reproduced here. “Because the LXX does not reproduce the Hebrew’s repetition of ‘in his image, in the image of God,’ the structure of the sentence in the Greek is ambiguous (unlike the Hebrew). The Hebrew reads, ‘And God created man in his image / in the divine image created He him / male and female He created them.’ The LXX reads, ‘κα`ι ε’ποι´ησεν ο‘ θε`ος τον` ανθρωπον’’´ κατ’ ει’κο´να θεου~ ε’ποι´ησεν αυ’το´ν αρσεν’´ και´ θη~λυ ε’ποι´ησεν αυ’του´ς,’ which can be interpreted either ‘And God created man / in the image of God He created him / male and female Notes to Pages 8–9 ● 171

He created them’ or ‘And God created man in the image of God / He created him male and female / He created them.’” 19. Cornelius Cornelii a Lapide [Cornelis Cornelissen van den Steen]. Commen- taria in Pentateuchum Mosiss (Antwerp: Meursius, 1648). The work opens with an Encomium sacrae Scripturaee in which Cornelius notes that Romans 5:14 also implies something of this sort, making Moses a stopping point in the reign of human mortality: “ab Adam usque ad Mosen” [(death reigned) from Adam to Moses] (p.20a). 20. Cornelius writes that “Moses expressus fuit Christi index et typus” [Moses was a clear sign and type of Christ], a passage which ends by evoking the authority of Eusebius’s Demonstra. Evangell., bk 3 (Lapide, Commentaria, p.20a). 21. I treat as a Catholic country, as did its monarchs. From mid-century on, there was an important Protestant element in France; their voices are heard most clearly in chapter 4 on the literary uses of the androgyne and in the last section of chapter 6. Theologians on both sides of the confessional divide read impor- tant early Fathers of the Church which are at the base of much of Cornelius’s commentary. 22. Origène, Homélies sur la Genèse, ed. and trans. Louis Doutreleau (1976; repr., Paris: Cerf, 2003), chap.14, sec.64. 23. “Homo hic non est idea hominis abstracti et universalis, qui sit causa et exemplar omnium singularium hominum, ut ex Platone voluit Philo. Non etiam homo hic est animus hominis, q.d. Animum hominis ornemus nostra imagine, puta gratia, uti explicat S. Basilius et Ambros. Sed homo est ipse Adam primus homo, parensque ceterorum omnium ut patet ex dictis. In Adamo enim, et per Adamum Deus fecit et creavit ceteros homines.” [This man is not an abstract universal idea of man, the source and starting point of all individual men, as Philo based on Plato would have it. Nor is this man the soul of man, as if He were saying ‘Let us adorn the soul of man with our image,’ that is by grace, as Basil and Ambrose explain it. Rather, the man is Adam, the first man, father of all others as is clear from the words. In Adam and by Adam God made man and created all other men] (Lapide, Commentaria, p.56a). 24. “Haec imago Dei non est in solo viro, ut vult Theodor, sed et in angelo, et in femina, ut fuse docet S. August. l.12 de Trinit. cap.7, et Basilius hic hom 10 explicans illa verba Genes.1 Masculum et feminam fecit eos.” [This imago Deii is not in man alone, as Theodor has it, but in angels and women as St. Augustine teaches, and Basil, explaining those words in Genesis 1, male and female made he them] (Lapide, Commentaria, p.56a). Cornelius goes on to explain that the imago Dei is man’s mind, “per rationem enim, mentem et intellectum homo maxime refert Deum” [by reason, mind, and intellect man most closely resembles God] and that “anima incorporea sit et individua, uti est ipse Deus” [the soul is an incorporeal unity, just as is God] (p.57a). Fairly early in the sixteenth century, Cajetan, also comparing the Hebrew to the Vulgate, notes that the Hebrew over- all has more plural verbs. Where the Vulgate has “et praesit piscibus maris” (1:26) Cajetan renders this “Et subjugabunt in pisce maris,” maintaining the Hebrew 172 ● Notes to Pages 9–10

plural (Cajetan, Opera Omnia, p.12). He too sees the initial creation of many humans. 25. Lapide, Commentaria, p.100a. 26. Ibid., p.56b. 27. Ibid. 28. “Deus enim solidam et constantem habet essentiam; homo vero umbraticam et evanidam” (Lapide, Commentaria, p.56b). 29. Commenting on the appearance of the plural—“male and female created He them” [masculum et feminiam creavit eos]—Cornelius pauses to object to a “recent Frenchman” who argued that Adam was created androgyne; he connects this idea to the Androgyne of Plato’s Symposium. “Hinc novator quidam in Fran- cia nuper asservit, Adamum creatum esse hermaphroditum, suisseque eum tam feminam quam masculum. Sic et Plato in Symposio censuit, primos homines fuisse androgynos” [A certain innovator in France recently asserted that Adam was created androgyne, both masculine and feminine. Thus, as Plato thinks in the Symposium, the first men were androgyne] (Lapide, Commentaria, p.58a). Here he may have Le Roy’s translation of and commentary on the Symposium in mind. 30. Lapide, Commentaria, p.56b. 31. Ibid., p.57a. 32. Merlin’s edition, published by Josse Bade, attributed the whole of the Latin trans- lation in which most of Origen’s work has been transmitted to Jerome, who had translated only fragments. Jerome’s name as translator offered protection, even as humanists understood Ruffinus to be the transmitter of the Homiliess and much else by Origen, since some of his ideas had been declared heretical (as had Pico de la Mirandola’s thesis that it is more reasonable to assume that Origen was saved than damned). Another common defense of Origen was to declare the suspect passages to be later interpolations. See Godin, Erasme, p.559. 33. Erasmus’s edition, reissued in 1545, 1557, 1567, 1571, and 1574 and heavily dependent on Merlin’s, openly declared the Latin text to be by Ruffinus, not Jerome (Godin, Erasme, p.599). 34. Henri de Lubac, introduction to Origène, Homélies sur la Genèse, ed. and trans. Louis Doutreleau (1976; repr. Paris: Cerf, 2003), p.9. 35. “Voici l’ordre que suit Origène: il commence par exposer l’histoire, limpidement et brièvement, chaque fois que le sujet l’exige; puis il invite l’auditeur à décou- vrir les sens les plus profonds de l’allégorie; et aussitôt après, il traite les aspects moraux” (Origène, Les écritures, océan de mystères, ed. Sœur Agnès Egon [Paris: Cerf, 1998], p.21). 36. Origène, Homélies sur la Genèse, sec.13, p.56. “Is autem, qui ad imaginem Dei factus est, interior homo noster est, invisibilis et incorporalis et incorruptus atque immortalis.” 37. Origène, Homélies sur la Genèse, sec.14, p.64. 38. As Frank Egleston Robbins points out, Origen follows Philo here. “Of the two accounts in Genesis, the first describes the making of an ‘idea, class, or type, intel- ligible, incorporeal, neither male nor female, naturally immortal’” (The Hexaem- eral : A Study of the Greek and Latin Commentaries on Genesiss [Chicago: Notes to Pages 11–12 ● 173

University of Chicago Press, 1912], p.33). Philo, in De Opificio mundi, considered fleshly man to have been created only in Genesis 2.7. See Leopold Cohn, Die Werke Philos von Alexandria in deutsche Übersetzungg, vol. 1 (Breslau: Marcus, 1909), p.27. 39. “Interior homo noster ex spiritu et anima constat. Masculus spiritus dicitur, femina potest anima nuncupari. Haec si concordiam inter se habeant et consen- sum, convenientia inter se ipsa crescunt et multiplicantur generantque filios senus bonos et intellectus vel cogitations utiles er quae repleant terram et dominentur in ea” (Origène, Homélies sur la Genèse, p.66, sec.15). 40. Godin, Erasme, p.88. 41. De Genesi ad litteram 3:20; De Trinitate, 12.7.12. Adalbert G. Hamman counts at least 150 references to the imago Dei in the works of Augustine, references not free of internal contradictions (L’Homme, icône de Dieu: La Genèse relue par les Pères [Paris: Migne, 1998], p.43). This idea becomes less important over time as Neo-Platonic influences on the Bishop of Hippo weaken (ibid., p.52). 42. De Gen. ad litt., 3:22. 43.Augustine. Lit Meaning of Gen (6.5.8), quoted in Eve and Adam, ed. Kristen E Kvam, Linda S. Schearing, and Valerie H. Ziegler (Bloomington: Indiana Uni- versity Press, 1999), p.146. 44. “Nous sommes l’image mais dans la puissance presciente de Dieu qui, dès l’origine, créa l’humanité comme un seul corps” (Grégoire de Nysse, La Création de l’homme, ed. Jean-Yves Guillaumin and Adalbert G. Hamman, trans. Jean-Yves Guillaumin [Paris: Desclée de Brouwer, 1982], p.17). Another variant can be found in Ireneus of Lyon (130–202 CE) who sees the imago Deii as what is, and the resemblance, like a seed, as what man can become. See Adalbert G. Hamman, L’Homme, icône de Dieu: La Genèse relue par les Pères (Paris: Migne, 1998), p.20. For Hamman, this view implies progress from the image to the resemblance acquired by imitation through free will (p.31). 45. E.G. Clark, “Adam’s Womb and the Salty Sea,” Proceedings of the Cambridge Phill- ological Societyy 42 (1996): 89. English translations of the Confessionss regularize the image that is at the center of her remarks, obliterating the impossible womb. So for example: “[H]ad not Adam fallen, the saltiness of the sea would never have flowed from him” (The Basic Writings of Augustine, ed. Whitney J. Oates [New York: Random House, 1948], p.242, 13.20). The image may also be read in the light of functional gender proposed in chapter 2 below. 46. Col. 3:10: “et induentes novum eum qui renovatur in agnitionem secundum imaginem eius qui creavit eum” [and have put on the new self, which is being renewed in knowledge after the image of its creator]; Eph. 4:24: “et induite novum hominem qui secundum Deum creatus est in iustitia et sanctitate veri- tatis” [and to put on the new self, created after the likeness of God in true righ- teousness and holiness]; and Gal. 3:28: “non est Iudaeus neque Graecus non est servus neque liber non est masculus neque femina omnes enim vos unum estis in Christo Iesu” [There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither slave nor free, there is no male and female, for you are all one in Christ Jesus]. 47. Wayne A. Meeks, “The Image of the Androgyne: Some uses of a symbol in earliest Christianity,” History of Religions 13, no. 3 (1974): 185. Meeks’s decision to coin 174 ● Notes to Pages 12–13

“masculofeminine,” avoiding androgyne, suggests the degree to which that word requires explanation for modern readers. 48. Meeks cites Marie Delcourt, Hermaphrodite: Myths and Rites of the Bisexual Figg- ure in Classical Antiquity (London: Studio Books, 1961), pp.80–82, reporting this same conclusion among the pagans: “As Delcourt points out, for Greco- Roman writers bisexuality generally meant asexuality, as in Ovid’s description of Hermaphrodite as ‘forma duplex, nec femina . . . nec puer . . . neutrumque et utrumque videntus’” [Dual form, neither male nor female . . . nor boy, seeming neither and both], (Meeks, “The Image of the Androgyne,” p.197). 49. Meeks, “The Image of the Androgyne,” p.206. 50. Ibid., p.207. 51. Daniel Boyarin, Carnal Israel: Reading Sex in Talmudic Culturee (Berkeley: Univer- sity of California Press, 1993), p.6. 52. The modern translators append two notes to this passage, explaining that in 2:22 the literal sense of madee is builtt, which stresses the material nature of Eve’s cre- ation, and making explicit the echo in the Hebrew: woman (ishshah) and man (ish). 53. It is worth noting the fact (about which Cornelius says nothing) that it is Adam who is to leave the parental household and, again, he who is to cleave to Eve, rather than the reverse as one might have expected. 54. The connotations of virago are further discussed below in chapter 2 below. 55. “Non aequat interpres vim Hebreae vocis adeoque ex hoc loco patet, Adamum hebraice esse locutum nam virago non significat naturam aut sexum; sed virtutum et animum virilem in muliere” (Lapide, Commentaria, p.76a). 56. See Daniel Boyarin, “Paul and the Genealogy of Gender,” Representations 41 (Winter 1993): 6. Rabbinical (and some modern feminist) readings interpret the Hebrew tsela to mean sidee rather than rib. This suggests that rather than being made of a discrete part, Eve was drawn from Adam’s side, as if he were giving birth to her (as the New Adam would give birth to the church by the blood of the wound in His side). 57. Lapide, Commentaria, pp.76b–77a. 58. Cornelius expands on this in his commentary on the echo of Genesis 2:24 in Matthew 19:6:

And there shall be two in one flesh. (Vulg.) Greek, ε`ις σα´ρκα μι´αν, i.e., into one flesh. This is commonly expounded of corporeal union. But it is better to take it more simply and purely as a Hebraism, signifying one human being, one civil person. For, by synecdoche flesh denotes the whole man. As therefore such a part of the body as the heart ought not to be separated from the body, so ought not a man to be separated from his wife. From hence it follows, moraliter, that a man and his wife ought so to love one another as the heart and the soul love the body to which they belong, and the body loves them. (See Eph. v. 28.) Again, from hence it follows that Notes to Pages 13–14 ● 175

there is a common power over either body, that a man should have the same power over his wife’s body that he has over his own, and, vice versa, as the Apostle teaches (1 Cor. 7: 4).

The translation of Cornelius from the full text online, The Great Biblical Commentary of Cornelius a Lapide, accessed 2 September, 2012, http://www.catholicapologetics .info/scripture/newtestament/Lapide.htm; the specific passage quoted is at http:// www.catholicapologetics.info/scripture/newtestament/19matth.htm. 59. “Pythagoras dixit, in conjugio amico esse unam animam in duobus corporibus” (Lapide, Commentaria, p.76b). Cornelius gives no details about the context in which Pythagoras might have said this; it seems safe to assume he is citing (likely from memory) a secondary source. 60. “Arctissimam conjunctionem” (Lapide, Commentaria, p.76a). 61. The usual English for adhereo is cleave, a word with a long history in English, but it bears the double burden of having its force undercut by being a contronym and by having fallen out of current usage. The term contronym, meaning a word with two opposite senses, was provided to me by Canadian linguist Leeanne Brown. 62. Lapide, Commentaria, p.76a–b. 63. De Opifico 66, 69; Quest.Gen 1. See also Lloyd, The Man of Reason: Male and Female in Western Philosophyy (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1984). 64. Lapide, Commentaria, p.74a. 65. There were at least six incunabula editions published in Venice, Cologne, and Treviso, and then in Hagenau, 1522; Paris, 1534 and 1544; Basle, 1544. Euseu- bius’s best-known works are the Ecclesiastical Historyy and its companion Chron- icle. They date all known events from the creation to his own day—including events from the kingdoms of the Assyrians, Medes, Lydians, and Persian as well as the Greeks and Romans—and use this chronology to connect divers civilizations, an interest further pursued in De Evangelica praeparatione, which seeks common ground between Christianity and its precursors. As an indication of readership in Renaissance France, we may note that the library of (1521– 1605), bishop of Chalons-sur-Saône from 1578, included the works of Gregory and of Basil; several copies of Eusebius’s works, both a separate edition of his De Preparatione; and the Opera omnia of Origen. See L’Inventaire de Pontus de Tyard, ed. Silvio F. Baridon (Geneva: Droz, 1950). 66. Eusebius of Cesaria, Preparation for the Gospell, trans. Edwin Hamilton Gifford, vol. 2 (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1981), XII.12.2.1. 67. Idem, XII.12.2. Although the passage cited here draws the parallel based on Gen- esis 2, Eusebius, following Origen, indicates elsewhere that he also read Genesis 1:26–27 in an androgyne sense, as in III.10.13, where he speaks of Zeus creating by means of rationes seminales. InVII.7.4 he explains that God created man in the image of the Logos. 68. Godin, Erasme, pp.4–5. 176 ● Notes to Pages 14–17

69. Although Ficino’s translation was completed by 1470, the Italian text was not printed until 1544 when there were suddenly editions in Venice and . In the first century of printing, manuscripts were circulated freely, making texts accessible to an elite audience linked by courts and academies. 70. Marsile Ficin, Commentaire sur le Banquet de Platon, ed. and trans. Raymond Marcel (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1956), p.169. See also Pierre Laurens, Com- mentaire sur le Banquet de Platon, De l’amour/ Commentarium in convivium Platonis, De amore (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2002). 71. Ficin, De Amore, 4.2. 72. Ibid., 4.3. 73. Symon Silvius, trans., Le Commentaire de Marsille Ficin, Florentin: Sur le banquet d’amour de Platon, ed. Stephen Murphy (Paris: Champion, 2004). Ficino’s com- mentary was translated again in 1578 by Guy Le Fèvre de la Boderie. Citations of Ficino’s Commentaryy here are from Murphy’s excellent edition of Silvius. 74. Hermetica: the Greek Corpus Hermeticum and the Latin Asclepius, notes and intro- duction Brian Copenhaver (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), p.xlviii. 75. Only in 1614 did Causaubon correctly place their composition in the early centuries of Christianity. 76. Hermetica, p.4, sec.16. 77. Ibid. 78. Louis Le Roy, trans., Le Sympose de Platon ou de l’amour et de beaute, Traduit de Grec en Francois avec trois livres de commentaires extraictz de toute Philosophie (Paris: Sertenas, 1559). 79. As a young man, Le Roy wrote a eulogy of Budé: G. Budaei viri Clariss. Vita (Paris: Roigny, 1540). 80. Le Roy, Le Sympose de Platon, sig.K3r. All translations of Le Roy are my own. A modern translation of Plato’s Greek, The Symposium, by Seth Benardete (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 2001), which aims for fidelity and transparency, is given in the notes below to mark how Le Roy shaped the text to his intentions. So Benardete:

Our nature in the past was not the same as now but of a different sort, first of all the races of human beings were not two as now, male and female; for there was also a third race that shared in both, [. . .] now it does not exist except for the name that is reserved for reproach. Secondly the looks of each human being were as a whole round, with back and sides in a circle. And each had four arms and legs equal in number to his arms, and two faces alike in all respects on a cylindrical neck, [190A] but here was one head for both faces—they were set in opposite directions—and four ears, and two sets of genitals, and all the rest that one might conjecture from this. [. . .] [190B] the male was in origin the offspring of the sun; the female, of the earth; and the race that shared in both, of the moon—since the moon also shares in both. And they themselves were globular, as was their manner of Notes to Pages 17–21 ● 177

walking because they were like their parents.” (Benardete, Plato’s Sympo- sium, p.19 [189E–190B])

Other important insights are in Martha Nussbaum, “The Speech of Alcibiades: A Reading of Plato’s Symposium,” Philosophy and Literaturee 3 (1979): 131–72. 81. Parmenides and Hermes Trismegistus were among those defining God as spheri- cal; the idea is echoed by Pseudo-Dennis the Areopragite on the Divine Names, where God is the center of a circle, a tradition continued by Cusa and taken up as well by Scève, Ramus, la Boderie, and finally Du Bartas, who speaks of God as a “cercle parfait/ Dont le centre est partout et sur tout son round trait” [perfect circle/ Whose center is everywhere, and on all its circumference]. See Georges Poulet, Les Métamorphoses du cerclee (Paris: Plon, 1961), p.4. Poulet traces a long tradition to an anonymous twelfth-century Livre de quatre-vingt philosophess— “Deus est sphaera cuius centrum ubique, circumferentia nusquam” [God is a sphere whose center is everywhere, its circumference nowhere] (p.iii)—alongside many Neo-Platonic sources. The association of the circle or sphere with perfec- tion was widely disseminated. 82. Le Roy, Le Sympose de Platon, sig.L2r. 83.Ibid., fºL2v. 84. Ibid., fºL3r. 85. Ibid., fºL3v. 86. Ibid., sig.K4r. Compare Benardete: “[H]e left a few wrinkles, those on the belly itself and the navel [. . .] When its nature was cut in two, each—desiring its own half—came together; and throwing their arms around one another and entangling themselves with one another in their desire to grow together, they began to die off due to hunger and the rest of their inactivity; [. . .] and so they continued to perish. But Zeus took pity on them and supplies another device: he rearranges their genitals toward the front—for up till then they had them on the outside, and they generated and gave birth not in one another but in the earth, like cicadas—and for this purpose, he changed this part of them toward the front, and by this means made generation possible in one another, by means of the male in the female; so that in embracing, if a man meets with a woman, they might generate and the race continue; [. . .] So it is really from such early times that human beings have had, inborn in themselves, Eros for one another, Eros the bringer-together of their ancient nature, who tries to make one out of two and to heal their human nature. Each of us, then, is a token of a human being, because we are sliced like fillets of sole, two out of one; and so each is always in search of his own token.” (Benardete, The Symposium, p.20 [191A–191D]) 87. Le Roy, Le Sympose de Platon, sig.L1r (emphasis mine). Compare: “in conjunc- tion and fusion with the beloved, to become one from two. The cause of this is that this was our ancient nature and we were wholes. So love is the name for the desire and the pursuit of the whole” (Benardete, The Symposium, p.22 [192E-193A]). 178 ● Notes to Pages 21–22

88. See Marian Rothstein, “Memory and Forgetting in Louis Le Roy’s Presentation of the Androgyne,” in Memory and Community in Sixteenth-Century , ed. Laguardia and Cathy Yandell 173–86 (Burlington VT: Ashgate, 2015). 89. Le Roy, Le Sympose de Platon, sig.K4v. Compare: “Those who are male slices pur- sue the males; and while they are boys—because they are cutlets of the male— they are friendly to men and enjoy lying down together with and embracing men; [192A] and these are the best of boys and lads, because they are naturally the manliest [. . .] they do this [. . .] out of boldness, manliness and masculinity, feeling affection for what is like to themselves. And there is great proof of this, for once they have reached maturity, only men of this kind go off to political affairs. When they are fully grown men they are pederasts and naturally pay no attention to marriage and procreation, [192B] but are compelled to do so by the law; whereas they would be content to live unmarried with one another. Now, it is one of this sort who wholly becomes a pederast and passionate lover, always feeling affection for what is akin to himself. When the pederast or anyone else meets with that very one who is his own half then they are wondrously struck with friendship, attachment, and love, [192C] and are just about unwilling to be apart from one another even for a short time. And here you have those who continue through life with one another, though they could not even say what they want to get for themselves from one another. For no one would be of the opinion that it was sexual intercourse that was wanted, as though it were for this reason—of all things—that each so enjoys being with the other in great earnestness; but the soul of each plainly wants something else. [. . .] [192E] in conjunction and fusion with the beloved, to become one from two. [. . .] this was our ancient nature.” (Benardete, Plato’s Symposium, p.21–22 [191E–192E] 90. Benardete, Plato’s Symposium, p.20 [191D]. 91. Le Roy, Le Sympose de Platon, sig.K4v. The translation of this section then concludes, again shaping Plato’s words to the expectations of Le Roy’s read- ers: “Amour lequel maintenant nous ayde beaucoup, nous conduisant à nostre propre [sic] et donne grande esperance à l’advenir: que nous nous montrons reli- gieux envers les Dieux il nous remetra en nostre ancienne nature. Finablement apres estre par luy guaris, il nous rendra tresfortunez et heureux.” [Love, which is now a great help to us, bringing us to our proper (end) and gives us hope for the future: as we are respectful of the , he will restore us to our former nature. Finally, after having been cured by him, he will make us most happy and blessed.] fºL1v. Compare Plato in Benardete’s version: “And were we to hymn the god who is the cause of this we should justly hymn Eros, who at the present time benefits us the most by leading us to what is our own; and in the future he offers the greatest hopes, while we offer piety to the gods, to restore us to our ancient nature and by his healing make us blessed and happy” (Benardete, Plato’s Symposium, p.22 [193D]). 92. Le Roy, Le Sympose de Platon, sig.M1r. 93. Ficino’s name occurs, to the best of my knowledge, only once, in a comment on Symposium 191 in which Le Roy criticizes the Florentine’s Greek based on his misrendering of a simile about dividing the Androgyne like a flat fish, an Notes to Pages 22–24 ● 179

odd image which Ficino did misunderstand and about which he would hardly have been much concerned since it involves a point of natural history, devoid of spiritual content (Le Roy, Le Sympose de Platon, sig.N3r). Mathurin Heret (see below) also missed this detail (fºG1r). 94. Le Roy, Le Sympose de Platon, sig.M3r. 95. Leone Ebreo, Dialogues of Love. Ed. Rossella Pescatori. Trans. Cosmos Damian Bacich. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009, p.288. 96. Mathurin Heret, Le Banquet de Platon traictant d’amour et de beauté, avec argu- mens sur chacune oraison, sommairement deduitss (Paris: Guillaume Guillard, 1556). Privilège: July, 6 1555. Heret was a physician and Hellenist, having earlier published a translation of Dares (1553) and of the Problemss of Alexan- der of Aphrodisias (1555). He was also responsible for sections of André The- vet’s Singularitez de la France Antartiquee (1557). See Frank Lestringant, André Thevet: Cosmosgraphe des derniers Valoiss (Geneva: Droz, 1991), pp.100–104. My attention was first drawn to the existence of this translation by a refer- ence to it in Marc Schachter’s review for H-France of Gary Ferguson’s Queer (Re)Readings, accessed 28 April 2014, http://www.h-france.net/vol9reviews/ vol9no110schachter.pdf. 97. Heret, Le Banquet de Platon, fºF2r-F3v. 98. Ibid., fºF2v. 99.Ibid. 100.Ibid., fºG1v. 101. “Au Lecteur benevole. Salut” in Clément Marot, Oeuvres complètes, ed. Gérard Defaux, Classiques Garnier (Paris: Bordas, 1990–1993), 1:p.10. 102. The gift is recorded in Ronsard’s “Ode au Roy Charles luy donant un Leon Heb- rieu” (Oeuvres Complètes. Ed. Paul Laumonier, Isidore Silver, and Raymond Leb- ègue. 20 vols. Various publishers. Paris: Droz/Nizet/Didier, 1937-67, vol.17.1, pp.61–62), which Laumonier places in January 1573. In the poem, Ronsard urges the king to give himself to earthly love rather than what we would call Platonic love. Ronsard was Charles IX’s aumonier, and might be expected to give étrennes, a traditional New Year’s Day gift. Leone’s Dialogues d’amourr had appeared in French a decade earlier. The king married in November 1570. Why Ronsard chose this book to give the king just then is a question that will go unanswered here. 103. James Nelson Novoa. “Leone Ebreo’s Dialoghi d’amoree as a Pivotal Document of Jewish-Christian Relations in Renaissance Rome,” in Hebraic Aspects of the Renaissance, ed. Ilana Zinguer, Melamed, and Zur Shalev (Leiden: Brill, 2011) p.72. 104.Ebreo, Dialogues of Love, p.167. 105. Ibid., p.274. 106. Ibid., p.169. 107. Ibid., p.275. 108. Ibid., p.277. 109.Ibid., p.280. 110. Ibid., p.279. 180 ● Notes to Pages 25–30

Chapter 2 1. Judith Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identityy (New York: Rutledge, 1990), p.33. 2. Helen J. Swift, Gender, Writing, and Performance: Men Defending Women in Late Medieval France, 1440–15388 (Oxford: Clarendon, 2008), p.22. 3. On differences between the modern sense of an individual self and the sense of self in the past, see below, p. 35. 4. The Frenchp erspective, while distinct, is not dissimilar. An overview is in Mathieu Trachman, “Genre: état des lieux, Entretien avec Laure Bereni,” posted October 5, 2011, accessed February 18, 2014, http://www.laviedesidees.fr/Genre-etat -des-lieux.html. 5. Joan Wallach Scott, “Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis,” The American Historical Revieww 91, no. 5 (Dec. 1986): 1057. 6. Ibid. 7. Nathalie Zemon Davis’s essay “Women on Top” (Society and Culture in Early Modern Francee [Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1975], pp.124–51), was a pioneer here too. For an Anglo-Saxon overview, see Sonya O. Rose, What is Gen- der History?? (Cambridge: Polity, 2010). 8. The bibliography on this subject has grown vast, starting with Kenneth J. Dover, Greek Homosexuality (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978) and Michel Foucault, Histoire de la sexualitéé, vol. 1, La Volonté de savoirr (Paris: Gal- limard, 1976). On Renaissance France, see Guy Poirier, L’homosexualité dans l’imaginaire de la Renaissancee (Paris: H. Champion, 1996) and the more recent work of Gary Ferguson and Marc Schlachter. These and many others are part of a history (or histories, anthropologies, and sociologies) of sexuality, largely distinct from the present inquiry. 9. Natalie Zemon Davis cites a defense of the king bee as late as 1742 (Davis, “Women on Top” pp.125–26, n.3). It was not until the Encyclopédiee (article: abeille) that the observations of natural scientists were able to overcome pre- conceived notions of hierarchy. The bees’ king was then demoted to “abeille mère” [mother bee] who existed for the sole purpose of laying eggs; the serfs were understood to be males, useful only to fertilize those eggs, then destroyed by the colony; the worker bees were pronounced sexless, having no reproductive role. Davis refers to J. Simon, Le Gouvernement admirable ou la République des abeilles (Paris: 1742). My attention was drawn to these later developments by Kathleen P. Long’s reference to the king bee and to Davis’s work at the start of her own Hermaphrodites in Renaissance Europee (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006), p.1. For more about bees in the Renaissance, see Jonathan Woolfson, “The Renaissance of Bees,” Renaissance Studiess 24, no. 2 (2009): 281–300. 10. David P. LaGuardia, Intertextual Masculinity in Literature (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008), p.17. 11. Laura McClure, Spoken Like a Woman: Speech and Gender in Athenian Drama (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999), pp.97–98. Notes to Pages 30–33 ● 181

12. The term seems to me an alternative to serious consideration of a problematic. It is used among others by Laurel Thatcher Ulrich, Janine Lanza, Barbara Stephen- son, Donald R. Kelly, and Karen Anderson to describe a range of women from to , Marguerite de Navarre, and trademen’s widows who continued their deceased husbands’ profession. 13. Carolyn Walker Bynum, Metamorphosis and Identityy (New York: Zone Books, 2001). 14. Jean Lecointe, L’ Idéal et la différence: la perception de la personnalité littéraire à la Renaissance (Geneva: Droz, 1993) pp.123–24: “Le caractère masculin est vio- lent, impulsif, sans rancune, généreux, droit, ne se laisse amoindrir, ni duper par l’artifice et par la ruse, souhaite l’emporter par le mérite, et est magnanime. Le caractère féminin est ingénieux, coléreux, rancunier, sans pitié, sans résistance à la fatigue, porté à s’instruire, hypocrite, acariâtre, irréfléchi, et peureux.” As Lecointe notes, normal gender lines are readily transgressed in this system: “On trouve aussi un type masculin dans le féminin et un féminin dans le masculin.” [A masculine type can be found in the feminine and a feminine in the masculine.] 15. Joan Cadden, Meanings of Sex Difference in the Middle Ages: Medicine, Science, and Culture. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), p.209 16. Quoted in Caroline Walker Bynum, “‘ . . . And Woman His Humanity’: Female Imagery in the Religious Writing of the Later Middle Ages,” in Gender and Reli- gion: On the Complexity of Symbols, ed. Caroline Walker Bynum, Stevan Harrell, and Paula Richman (Boston: Beacon Press, 1986), p.267. 17. François Rabelais, Oeuvres complètes, ed. Jacques Boulenger (Paris: Gallimard, 1959), p.966. Translation mine. The Latin aluisti, from alo, has a range of mean- ings: feed, nourish, rear, nurse, suckle, cherish, support. The cluster of meanings suggests that, in terms of the present discussion, the word is functionally gendered feminine, as is apparent when the same image appears in Ronsard’s early ode “À Jan Dorat”: “Et combien je fu heureus / Suçer le laict savoureus / De ta feconde mammelle” [And how happy I was to suckle the savory milk of your eloquent breast] (Ronsard, Oeuvres complètes, 1:pp.135–38, ll.4–6). More light is cast on Rabelais’s image if one considers that a source may be Severus of Milevis’s letter to Augustine: “Sweetest brother, it is good for me to be with you through your writings. I rejoice to be bound more closely to you, and gain my strength from the overflowing richness of your breasts” (Quoted in Peter Brown, [Berkeley, University of California Press, 1969], p.201). Whether or not this was part of Rabelais’s direct inspiration—there may well be earlier uses I have failed to find—it suggests that the image was ready at hand from classical times forward. 18. The same metaphor is used in a less flattering tone in a letter where the Span- ish ambassador describes the future Henri IV as one who “sucks the Admiral’s milk,” perhaps infantilizing Henry, then in his teens, and certainly conveying that he was being indoctrinated by the head of the Protestant party (Quoted in Nancy Roelker, Queen of Navarre, Jeanne d’Albret 15288–1572 [Cambridge, MA: Belknap, 1962], p.316). 19. Jean Dorat, “Ad doctissimam virginem Camillam Morellam,” in Les Odes latines, ed. Genevieve Demerson (Clermont-Ferrand: Université de Clermont-Ferrand, 1979), p.179, ll.65–66. 182 ● Notes to Pages 33–36

20. “Dum tractas viriles / facta vir est (velut Iphis)” [while you practice manly things, you are made a man (like Iphis)] (Dorat, “Ad doctissimam virginem,” p.179, ll.19–20). On Camille de Morel, see also Catherine M. Müller, “Monstrum inter libros: la perception de la femme lettrée chez les humanistes de la Renais- sance française (l’exemple de Camille de Morel),” in Livres et lectures de femmes en Europe entre moyen-Âge et Renaissance, ed. Anne-Marie Legaré (Tournhout: Brepols, 2007), pp.133–38; F. W i ll, “Camille De Morel: A Prodigy of the Renaissance,” PMLA 51, no. 1 (Mar. 1936): 83–119; Philip Ford, “Camille de Morel: Female Erudition in the French Renaissance,” in (Re)Inventing the Past: Essays on the French Renaissance in Honour of Ann Mosss (Durham: Durham Mod- ern Languages Series, 2003), pp.245–59. 21. Dorat, “Ad doctissimam virginem,” p.181, ll.45–48). 22. Iphis, born a girl but raised as a boy, was granted a sex change by the gods on her marriage day. See Ovid, Metamorphoses, 9.666–797, especially l.791 “femina nuper eras, puer es.” Camille, named after the Amazon in the Aeneid (11.570ff) who was raised like a boy, was given the same classical education her father would have given the sons he never had. As she never married, divine intervention was not called for in Camille’s case. 23. “Testament de Pierre Eyquem de Montaigne,” Jules Serredt (transcription by Aurélien Vivie), Archives Départementales de la Gironde, 23 (1883): 88. I owe this information to the late, much regretted, Katherine Almquist, reproduced here with her permission from a handout that accompanied a talk entitled “Con- tracts, Dowries and Inheritance Rights of Montaigne’s Women,” at the Sixteenth- Century Studies Conference in 2010. 24. Spanish examples are reported by Grace E. Coolidge in her Guardianship, Gender, and the Nobility in Early Modern Spain (Farnam: Ashgate, 2011). Coolidge explains that when a Spanish noblewoman accepted the responsibility of guardianship, she became “legally male,” echoing the shift expressed in Montaigne’s will. 25. That other widows were also considered in this light is explicit in Ronsard’s refer- ence to Catherine de Médicis as mother and father to the young king in his Insti- tution pour l’adolescence du Roy treschrestien Charles neufvieme de ce nom, written in 1562 (see chapter 6 below, “The Queen-Mother”). 26. Caroline Walker Bynum, Jesus as Mother: Studies in the Spirituality of the High Middle Agess (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), p.87. 27. Lynn Meskell, ´The Irresistible Body and the Seduction of Archaeology,” Changg- ing Bodies, Changing Meaningg, ed. Dominic Montserrat. (London: Routledge, 1998) pp.142–43; Thomas Laqueur, Making Sexx (Cambridge: Harvard Univer- sity Press, 1990). Research on the history of sex in the past fifteen or twenty years suggests that it might be wise to nuance Laqueur’s distinction; Meskell’s point here is not dependent upon it. 28. The Bible de Jerusalem gives “Des rois seront tes pères adoptifs”; the Traduction Oecuménique de la Biblee gives “Des rois seront tes tuteurs”; the RSV gives “Kings shall be your foster fathers, and their queens your nursing mothers.” Attempts to respect biology counter the hierarchical intent of the passage: foster-fathers, Notes to Pages 36–38 ● 183

like biological fathers, are the superiors of their foster children, while nursemaids (male or female) are subservient. 29. The image reappears in 60:16: “Ut suges lac gentium et mamilla regum lactaberi” [You shall suck the milk of nations; you shall nurse at the breast of kings (RSV)]. Those kings’ loss of status makes them as powerless as women, reduced to providing sustenance for their superiors; Isaiah’s intent is to exalt the children of Israel. Later Protestants were to read this as a commentary on relations between church and state. See Spurgeon’s Verse Expositions of the Bible, Charles Haddon Spurgeon, accessed April 10, 2014, http://www.studylight.org/com/spe/ view.cgi?bk=isa&ch=49. I am grateful to Alan Stewart for drawing my attention to this later reading. 30. Vulgate: “Numquid ego concepi omnem hanc multitudinem, vel genui eam, ut dicas mihi: Porta eos in sinu tuo, sicut portare solet nutrix infantulum, et defer in terram pro qua jurasti patribus eorum?” 31. The RSV occludes the androgyne image here, rendering the passage: “Did I conceive all this people? Did I bring them forth, that thou shouldst say to me, ‘Carry them in your bosom, as a nurse carries the sucking child, to the land which thou didst swear to give their fathers?’” The Bible de Jérusalem too translates the image “Est-ce moi qui ai conçu tout ce peuple, est-ce moi qui l’ai enfanté?” [Is it I who conceived this people, I who gave birth to them?] making the female element more apparent. Paul may be thinking of this passage when he says in 1 Corinthians 3:2 “I have fed you with milk,” to the faithful addressed in the verse previous as “babes in Christ.” 32. “Filioli mei quos iterum parturio donec formetur Christus in vobis.” 33. “Non est Iudaeus neque Graecus non est servus neque liber non est masculus neque femina omnes enim vos unum estis in Christo Iesu.” 34. See on this subject Francis Bertin, “Corps spirituel et androgynie chez Jean Scot Érigène,” in L’Androgyne, Cahiers de l’Hermétismee (Paris: Albin Michel, 1986), pp.63–128. 35. See Bynum, “‘ . . . And Woman His Humanity,’” especially pp.266–68. 36. Bynum, Jesus as Mother, p. 113. The reference to Paul as nurse would surely have recalled Moses’s complaint in Numbers to those many in Anselm’s authorial audi- ence who had memorized large parts of Holy Writ. 37. Caroline Walker Bynum, “The Body of Christ in the Later Middle Ages,” in Fragmentation and Redemption: Essays on Gender and the Human Body in Medieval Religion (New York: Zone, 1991), p.108. This essay and the whole collection are rich in examples begging to be read as functional gender. A few pages previ- ous, Bynum writes of a general tendency on the part of medieval Christians who “often went so far as to treat Christ’s flesh as female, at least in certain of its salvific functions, especially its bleeding and nurturing,” concluding, “we must consider the mixing or fusing of genders implicit in medieval assumptions” (Ibid., p.104). 38. Mathew Kuefler, The Manly Eunuchh (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001), p.141, 148. 39. A striking example of this can be seen in the drawings of Suor Domenica da Pardiso as ‘alter Christus’, dated ca. 1506, depicting the nun and the crucified 184 ● Notes to Pages 38–40

Christ on facing pages as mirror images. See Megan Callahan, “Suor Domenica da Pardiso as ‘alter Christus’: Portraits of a Renaissance Mystic,” Sixteenth Cen- tury Journall 43, no. 3 (2012): 323–50. Bynum identifies imitatio Christii as the strongest pull on the hearts of the religious, regardless of sex—nuns quite as much as monks (Bynum “‘ . . . And Woman His Humanity,’” p.259). For the continuation of the imitatio Christi tradition well into the , see Maximilian Von Habsburg, Catholic and Protestant Translations of the Imitatio Christi, 1425–1650: From Late Medieval Classic to Early-Modern Bestseller (Farn- ham: Ashgate, 2011). 40. Helene P. Foley, “Reverse Similes and Sex Roles in the Odyssey,” in Women in the Ancient World: the Arethusa Papers, ed. John Peradotto and J. P. Sullivan (Albany: SUNY Albany Press, 1984), p.73. 41. Carroll Moulton, Similes in the Homeric Poemss (Göttingen: Vandehoek and Ruprecht, 1977), p.142. 42. Foley, “Reverse Similes,” p.60. 43. Helene P. Foley, Female Acts in Greek Tragedyy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001). Although in Greek theater male actors played women’s roles, their words were nonetheless heard as those of a woman. 44. Ibid., 227. 45.Sophocles, Electra, Complete Greek Tragedies¸ ed. David Greene and Richard Lati- more, vol. 2 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959), pp.328–95. 46. Foley, Female Acts, p.161 referring to ll. 982–83.The translation of andreiaa is Foley’s. It is true that etymologically the word points to a man, but also true that there is no female counterpart: courage is a male function. When a woman displays andreia, the more if it is active, she is functionally male. 47. Foley, Female Acts, pp.15, 110, 203, 210. 48. Nonna V. Harrison, “The Feminine Man in Late Antique Ascetic Piety,” accessed July 30, 2012, http://web.archive.org/web/19980529204055/http://www.uts .columbia.edu/~usqr/harrison.htm. 49. “Feminas quas conspecta uirtus inter magnos uiros posuit” (Dialogue 12.16.5, quoted in David Wray, “Manly Matrons in Seneca and Valerius Maximus” [paper presented at the 2002 APA conference]). See abstract, accessed February 19, 2014, at http://apaclassics.org/sites/default/files/documents/abstracts/wray.pdf. 50. Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch, p.30. 51. Noona Verna Harrison also discusses passages in which men become (female) vir- gins in the works of Philo; this is marked as a purer state. More directly applicable to the present discussion, her essay demonstrates that devout people of either gender performed functions normally assigned to the other gender as a means of approaching God (“The Allegorization of Gender: Plato and Philo on Spiri- tual Childbearing,” in Asceticism, ed. Vincent L Wambush and Richard Valentasis (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), pp.520–34. 52. Mary Harlow, “In the Name of the Father: Procreation, Paternity, and Patri- archy,” in Thinking Men: Masculinity and Its Self-Representation in the Classical Tradition, ed. Lin Foxhall and John Salmon (London: Routledge, 1998), p.166. Notes to Pages 40–44 ● 185

53. Ep. 71:3; Patrologia latina 22:p.670, quoted in Harlow, “In the Name of the Father,” p.167. The transformation of woman to man is implicit in Erasmus’s colloquy on marriage, “Proci et Puellae,” where true Christian marriage is shown as having a reproductive stage, later replaced by a mature condition in which sex and hierarchy are put aside—both partners become equals in their devotion to Christ—echoing the situation in Jerome’s letter to Lucinius. 54. Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch, p.294. 55. This is apparent in German where Johann Christoph Adelung, Wörterbuch der hochdeutschen Mundartt, 4 vols. (Leipzig: Breitkopf, 1793–1801) has entries for Menschh as both a masculine and a neuter noun, the masculine generally applied to philosophical and theological contexts, the neuter to describe unmar- ried women (persisting in modern German as a perjorative). See these sites, all accessed December 27, 2014, http://www.zeno.org/Adelung-1793; http://lexika .digitale-sammlungen.de/adelung/lemma/bsb00009133_1_1_1207; http://lexika .digitale-sammlungen.de/adelung/lemma/bsb00009133_1_1_1208. 56. Isidore, Etymologiarum liber, XI.2.22. “A heroic maiden (virago) is so called because she ‘acts like a man’, that is, she engages in the activities of men and is full of male vigor” (Etymologies of , trans. Stephen A Barney, et al. [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006], p.242). See also Histoire de la virilitéé, ed. Alain Corbin, Jean-Jacques Courtine, and Georges Vigarello, (Paris: Seuil, 2011), vol.1: 71. 57. Vira did exist as a hapax in the vetus latinaa translation that preceded Jerome’s Vulgate, invented, presumably, in an attempt to mirror the Hebrew pair ish-ishah at Eve’s being drawn from Adam. 58. Bynum “‘ . . . And Woman His Humanity,’” p.261. 59. Modern Dante criticism, too, is filled with observations of his use of cross- gendering, often accompanied by an implicit understanding of plenitude. See for example Joan M. Ferrante, Dante’s Beatrice, Priest of an Androgynous Godd (Bing- hamton: SUNY Press, 1992); Carolyn Lund-Meade, “Notes on Androgyny in the Commedia,” Lectura Danatis 10 (1992): 70–79; Jeffry T. Schnapp, “Dante’s Sexual Solecisms: Gender and Genre in the Commedia,” Romanic Revieww 79, no. 1 (1988):143–63; Olivia Holmes, Dante’s Two Belovedss (New Haven: Yale, 2008). 60. Bernini expresses the ecstasy of union with the divine in a form that mimics sexual pleasure more than once, it was a mode of communicating with the viewer, not a hapax. Another example can be seen in a less famous sculpture, his ren- dition of the Fransican tertiary the Blessed Ludovica Albertoni in the Roman church of .

Chapter 3 1. Barthélemy Aneau, Imagination poétiquee (Lyon: Macé Bonhomme, 1552), p.19, accessed March 11, 2014, http://www.emblems.arts.gla.ac.uk/french/facsimile .php?id=sm97_b2r. 186 ● Notes to Pages 44–46

Aneau’s emblem collections also include an Ovidian Hermaphrodite, verti- cally divided, half male, half female, defined in the motto as effeminate (p. 32), accessed March 25, 2013, http://www.emblems.arts.gla.ac.uk/french/emblem .php?id=FANa024. 2. In this context it seems likely that Aneau, having conceived the purpose of the emblem, provided detailed instructions to guide the visual artist in his task, just as were provided painters asked to represent scenes that were out of the ordi- nary. Here, in fact the text accompanying the image performs much of this func- tion. For examples of surviving programmess of this sort, see Catherine Grodecki, Histoire de l’art au XVIe siècle (15400–1600), vol. 2 Sculpture, peinture, broderie, émail et faïence, orfèvrerie, armures, Documents du minutier central des notaires de Paris (Paris: Archives Nationales, 1986). See also Marian Rothstein, “ for the Court of François I,” Renaissance Quarterlyy 59 (2006): 751–62. 3.Ibid., pp.B2r–v/pp.19–20. 4. The boldness of this synthesis becomes clear when one compares it with the two other marriage androgynes of which I am aware—both showing much more nataralistic four-legged “androgynes”—in the emblem collections of Joannes Sambucus and Nicoals Reusner (Joannes Sambucus, Emblemata et aliquot nummi antiquii [Antwerp: Plantin, 1564], accessed March 13, 2014, http://www .emblems.arts.gla.ac.uk/french /picturae.php?id=FSAb087; Nicolai Reusner, Emblemataa [Frankfurt: Feyerabend, 1581]). There was a French version of Sam- bucus’s emblem in 1567 with verses by Jacques Grevin. See also Thomas P. Roche, Jr., The Kindly Flamee (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), pp.134–36. I am grateful to Rachel Eisendrath for drawing my attention this work and to the two emblematists mentioned there. See further, Matthias Holtzwart, Emblematum Tyroinia [1581], ed. P. von Düffel (Stuttgart: K.Schmidt, 1968), p.88, accessed March, 25 2013, http://diglib.hab.de/wdb.php?dir=drucke/t-355-helmst-8f-2. 5. The parallelism between Adam and Christ is also implied in 1 Corinthians 15:22 and several times in Romans 5:12–21. Other New Testament references to Christ as the image of God invite comparisons to Adam made in God’s image. It is also frequent in the works of the Greek Fathers. 6. Thomas Mathews, “Christ Chameleon,” chap. 5 in The Clash of the Gods: A Rein- terpretation of Early Christian Artt (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), pp.115–41. 7. An image, accessed March 13, 2014, is available at http://commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File:Baptistery.Arians06.jpg. 8. Matthews, The Clash of the Gods, p.135. For bi-sexed gods in antiquity see Paulys, Realencyclopädie der Classischen Altertumswissenschaftt, Neue Bearbeitung, vol. 15 (Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 1912) columns 714–21, especially columns.720–21. The type is identified as having “clear delineation of female breasts and male genitals, although female genitals were sometimes indicated as well” (“Hermaphroditos” in Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae, vol. 5.1, Herakles-Kenchirias [Zurich: Artemis, 1990], p.283). These are viewed as physical oddities or, in Renaissance terms, as monsters of nature—what in this study is denoted by the Notes to Pages 46–48 ● 187

term hermaphrodite. The accompanying illustrations have female upper bodies, narrow shoulders, breasts, and male genitalia, often with the phallus erect when it has not succumbed to the ravages of time (5.2: pp.190–98). 9. The reference point, Genesis 3:15, reads “inimicitias ponam inter te et mulierem et semen tuum et semen illius ipsa conteret caput tuum et tu insidiaberis calcaneo eius” [I will put enmity between you and the woman, and between your seed and her seed; he shall bruise your head, and you shall bruise his heel]. 10. See Lorne Campbell’s entry on this painting in the (as of 2015 unpublished) catalogue of paintings in the National Gallery, London, The Sixteenth Century Netherlandish Paintings with French Paintings before 1600. Variants, dating, and provenance of the copies of this painting made in the are detailed in this catalogue by Campbell, “Jan Gossart, and Child,” accessed February, 1, 2015, http://www.nationalgallery.org.uk/document-type/policy/jean-gossart -virgin-and-child. Most informative is the catalogue raisonnée of Gossart’s paint- ings by Maryan W. Ainsworth, “Paintings: Virgin and Child,” in Man, Myth, and Sensual Pleasures: Jan Gossart’s Renaissance, The Complete Works, ed. Maryan W. Ainsworth (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2010), pp 122–89. Ari- ane Mensger, Jan Gossaert (Berlin: Reimer, 2002) does not discuss this painting. See also Günter Feuerstein, Androgynos: The Male-Female in Art and Architecture (Stuttgart: Axel Menges, 1997), a quirky overview of the question that notes the androgynous message of the Christ Child’s enlarged breasts (p.61). 11. Crispijn de Passe, reproduced in Ainsworth, Man, Myth, and Sensual Pleasures, fig. 325, p. 426. The engraving (ca. 9”x 12”) has an inscription crediting Gossart as its source. 12. Ainsworth, Man, Myth, and Sensual Pleasures, p.178. She notes a related image, p.304, fig.244, a painting attributed to a “follower of Gossart” in which she finds “the theme of Christ as female is even more directly expressed” (Ainsworth p.179, n.13). Several other Gossart paintings also show the infant Christ with breasts that seem to have more than baby fat: p.165 (dated ca. 1520); p. 157 shows two paint- ings “after Jan Gossart” by different hands, each of which provides more breast engorgement than Gossart’s original, repoduced p. 155. In several other paintings the Christ child is holding an apple, allusion to his role as New Adam, p.165, p. 167. 13. Ainsworth, Man, Myth, and Sensual Pleasuress p. 178. Caroline Walker Bynum, Jesus as Mother: Studies in the Spirituality of the High Middle Ages (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), especially pp. 115– 17. She mentions the existence of multiple copies of this painting in her Fragmen- tation and Redemption: Essays on Gender and the Human Body in Medieval Religion (New York: Zone, 1991), p.213 and pl.6.9. 14. Leo Steinberg, The Sexuality of Christ in Renaissance Art and in Modern Oblivion 2nd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996). 15. Steinberg argues that Christ is shown uncircumcised to maintain his perfection (Ibid., p.167). He goes on to draw a parallel with Eve (he might have added Adam), generally depicted with a navel in defiance of logic. The usual inclusion of the navel is another example of the force of the expected. 188 ● Notes to Pages 48–50

16. Ibid., p.82. 17. Ibid., p.28. 18. Alain Boureau, Le Simple corps du roii (Paris: Éditions de Paris, 1988), p.53. 19. The expression must have been current, Boccaccio too speaks of the ‘resurrezione della carne’ when he means an erection in Decameron III.10. 20. Steinberg, The Sexuality of Christt, p.370. 21. The painting which now hangs in the Academia in Venice, accessed January 4, 2013, can be viewed at http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Savior_-_Quirizio _da_Murano.jpg. 22. Greek and medieval medicine treats all human fluids as a continuum, enabling the transition from blood to milk. This is strengthened by the biblical equivalence of blood and soul (Deut. 12:23). Logically, to be suckled gave the suckler access to a kind of effluvium of the mother’s (or sucklee’s) soul, giving special force to the suckling image in Rabelais’s letter to Erasmus and elsewhere. 23. Carolyn Walker Bynum, Holy Feast and Holy Fastt (Berkeley: University of Cali- fornia Press, 1987), p.302. She returns to it in Fragmentation, reproducing the image, and explains in the caption that in an “evocation of the theme of Jesus- as-mother [it] shows a sweet-faced Christ offering the wound in his side with the lifting gesture so often used by the Virgin in offering her breast” (p.101, fig. 3.10). The same volume reprints Bynum’s article-length reply to Steinberg, origi- nally published as “The Body of Christ in the Later Middle Ages: A Reply to Leo Steinberg” Renaissance Quarterlyy 39, no.3 (Autumn 1986): 399–43. The second edition of Steinberg’s book contains his response to her “Reply”; both are working from starting positions that seem to preclude common ground. 24. See Titian, An Allegory of Prudence, 1550–1565, oil on canvas, National Gal- lery, accessed December 12, 2014, http://www.nationalgallery.org.uk/paintings/ titian-and-workshop-an-allegory-of-prudence. Panofsky terms it “the only ‘emblematic’ picture ever produced by Titian,” and while he notes that there are other male representations of Prudence, he makes no mention of the androgyne forms examined here (Erwin Panofsky, Problems in Titian, Mostly Iconographic [London: Phaidon, 1969], p.102–8). See also La Vertu de prudence entre Moyen Âge et âge classique, ed. Evelyne Berriot- Salvadore, Catherine Pascal, François Roudaut, and Trung Tran (Paris: Garnier, 2012). 25. It might be noted that the Latin word auriga is among the words grammatically feminine although it designates an almost inevitably male charioteer. 26. See Hans Sebald Beham, “The Knowledge of God and the Seven Cardinal Vir- tues: Prudence,” accessed November 6, 2013, http://www.clevelandart.org/ art/1950.471.2. 27. Francis Goyet, Les Audaces de la prudencee (Paris: Garnier, 2009), especially pp.11–23. My thanks to George Hoffmann for drawing my attention to this use- ful work. 28. The wings sprouting from the shoulders of the figure appear in other German depictions of the virtues around this time. See Guy de Tervarent, Attributs et Notes to Pages 50–53 ● 189

Symboles dans l’art profane 14500–1600 (Geneva: Droz, 1958), columns 10–15. Wings also appear in the devisee of Louise de Savoie with the explanatory legend, “Dieu m’a donné des ailes, je volerai et je me reposerai.” The implication in this context is the prudence off festina lente. 29. “Louise tient le gouvernail, symbole de sa régence, et porte des ailes d’ange,” in Etienne Le Blanc, Les Gestes de Blanche de Castille, v.1515–1516. Paris, BnF (ms. fr. 5715, fol.Av). The image appears in the biography of Louise de Savoie by Mary Beth Winn on the website of the Société Internationale pour l’étude des femmes de l’ancien régime, accessed November 6, 2013, http://www.siefar .org/dictionnaire/fr/Louise_de_Savoie. This imagery, like the wings in her device (see n. 28 above), suggest that Louise is proclaiming herself a Prince (terminology examined in chapter 6 below). 30. An anonymous late fifteenth-century tarot engraving includes such a figure, later copied by Hans Landesspelder (1530–1560). See also the “Prudence” of Virgil Solis (1514–1562), an engraving now in the Victoria and Albert Museum, accessed January 3, 2015, http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O757351/prudence -print-virgil-solis/. Similar images appear in the engravings of the Netherlander, Matham (1571–1631), there with a caption drawing attention to the fact that the image is double-faced. 31. The tomb of François II de Bretagne, including this statue, was executed by the sculptor Michel Colombe (and workshop) between 1502 and 1507, based on plans attributed to Jean Pérreal, with whom Anne, as queen, had earlier had con- tact in Paris.

Chapter 4 1. The expression physical androgynee here refers to imagining two bodies temporarily joined. It excludes cases in which one body permanently possesses two sexes— those are hermaphrodites—so poems like Jean Dorat’s “Androgyn,” describing just such a hermaphrodite, fall outside the purview of this study. For more on that work, see Dudley Wilson and Ann Moss, “Portents, Prophesy and Poetry in Dorat’s Androgyn poem of 1570,” in Neo-Latin and the Vernacular in Renais- sance France, ed. Grahame Castor and Terence Cave (Oxford: Clarendon, 1984), pp.156–73. Dorat made another use of the Androgyne in a short Latin poem praising Henri II’s edit du semestre, a short-lived attempt, in 1554, to double the number of members of the Parlement de Paris by requiring each member to sit full time for six months in the hopes of making them more compliant to his wishes. The first twenty-one lines are a summary of Aristophanes tale. In the second half of the poem (ll.22–41) Henri II becomes Jupiter, splitting the body in two; in fact he combines the roles Plato accords Zeus and Apollo. Etienne de La Boétie wrote a opposing response, also with glancing refences to Plato’s Androgyne: the king’s changes makes the cure worse than the disease, leaving twice as many magistrates, well rested, ready to oppose him. Both poems seem to count on readers’ familiarity with Plato’s Androgyne to advance their political 190 ● Notes to Pages 54–59

position. See Michel Magnien, “Un échange entre Dorat et La Boetie” in Jean Dorat: Poète humaniste de la Renaissance, ed. Christine de Buzon and Jean-Eudes Girot (Geneva: Droz, 2007), pp.369–92. 2. Pietro Bembo, Les Azolains de Monseigneur Bembo, trans. Jehan Martin (Paris: Vascosan, 1545), sig.70r. There is modern bi-lingual edition: Pietro Bembo, Les Azolains/Gli Asolani, ed. Carlo Dionisotto, trans., Marie-France Piéjus (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2006). In keeping with a focus on conditions and reception in sixteenth-century France, I have chosen to quote from French translations of the period whenever possible. 3. See for example Ficino’s Commentarium in convivium Platonis sive de amore, ora- tio 2, chap 8: “iste in ille, ille in isto vivit” (Marsilio Ficino, Commentaire sur le Banquet de Platon, ed. and trans. Raymond Marcel [Paris: Belles Lettres, 1956], p.156. 4. Bembo, Les Azolains, sig.70r–v. 5. See Pietro Bembo, Gli Asolani, ed. Giorgio Dilemmi (Florence: Accademeia della Crusca, 1991), book 2, sec.11, p.140 for an edition based on the 1505 text. Carlo Dionisotti’s edition is reproduced in Les Azolains/Gli Asolanii (2006); its text is based on the Venice 1553 edition, the last to be overseen by Bembo’s literary executors. The discrepancy makes it clear that Martin in 1545 used an Italian edition printed before 1530. 6. Bembo, Les Azolains, sig.A2r. 7. Ibid., sig.70v. 8. Ibid., sig.72r. 9. Ibid.,sig.72v. 10. There is evidence Castiglione read it in manuscript, see p. 58. Ficino too returns to the notion of the reciprocity of lovers in De amoree and elsewhere. See Stephen Murphy’s editor’s note suggesting that this was to some degree a classical com- monplace (Marsilio Ficino, Le Commentaire de Marsille Ficin, Florentin: Sur le banquet d’amour de Platon, trans. Simon Du Bois, ed. Stephen Murphy [Paris: Champion, 2004], p.63 n.28). 11. Baldesar Castiglione, Le Courtisan de messire Baltazar de Castillon nouvellement reveu et corrige, trans. Jacques Colin (Lyon: Fr. Juste, 1538), sig.B5v–B6r (empha- sis mine). 12. Baldesar Castiglione, The Book of the Courtier, trans. Charles S. Singleton (New York: Doubleday, 1959), p.216 (emphasis mine). I have replaced Singleton’s con- fusee in the last sentence with conflate, as what is meant is just that, they are melded together, made one. 13. See James Nelson Novoa, “Leone Ebreo’s Diáloghi d’amoree as a Pivotal Document of Jewish-Christian Relations in Renaissance Rome,” in Hebraic Aspects of the Renaissance, ed. Ilana Zinguer, Abraham Melamed, and Zur Shalev (Leiden: Brill, 2011), p.72. The date of Castiglione’s stay in Grenada is taken from Novoa. 14. François Rabelais, Gargantua, ed. Ruth Calder and M. A. Screech (Geneva: Droz, 1970), chap.7, p.60. Notes to Pages 59–61 ● 191

15. RSV: “Love does not insist on its own way.” The Vulgate: “non quaerit quae sua sunt.” 16. G. Mallery Masters, “Rabelais and Renaissance Figure Poems,” Études Rabelaisi- enness 8 (1969): 62. 17. Jerome Schwartz, “Aspects of Androgyny in the Renaissance,” in Human Sexuality in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, ed. Douglas Radcliff-Umstead (Pittsburgh: Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 1978), p.25. See also his “Scatol- ogy and Eschatology in Gargantua’s Androgyne Device,” Études Rabelaisienness 14 (1977): 265–75; and “Gargantua’s Device and the Abbey of Theleme: A Study in Rabelais’ Iconography,” Yale French Studiess 47: Image Symbol in the Renaissance (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1972), pp.232–42. 18. A. Screech, Rabelaiss (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1979), p.143; “An Interpretation of the Querelle des amyes,” Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renais- sance 21 (1959): 127. 19.Floyd Gray, Gender, Rhetoric, and Print Culture in French Renaissance Writing (Cam- bridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p.149. To these, one could contrast Fré- dérique Villemur, who astonishingly sees the badge as a mark of philautiaa in “Eros et Androgyne: La Femme comme un autre soy-mesme,” in Royaume de Fémynie: Pouvoirs, contraintes, espaces de liberté des femmes, de la Renaissance à la Fronde, ed. Kathleen Wilson-Chevalier and Eliane Viennot (Paris: Champion, 1999), p.249. 20. Guy de Tervarent, Attributs et symboles dans l’art profane 1450–16000 (Geneva: Droz, 1958), pp.302–3 lists numbers of sources for the pelican as a symbol of Christ and as a symbol of Charity, as in the marriage androgyne in Aneau’s 1552 Picta Poesis/Imagination poétiquee (see chapter 3 above). The printer’s mark of the Marnef family, “Au Pelican,” marks this purpose with the accompanying motto, “finis in charitate.” See also Louis Reau, Iconographie de l’art chrétien, vol. 1 (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1955), p.106. 21. Daniel Russell, The Emblem and Device in Francee (Lexington, KY: French Forum, 1985) sets forth the ground rules for the consideration of such a device: that it was at once personal—one image might be used by different people with varying mottos for differentp urposes—and public, in the sense that it made claims for the virtues of the wearer with the intent of conveying these ideas (pp.24–28). See also Screech, Rabelais, pp.142–43. 22. The courtly audience did have special on-the-spot access to additional learning, although what they wanted or needed know to remained oral, hence untraceable. The king’s reader, Jacques Colin or Pierre Duchastel, or a substitute, reading texts to the king and court, served as a living source of oral explanations. 23. The undeclared use of an intermediate translation, coming to an end at about this time, was still widespread, requiring neither explanation nor excuse. 24. On Heroët’s Ficinism, see Olivier Pot, “La Parfaicte Amyee ou une belle infidèle (Heroët et Ficin),” in Par Élévation d’esprit: Antoine Héroët le poète, le prélat et son temps. Actes du Colloque de Cercanceaux (2003), ed. André Genre and Loris Petris (Paris: Champion, 2007), pp.271–301. 192 ● Notes to Pages 61–64

25. Antoine Heroët, “L’Androgyne de Platon,” in Œuvres Poétiques, ed. Ferdinand Gohin (Paris: Droz, 1943), p.79, ll.1–2. 26. See Frances Yates, The Art of Memoryy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966), pp.82–104. 27. The characters in the framing narrative of Marguerite de Navarre’s Heptaméron also offer this explanation at the end of the seventh tale. 28. Pot, “La Parfaicte Amye,” p.300. In the same vein, see E. F. Meylan, “L’Évolution de la notion d’amour platonique,” Humanisme et Renaissance 5 (1938): 418–42. Meylan traces how amour profanee takes on the attributes of amour sacréé. 29. The expression autre moitié does occur at least once to my knowledge, many years earlier, presumably as a sign of recognition of the marital androgyne in an anonymous 1509 “Éloge de Louis XII”: “Et a soulager et adoulcir le desir que avions de vous absent, avez laissé la tres chrestienne Royne, vostre compaigne, comme ung autre tel que vous et ung autre soustenement du Royaume, de telle majesté et si auguste courage que ne sentyions vostre absence, si non que la moitié de vous estoit en elle demeurée, pareillement la moitié d’elle en vous” [To comfort and moderate the desire we have for you in your absence, you have left the most Christian Queen, your companion, as another like you and another support of the realm of such majesty and august character that we do not feel your absence, given the half of you that remains in her, and equally the half of her in you] (René de Maulde, “Éloge de Louis XII,” Revue historiquee 43 [1890]: 58 [italics mine]. See also Georges Gougenheim, “La Déchéance d’un terme platonicien,” in Mélanges Gamillschegg (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1957), pp.44–50. 30. Louis Le Roy, trans., Le Sympose de Platon ou de l’amour et de beaute, Traduit de Grec en Francois avec trois livres de commentaires extraictz de toute Philosophie (Paris: Sertenas, 1559), sig.O1r: “Vray est qu’il n’a du tout suivi Platon, comme chacun pourra congnoistre en les conferant: mais c’est joué poetiquement, en ostant et adjoustant ainsi que bon luy sembloit.” 31. Robert Valentine Merrill and Robert J. Clements cite nineteenth-century claims that it was published in Lyon by Juste in 1537 (Platonism in French Renaissance Poetryy [New York: New York University Press, 1957], p.207 n.13). But Alison Saunders reports that this poem “does not seem to have been printed at all until the posthumous edition of [Des Periers’s] works produced by his friend Antoine du Moulin: Recueil des oeuvres de feu des Perierss (Lyons, Tournes, 1544 8º, BN Res Ye 1445, p.79)” (Alison M. Saunders, “The Blason Poétique and Allied Poetry of the French Renaissance” [Ph.D. thesis, Durham University, 1972], p.155 n.25, accessed February 23, 2014, http://etheses.dur .ac.uk/7944/1/7944_4942.PDF). “Le Nombril” is cited here from Poètes du XVIIe siècle, ed. Albert-Marie Schmidt (Paris: Gallimard, 1953), pp.335–37. Schmidt includes it among the blasons du corps féminin, encouraged by Des Perier’s use of an approach to a specific body part made familiar in that erotic genre. “Le Nom- bril” is the title Schmidt gives it. 32. So too Salel, in his translation of Homer as Olivier de Magny, notes: “Tous ces motz Latin [Latinized forms of proper names] avoit rendus François, approuvant Notes to Pages 64–69 ● 193

l’oppinion de Monsieur de Ronsard qu’il admiroit grandement” (Hugues Salel, Le Unzieme, & douzieme livres de l’Iliade d’Homère, [. . .] Avec le commencement du trezieme, l’Umbre dudict Salell, faicte par Olivier de Maigny (Paris: Sertenas, 1554), sig.A4r). 33. Le Roy’s commentary puzzles over the distinction in the moral tone of the divi- sion implied by the two stories, deciding that Plato had a purpose the compre- hension of which exceeds the “imbecilité de nostre esprit “ [the weakness of our wits] (Le Roy, Le Sympose de Platon, sig. L4v). 34. In sixteenth-century French, butt can be a near synonym of boutt, which also has the sense of point one wants to reach. See Alain Rey, Dictionnaire historique de la langue française, s.v. “but.” 35. This association, which can be traced back to Empedocles, was perhaps most familiar in the Renaissance from Nicholas of Cusa, De Docta ignorantia. In that work, Cusa identifies a circle as a perfect figure of oneness and simplicity (l.21); two chapters later he argues from the notion of an infinite sphere to the existence of God. 36. On the unio, see Evelien Chayes, L’ Éloquence des pierres précieuses : de Marbode de Rennes à Alard d’Amsterdam et : sur quelques lapidaires du XVIe siècle (Paris: Champion, 2010), especially pp.49, 89. 37.Marguerite de Navarre, Les Prisons, ed. Simone Glasson (Geneva: Droz, 1978), pp.166–67, ll.916, 919–20. 38. , Œuvres poétiques, ed. Henri Chamard and Yvonne Bellenger (Paris: Nizet, 1989), vol.1, p.142. For a discussion of the close and shifting rela- tions of Petrarchism and Neo-Platonism as influences in early modern lyric poetry, see André Gendre, “Vade-mecum sur le pétrarquisme français,” Versants 7(1985): 37–65. 39. Symon Silvius, in the dedication of his translation (Ficino, Commentaire de Mar- sille Ficin [1546], sig.a2v). 40. Etienne Pasquier, Le Monophile, ed. Enea Balmas (Milan: Cisalpino, 1957). The androgyne discussion is pp.110–27. 41. Jouïssance, unmodified, is the shortest and most common of these. One also finds cueuillir le fruit l’un de l’autre, l’execution de nos volontez, nous apetons ce poinctt, aborder à ce commun port (all p.113), acquérir ce poinct (que le peuple appelle dernier) (p.117), la conquestt, apetence de conjonction corporellee (p.121), dernier poinct de jouïssancee (p.122), appetence charnelle l’entière jouïssancee (p.123), copula- tion charnellee (p.125), communication des corpss (p.127 and 129), and communi- cation mutuellee (p.128). Contentement appears here too, but as the joint aim of lovers, which the context defines as quite possibly not physical, indeed sometimes excluding the physical (e.g. p.114). 42. Pasquier, Le Monophile, p.111. Marguerite de Navarre likely composed most of the Heptaméron sometime in the mid-1540s, making the two characters, Dagou- cin and Monophile, close contemporaries. Dagoucin explains his position in the discussion following the seventh tale of that collection (Marguerite de Navarre, Heptaméron, ed. Renja Salminen [Geneva: Droz, 1999], pp.58–59). 194 ● Notes to Pages 69–74

43. Pasquier, Le Monophile, p.113. If Leone makes much of this exchange of souls, it is also explicit in Ficino’s De amore II.8, see n.{3} above. 44. Pasquier, Le Monophile, p.114. 45. Ibid. 46. Ibid., p.114–15. 47. Ibid., p.116. 48. Ibid., p.117. 49. Sex and desire do not seem to be as closely connected here as in their afterlife: his discussion of love is repeatedly at pains to devalue sex. Plato, in the Sympo- sium through the voice of Aristophanes but also elsewhere, seems uninterested in heterosexual coupling except as a means of producing children; his treatment of male-male couples also seems to devalue sexual intercourse, as in 191D, a passage Le Roy omits from his translation: “and if male meets with male, there might at least be satiety in their being together; and they might pause and turn to work and attend to the rest of their livelihood” (Seth Benardete, trans., Plato’s Sympo- sium [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001], p.21). 50. Pasquier himself might have read Leone in Italian, but the passage in the Mono- philee assumes that his reader is also familiar with these ideas, either from salon conversations or by reading Leone, both more likely after the appearance of the French translation. 51. François Beroalde de Verville, Cognoissances Necessairess (Paris: Jouan, 1584), sig.B3r. 52. Ibid. 53. Ibid., sig.B3v. 54. François Beroalde de Verville, Le Cabinet de Minervee (Rouen: Vidal 1597), sig. E7r. In the later works of Beroalde, there are some passing androgyne references, such as to the physical androgyne in Le Moyen de parvenir. 55. Agrippa d’Aubigné, Le Printemps, Hécatombe à Diane, Stancess (Paris: PUF, 1960), pp.250–61. My thanks to Stephen Murphy for calling my attention to this poem. 56. Ibid., l.36. 57. Agrippa d’Aubigné, Œuvres, ed. Henri Weber (Paris: Gallimard, 1969), p.496. Weber ascribes the image le couteau de l’Absencee to the Stances de l’absence, written by Jacques de Constans: “Ce n’est pas ton orgueil, ô ancien Androgyne, / C’est ta féllicité qui causa ta ruine, / Ton bien ains present te rendoit trop heureux. / Aussi les Dieux jaloux de tant de jouissance / Tranchèrent ton lien du couteau de l’absance.” [It is not your pride, oh ancient Androgyne, / it is your bliss that caused your downfall, / What you had then made you too happy. / And so the Gods jealous of such bliss / Severed your bond with the knife of absence.] (Jacques de Constans, l’ami d’Agrippa d’Aubigné. Contribution à l’étude de la poésie protes- tante, ed. Eugénie Droz [Geneva: Droz, 1962], p.74) Constans was a friend of Aubigné’s, who speaks warmly of him in Sa Vie à ses enfans. The image reappears elsewhere, including book seven of Les Tragiques, “Jugement,” l.1144. 58. Clements and Merrill, Platonism in French Renaissance Poetry, p.103. 59. Labé’s dates are those traditionally assigned her without entering into the ques- tion of the authorship of the works traditonally ascribed to her, which has no Notes to Pages 74–81 ● 195

relevance in the present context. Also in Lyon, Maurice Scève, in dizain 435 of Délie, makes a reference to a hermaphrodite, but the image is outside of the scope of this study as it belongs to an offshoot of the Ovidian tradition, a melted together pair of lovers, inspired by the Diáloghi of Speroni (Maurice Scève, Delie object de plus haulte vertu, ed. Gérard Defaux, 2 vols [Geneva : Droz, 2004], 1:pp.197–98 [text], 2:pp.468–70 [notes]). 60. Louise Labé, Œuvres Complètes, ed. François Rigolot (Paris: Flammarion, 1986), p.70. Labé’s work was published in 1555, although it was probably composed somewhat earlier, starting in the late 1540s; 1548 is the date suggested by Rigolot. 61. Ibid. It may be that “plus parfait” invites the reader to recall that Plato’s original androgyne reproduced like grasshoppers until after it was divided. 62. Joachim Du Bellay, “Contre les Petraquistes,” in Divers Jeux rustiques, ed. Henri Chamard (1558; Paris: Didier, 1947), p.74, ll.135–36. 63. Joachim Du Bellay, “Elégie d’amour,” in Divers Jeux rustiques, ed. Henri Chamard (1558; Paris: Didier, 1947), p.79. 64. Ibid. (emphasis mine). 65. Pontus de Tyard, Œuvres complètes, ed. Eva Kushner et al., vol. 1 (Paris: Cham- pion, 2004), p.118. 66.Ibid., pp.120–21. 67. Eva Kushner, Pontus de Tyard et son œuvre poétiquee (Paris: Champion, 2001), p.121 n.163. 68. Kushner, Pontus de Tyardd, p.147. Such a position opens the way to the possibility of a theoretical mid-point between the spiritual and the physical androgyne that might be applied to Scève and perhaps others as well. 69.Ibid. p. 147. 70. Another example of this usage in the works of Tyard: “Helas! beauté d’Amour, te choisiray-je aux hommes! / Ha non: je cognois trop le siecle auquel nous sommes.” [Alas, beauty of Love, will I find you among men! / Ha! no: I know the times in which we live too well.] This lover will not look among men. (“Elégie pour une dame enamourée d’une autre dame,” Recueil des nouvelle’œuvres poëtiques, ed. Eva Kushner, Œuvres complètes, vol. 1 [Paris: Champion, 2004], p.577, ll.19–20. 71. Jean Antoine de Baïf, “Je ne puis tenir mon aise” in Œuvres complètes, vol. 2, pt. 1, ed. Jean Vignes (Paris: Champion, 2010), pp.572–78. Vignes dates this poem around 1555. 72.Baïf, Œuvres complètes, 1:p.66. 73. Ronsard revised this slightly in 1578 and eliminated it entirely in 1587. For a close reading, see Ullrich Langer, “Le sonnet nombril, ou du bon usage de l’Androgyne (Ronsard, Amours de 1552, LXXII),” French Forum 26, no. 3 (2001): 1–12. 74. Guy Demerson, La Mythologie classique dans l’œuvre lyrique de la Pléiadee (Geneva: Droz, 1972), p.169. In general, he says of Ronsard: “La mythologie est chez lui [. . .] une expression de l’admiration hyperbolique ou du désir indicible” [He uses mythology as an expression of exaggerated admiration or unspeakable desire] (p.168). Seconding Demerson’s estimation, Isidore Silver, Ronsard’s Philosophic Thoughtt (Geneva: Droz, 1992) provides a starting list of Ronsard’s references to 196 ● Notes to Pages 81–83

the sensual androygyne (cited by volume and page numbers of Laumonier edition of Ronsard’s Oeuvres complètess): 4:110, 155; 10:119–21; 15:214–15; 17: 190, 213, 229, 230. This includes indirect references such as those to a moitiéé that offer very little to enrich the present discussion. In none are the possibilities inherent in the androgyne exploited with any complexity. 75. Pierre de Ronsard, “Hylas,” in Oeuvres Complètes, ed. Paul Laumonier, Isidore Sil- ver, and Raymond Lebègue, vol. 15 (Paris: Didier, 1957, pp.242–43. The poem was dedicated to Jean Passerat, soon after named Professeur d’éloquencee at the Col- lège de France. 76. W. H. Roscher, Ausführliches Lexikon der griechischen und römischen Mythologie (Leipzig: Teubner, 1916–1925), vol. 5, s.v. “Telamon.” 77. Meylan, “L’Évolution,” p.419. 78. Le Roy, Le Sympose de Platon, sig.K4v. 79. On Le Roy’s translation, see Kenneth Lloyd-Jones, “‘Cest exercice de traduire’: Humanist Hermeneutic in Louis Le Roy’s Translations of Plato,” in Recaptur- ing the Renaissance: New Perspectives on Humanism, Dialogue, and Texts, ed. Diane S. Wood and Paul A. Miller (Knoxville, TN: New Paradigm Press, 1996), pp.85–106. 80. Homosexuality in Early Modern France: A Documentary Collection, ed. Jeffery Mer- rick and Bryant T. Ragan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p.97 contains a translation of Henri Estienne, Apologie d’Herodote: “I admit that among the pagans (at least most of them) were addicted to this vice.” 81. See the excellent discussion of these poems from the perspective of Renaissance sexuality in Gary Ferguson, “Androgynes, Hermaphrodites and Courtesans Women, Queer Nature, and (Queer?) Pleasures,” chap. 5 in Queer (Re)Readings in the French Renaissancee (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2008), pp. 245–91, especially pp.252–62. 82. Pierre de Ronsard, Elegies, mascarades et bergerie (1565), in Oeuvres Complètes, 13:pp.170–76. Lesbian love, perhaps of the same couple, is also the subject of Tyard’s “Elégie pour une dame enamourée d’une autre dame,” in which the androgyne does not appear. I thank Cathy Yandell for drawing my attention to this poem. 83. This paucity of information is in spite of Laumonier’s note that “Brantôme nous renseigne abondamment” on this subject, suggesting that Laumonier himself wanted to know as little as possible about it (Ibid., p.171). Brantôme does men- tion these ladies without naming them; his interest is in creating a catalogue of lesbian practices (Pierre de Bourdeuil sieur de Brantôme, Recueil des Dames, poésies et tombeaux, ed. Etienne Vaucheret [Paris: Gallimard, 1991], pp.361–71). 84. On the subject in general, see Guy Poirier, L’Homosexualité dans l’imaginaire de la Renaissance (Paris: Champion, 1996). Questions about the implications of such “deep friendships” have been asked about the relationship between Mon- taigne and La Boëtie, where, whatever the facts, the affective bonds seem of more interest than those of corporal desire. See Philip Ford, “The Androgyne Myth in Notes to Pages 84–88 ● 197

Montaigne’s De l’amitiéé” in The Art of Readingg: Essays in memory of Dorothy Gabe Coleman, ed. Philip Ford and Gillian Jondorf (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp.65–74. 85. Orestes and Pylades were raised together like brothers in the court of the latter’s father after Orestes fled Mycenae following Agamemnon’s murder. The equal- ity of their relationship makes this among the most neutral of close male-male friendships in the Greek tradition, in which many homoerotic relationships were based on social inequality. 86. Earlier, it might have suggested echoes of the unity of the Valois trinity of the first decades of François I’s reign: “Ung Seul Coeur en troys corps,” [One single heart in three bodies] in Jean Marot, Les Deux Recueils Jehan Marot de Caen, Poëte et ecripvain de la Royne Anne de Bretagne, et depuis Valet de chambre du treschrestien roy Francois premier, ed. Gérard Defaux and Thierry Montovani (Geneva: Droz, 1999), p.88. Clément Marot published his father’s poem in 1533. By 1565, these lines belonged to another, largely forgotten mode. See below, chapter 6, “The Valois Trinity.” 87. Etienne Jodelle, Œuvres complètes, ed. Enea Balmas (Paris: Gallimard, 1965), 1: 369. 88.Todd W. Reeser, “Fracturing the Male Androgyne in the Heptaméron,” Romance Quarterlyy 51 no.1 (Winter 2004): 15–28. 89. De Navarre, Heptaméron, p.376. 90. Ibid., p.110–11. 91. Jodelle, Œuvres completes, 1:p.379. 92. Ibid., 1:p.365. 93. Beroalde de Verville, Cognoissances necessaires (Paris: Jouan, 1584), sig.B4r. There is another passage a few lines earlier (sig.B3v) suggesting much the same idea. Le Cabinet de Minervee (Rouen: Vidal 1597) sig.E6r repeats the same lines. Parts of these verse are reprinted without a specific source in Anthologie Poett- ique de Beroalde de Verville, ed. Verdun L. Saulnier (Paris: Haumont, 1945) pp.120–123. 94. De Navarre, Heptaméron, p.39. 95. Quoted in Michael A Screech, “An Interpretation of the Querelle des Amyes,” Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance 21 (1959): 121–22. The passage is taken from the Contramours of 1581 and refers to an earlier version (p.121) in the Louenge des femmess (1551), which Screech also attributes to Sebillet (p.120). The text of Genesis as Sebillet gives it is another example of biblical citation from memory. 96. Joachim Du Bellay “Sur la Mort de sa Gelonis,” Œuvres poétiques, ed. Henri Chamard (Paris: Nizet, 1983), 5:pp.27–34. 97. This poem of Du Bellay’s first appeared in a volume edited by Macrin himself, Salominii Macrini Iuliodunensis cubicularii regii Naeniarum libri tres, de Gelonide Borsala uxore charissimaa (Paris: Vascosan, 1550). 98. Jodelle, Œuvres completes, 1:p.339. 198 ● Notes to Pages 88–97

99. Since most of Jodelle’s lyrics were published for the first time in a posthumous collection, they cannot be dated precisely. All were composed between the end of the 1540s and his death at age forty in 1573. 100. Guillaume de la Tayssonnière’s Attiffet des damoizelless and Epithalame, ed. Ner- ina Clerici Balmas (Paris: F. Morel, 1575; repr. Geneva: Droz, 1992). Tayson- nière, born about 1530, directed the Attifett to a distant relative, Mademoiselle de Peres, eldest daughter of Louis de la Baume, sieur de Peres et Claudine de La Tayssonnière. The epithalamion was written on the occasion of the second marriage of Louis de la Baume to Catherine de Bruges. 101. Guillaume du Bartas, La Sepmaine ou Creation du monde, ed. Jean Céard, vol.1, ed. Denis Bjai (Paris: Garnier, 2011), pp.332–33. 102. Du Bartas, La Sepmaine, vol. 2, L’Indice de Simon Goulartt, ed. Yvonne Bellenger, pp.43–44. This edition prints Goulart’s annotations as a running alphabetical document, the form Goulart seems to have intended and as they appeared in 1581, rather than as notes to specific lines of Du Bartas’ text, as they often appeared in other sixteenth-century editions. In that latter arrangement, this comment would have appeared in book 6 appended to l.987. 103. La Sepmaine, vol 3 (2012) Annotations de Pantaleon Thevenin, ed. Denis Bjaï, pp.766–67. 104. Ibid., p.769, commenting on ll.984ff. 105. Jean Bertaut, Recueil de quelques vers amoureux, ed. Louis Terreaux (Paris: Didier 1970), p.161. Bertaut was lecteur royall, and following his ordination in 1607, Bishop of Séez. He never authorized the publication of his love poetry, making it impossible to date precisely.

Chapter 5 1. Marie Delcourt, “Le Complexe de Diane dans l’hagiographie chrétienne,” Revue de l’histoire des religionss 153 (1958): p.31. She notes that while one finds many cases of saintly females spending their lives in male disguise, sometimes buried with masculine names although dressing the corpse would have revealed their secret, the reverse is not found, men found no refuge in cross-dressing. 2. Patricia Eichel-Lojkine, Le Siècle des grands hommess (Louvain: Peeters, 2001). Gloiree is word that has no satisfactory English equivalent. Its roots are theologi- cal, its associations often military, and its closest synonyn (according to TLFi) is honneur. Its cognate, glory, is more limited; famee can be morally neutral, as is renown. Gloiree is more morally positive than any English equivalent; one’s gloire is based on the disinterested quality of deeds that earn respect, on brave and diff- ficult acts performed because it was right to do so, without thought of gain. 3. Etienne Pasquier, Le Monophile, ed. Enea Balmas (Milan: Cisalpino, 1957), p.114. 4. Ibid., p.132. 5. Ibid., p.134. 6. Ibid., p.138. Notes to page 97 ● 199

7. At about the same time that Pasquier gives us a Semiramis triumphant, Louise Labé, in her first elegy (1553), treats Semiramis as exemplary of “les plus nobles esprits” [the most noble spirits] brought down by love. “Royne tant renommée” [greatly renowned queen], she is presented as the apogee of the virile warrior, although the bellicose deeds of the Assyrian queen are countered by the dangers of Cupid/Amour ready to aim arrows at even the most bellicose lady whose army routed the Ethiopians. Her “louable example” [praiseworthy example] and her “furieus branc” [relentless arm] bloodied even the bravest enemies. Then sud- denly, the warrior queen loses her “coeur viril” [manly heart] to love, and worse yet, to a passion for her own son (Louise Labé, Œuvres complètes: , élégies, débat de Folie et d’amour, poésies, ed. François Rigolot (Paris: Flammarion, 1986) pp.107–10, ll.61–90. 8. See Jean Céard, “Listes de femmes savantes au XVIe siècle,” in Femmes Savantes, Savoirs des Femmes: du crépuscule de la Renaissance à l’aube des Lumières. Actes du colloque de Chantilly, septembre 1995, ed. Colette Nativel (Geneva: Droz, 1999), pp.85–94. Céard discusses Baptiste Fulgose (originally Italian, but published in Latin translation from 1508), Coelius Rhodiginus (Antiquae Lectiones, chap. 33), and Barthélemy Chasseneuz (Catalogus gloriae mundi, 1528). Chasseneuz insists that both sexes are made in the image of God, and that woman was formed from man rather than mud, an argument made famous by Cornelius Agrippa’s De nobilitate et praecellentia foeminei sexus declamatio (1509, pub.1529). Chas- seneux’s lists include women rulers, such as Artémisia, Sémiramis, Cléopatra, Zénobia, followed by Joan of Arc and virgin martyrs (p.90). 9. This work of Plutarch’s was available in a faulty late fifteenth-century Latin trans- lation by Alamanus Ranutinus, whence it was incorporated into Ravisius Textor’s (1480–1524) very successful De memorabilibvs et claris mvliervm: aliqvot diver- sorvm scriptorvm opera, (Paris, S. de Colines, 1521). The references above are to the French translation, Des vertueux et illustres faictz des anciennes femmess (Paris: J de Marnef, 1546), accessed May 11, 2015, at http://search.lib.virginia.edu/ catalog/uva-lib:1017687/view#openLayer/uva-lib:1022369/1389/903/0/1/0. See Adrian Armstrong’s insightful remarks in Jean Bouchet, Le Judgment poetic de l’honneur fememin, in Œuvres complètes, vol. 1. ed. Adrian Armstrong (Paris: Champion, 2006), p.54. 10. Plutarch, Des vertueux et illustres, ff.11–49. 11. Ibid., ff.50–85. 12. “La vertu des Femmes est la mesme que celle des Hommes” [women’s moral strength is the same as that of men]. Ibid, f.9. For a more positive reading of the (androgyne) consequences to be drawn from this remark, see Jeremy McInerney, “Plutarch’s Manly Women,” in Andreia, Studies in Manliness and Courage, ed. Ralph M. Rosen and Ineke Sluiter (Leiden: Brill, 2003), pp.319–44. 13. Chronology is the marker of history; Plutarch is explicit as he turns to individual portraits: “Doresenavant j’escriray de chacune Femme en particulier sans ordre aucun, ainsi comme la Fortune le donnera, me persuadant qu’il ne soit grand besoing de garder l’ordre en ceste histoire, ne la raison des temps” [Henceforth, I 200 ● Notes to Pages 97–98

will write about each woman individually without any principle of order, as For- tune brings it to me, being convinced that there is no reason to keep an order or chronology in these stories], making clear that his purpose is moral, not historical (Plutarch, Des vertueux et illustres, f.49). 14. Over 100 manuscripts survive in Latin, and there were printed editions between 1473 and 1551. A second French translation was printed by Vérard in 1493 (La Louenge et vertu des nobles et clers damess), dedicated to Queen Anne de Bretagne, although none of the three vellum presentation copies Vérard prepared seems to have been given to her: one went to the King of France, one to the King of Eng- land, and one to an unknown recipient. Its woodcuts do include a portrait of the queen, amusingly later reused as Semiramis and Juno. See Cynthia J. Brown, “La mise en œuvre et la mise en page des recueils traitant des femmes célèbres à la fin du Moyen Âge” in Le Recueil au Moyen Age, la fin du Moyen Age, ed. Tania Van Hemelryck and Stefania Marzano (Tournout: Brepols, 2010), pp.34–35. Early in 1539 (NS), the work appeared, now titled Le Plaisant livre des faictz et gestes des illustres et cleres dames; there was a new French translation by Lucantonio Ridolfi in 1551 now titled Des Dames de renom. Jean Balsamo records yet another French edition, which was translated by Denis Sauvage and published in Lyon in 1546, in “L’Italianisme lyonais et l’illustration de la langue française,” in Lyon et l’illustration de la langue française à la Renaissance, ed. Gérard Defaux (Lyon: ENS Éditions, 2003), p.221. See also Richard Cooper, “Le Cercle de Lucantonio Ridolfi,” in L’émergence littéraire des femmes à Lyon à la Renaissance 1520–1560, ed. Michèle Clément and Janine Incardona (Saint-Etienne: Publications de l’Université de St-Etienne, 2008), pp.29–50. 15. The Cité des damess is not to be confused with the same author’s Trésor de la cité des dames. The latter, despite its name, is an independent work that was printed at least four times from 1497 on. Armstrong notes that the rhetoriqueurss were apparently unfamiliar with Christine’s Cité des damess (Adrian Armstrong, “Semir- amis in Grand Rhétoriqueurr writing,” in Schooling and Society: the Ordering and Reordering of Knowledge in the Western Middle Ages, ed. Alasdair A. MacDonald and Michael W. Twomey [Louvain: Peeters, 2004], p.158). Cynthia J. Brown records that the king’s library contained a manuscript of the Cité des damess prior to Charles VIII’s marriage with Anne de Bretagne (The Queen’s Library: Image- making at the Court of Anne of Brittany, 1477–1514 [Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011], p.143 n.73). This raises the question of the accessibil- ity of texts that could be shared among friends or consulted in a royal or noble collection. 16. The first of these had only one edition in 1521, while the Officina went through at least fifteen editions 1520–1665.J ohannes Ravisius, Officina epitomee (Lyon: Gryphe, 1650), accessed March 10, 2014, see http://www.uni-mannheim.de/ mateo/camenaref/ravisius.html.. 17. In a related genre, there is Martin Le Franc’s Champion des dames, composed in the early 1440s and printed in Lyon by Jean du Pré (1488[?]) and in Paris by Galiot du Pré (1530). It belongs broadly to the querelle du Roman de la Rose, defending female virtue in a debate among allegorical figures. Notes to Pages 98–99 ● 201

18. Plutarch’s work was published in Paris by Olivier Maillard (1538) with no trans- lator identified, dedicated to Marguerite de France, daughter of François I; in Lyon by Rouille (1546), translated by Denis Sauvage; and in Paris by J. de Mar- nef (1546), naming as translator Luc-Antonio Ridolfi, who turned Alemanno Rinuccini’s Latin into Italian. 19. All but Lesnauderie’s work are now available in modern critical editions. The genre gives us an interesting window into a number of issues concerning gender, but based on its printing history, it cannot be argued that it was nearly as success- ful as the Latin tradition. Champier’s Nef des damess was reprinted in 1515 and 1531; Dufour remained in manuscript until the twentieth century; Lesnauderie had editions in 1522 and 1527; Bouchet’s Jugement poeticc appeared in 1533, 1536, and 1539 (NS); and Du Pré’s Palais had only one edition. To these one might add other titles containing simply lists of ladies: Jean Marot’s “Le Vray disant advocat des dames,” the catalogue at the end of Diego San Pedro’s Prison d’amour, etc. 20. The very title of Stephen Kolsky’s study of these works, De claris mulieribus: The Genealogy of Women (New York: Peter Lang, 2003), points to the filiation between these two works. Like Boccaccio, Ravisius Textor’s Officina, in its section on peo- ple who took their own lives, is a breathtaking display of the inapplicability of the modern divide between “real” and “fiction,” mixing Minerva, Lucretia, Dido, and Cleopatra. Brita Rang suggests that the women in these catalogues were “not really intended as models to be imitated, but rather as ‘objects of demonstration,’ exemplifying the potential rather than actual capabilities. This is precisely why it is almost irrelevant whether they were portrayed as mythical or divine figures or as women who had historically existed” (Brita Rang, “‘A learned Wave’: Women of Letters and Science from the Renaissance to the Enlightenment,” in Perspectives on Feminist Political thought in European History from the Middle Ages to the Pres- ent, ed. Tjitske Akkerman and Siep Stuurman [London: Routledge, 1998], p.51). 21.Bouchet’s Jugement poetic shows signs of attempting chronological organization as well, probably a reflection of the influence of Foresti. The reference point for all attempts at chronology is Eusebius’s Chronicle. 22. Jean Du Pré, Le Palais des Nobles Dames, ed. Brenda Dunn-Lardeau (Paris: Cham- pion, 2007), p.14. His most important source was likely Ravisius Textor. 23. Those that speak only of good women—the Cité de dames, Palais des noble dames, Nef des dames, etc.—may have their place in such a debate. One might say que- relless in the plural, differentiating the fifteenth-century responses to the misogyny of the Roman de la Rosee from later debates in the second half of the sixteenth century, which, with the exception of Claude de Billion’s Fort inexpugnable de l’honneur du sexe Femenin (1555), tend to make more realistic claims. Billon scarcely does more than list women’s names and offer a few words to remind the reader of the accomplishments with which each is associated. 24. Evelyne Berriot-Salvadore, Les Femmes dans la société française de la Renaissance (Geneva: Droz, 1990), p.346. She gives no further details. 25. Giovanni Boccaccio, Famous Women, ed. and trans. Virginia Brown (Cam- bridge: Harvard University Press, 2001) pp. xv–xvi. Brown’s introduction to her 202 ● Notes to Pages 99–101

translation of De mulieribus clariss makes the choice of dedicatee seem to be a consequence of the circumstances in which Boccaccio found himself in 1362: the dedication explains that the work is not worthy of the Queen, so he is dedicating it to a lesser lady. This is not especially flattering. In passing, one might note that Billon’s Fort Inexpugnable, dedicated to a list of contemporary noblewomen, has a clearly inscribed masculine reader: “Ainsi lecteur [. . .] si tu es amy ou serviteur de princesse ou dame aucune, entre hardiment” (François de Billon, Le Fort inexpugg- nable de l’honneur du sexe femenin [New York: Johnson Reprint Corp.], p.A4v). Bouchet’s Jugementt, dedicated to Anne de Laval and written in memory of Louise de Savoie, inscribes Fortune in the introductory section of the work, presenting an androgyne Louise in terms oft repeated in the genre: “je sceu tant bien son cas entretenir / Que je l’ay faicte aux honneurs parvenir / Non seulement femenins, mais virilles” (Bouchet, Œuvres complètes, p.128, ll.899–901). 26. Symphorien Champier, La Nef des dames vertueuses, ed. Judy Kem (Paris: Cham- pion, 2007) p.57. 27. See Juan Luis Vives, De Institutione Feminae christianae, ed. and trans. Charles Fantazzi (Leiden: Brill, 1996). 28. Helen J. Swift remarks that Dufour omits virilee in discussing the behavior of Hypsicratea and Artemis, although it is present in his sources. Virilis, she notes, is Boccaccio’s “lexeme of choice for praising woman’s accomplishments” (Gen- der, Writing, and Performance: Men Defending Women in Late Medieval France, 1440–1538 [Oxford: Clarendon, 2008], p.196). 29. Erasmus uses the word to praise ’s daughter, Margaret Roper. See Jean-Claude Margolin, “Margaret More Roper, un modèle érasmien de ‘virago,’” in La Femme à la Renaissancee (Lodz: Acta universitatis lodziensis, 1985), pp.106– 17. For Marie de Romieu, see Claude La Charité, “Marie de Romieu et l’écriture androgyne,” Sextant 17/18 (2002): 222. For Camille de Morel, see chapter 2 above. 30. Cynthia J. Brown observes that in Dufour’s catalogue, the “most repeated visual image of women [. . .] is that of the armed female combatant, for whom Dufour often expresses enormous admiration” (Brown, The Queen’s Library, pp.162–63). She places this in the tradition of depicting Virtues fighting Vices. 31. Boccaccio, Famous Women, pp.168–69; Des Dames de renom, trans. Luc-Antonio Ridolfi (Lyon: Rouille, 1551), pp.134–35. Widowed, she fled from her wicked brother “et prenant un courage fort et virile (dont elle acquit depuis le nom de Dido, qui signifie en langue Phenicienne autant que Virago en latin, cest adire femme de cueur viril)” [and taking up a strong and viril heart (whence she later acquired the name Dido which means in Phoenician what virago does in Latin, that is, a woman with a viril/manly heart)]. The Palais des noble damess adds that she fled disguised in men’s clothing, a plausible detail absent from Boccaccio’s account (Du Pré, Le Palais, p.134). 32. Euseubius’s Chroniclee considered Semiramis a contemporary of Abraham. 33. Outside the genre of short biographies, in Le Naufrage de la Pucellee (1477), Jean Molinet exploits euhemeristic/mythical possibilities, presenting her as “fille de Notes to Pages 101–4 ● 203

Saturne et soeur au grant Jupiter, [qui] après la mort du roy Ninus son espoux, le [l’orient] subjuga, a son empire” [daughter of Saturn and sister of great Jupiter (who) after the death of her husband Ninus subjugated the East to her empire] (Quoted in Armstrong, “Semiramis,” p.164). Among other rhetoriqueurs’ treat- ments of Semiramis, Armstrong mentions Octavien de St Gelais’s Séjour d’honneur (1494) and La Chasse d’Amourss (1509). Molinet, in Les Faitz (l1.401–6), also includes her as a “dame d’honneur.” Later (1575), in a different genre, Louis Le Roy provides a detailed biography, telling readers that as an infant, Semiramis was left alone in rocky desert, fed by birds who brought her food. Shepherds took her in. Because of her ‘excellente beauté’ she was offered to their prevost [leader], and then married to the king, “luy ayant aydé par son habilité à prendre la ville de Bactres [modern: Balkh]” [having helped him by her skills to take the city of Bac- tres]. After having constructed grand palaces and attacking India with an army of three million foot soldiers, five hundred thousand horsemen, and one hundred thousand chariots, she returned to Assyria and put the government in order. Then “elle s’evanouyt et disparant soudainement fut transportee comme l’on a creu avec les dieux” [she vanished and, disappearing without warning, was transported, as they believed, to be with the gods]. The passage concludes that to equal or surpass her husband’s fame and glory, she employed three million workmen to construct Babylon on the Euphrates (Louis Le Roy, De la Vicissitude ou variété des choses en l’univers, et concurrence des armes et des lettres par les premieres et plus illustres nations du monde [Paris: Pierre L’huilier, 1575], book 4, sig.i4v–i5r (=pp.36v–37r). See also the modern French edition, ed. Philippe Desan (Paris: Fayard, 1988), p.144. 34. Jean Molinet, Chroniques, ed. J. A. Buchon, vol. 2, Collection des chroniques nationales françaises 44 (Paris: Verdière, 1827), p.68. See also Armstrong, “Semiramis,” p.165. 35.Champier, La Nef des dames vertueuses, p.71. Lesnauderie reproduces the entirety of this passage (Pierre de Lesnauderie, La louenge de mariage et recueil des hystoires des bonnes, vertueuses et illustres femmess [Paris: Regnault, 1522], .fº42). See http:// gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k72062f. 36. Du Pré, Le Palais, p.115. 37. Bouchet, Œuvres complètes, p.255. 38. Martin le Franc, Le Champion des dames, ed. Robert Deschaux, 5 vols. (Paris: Champion, 1999), vol.4, Bk 4, pp. 73–75, ll. 16409–16456. Semiramis. There were two early printed editions including Paris: Galiot du Pré, 1530. 39. The modern critical editions of Champier, Bouchet, Du Pré, and to a extent, Du Four, point to specific sources of anecdotes and attitudes, demonstating the com- pendia’s common reliance on Boccaccio and Foresti and familiarity with Valerius Maximus. On Du Four, see n.46 below. 40. “Ceterum hec omnia, nedum in femina, sed in quocunque viro stenuo, mirabilia atqua laudabilia” (Boccaccio, Famous Women, p.20). 41. “Ninias [. . .] uti mutasset cum matre sexum” (Boccaccio, Famous Women, p.22). 42. Giovanni Boccaccio, Des Dames de renom, nouvellement traduict de l’Italien en Langage Françoyss (Lyon: Rouille, 1551), sig. b5v. 204 ● Notes to Pages 105–11

43. Ibid., sig.a4v. 44. Antoine Dufour, Vies des dames celebres, ed G. Jeanneau (Geneva: Droz, 1970), p.23. Dufour explicitly presents the work as a translation, something Jeanneau ignores. Pierre Jodogne, in a review of this edition, argues convincingly that it was indeed a translation of Foresti’s De plurimis claris selectisque mulieribus (Revue belge de philologie et d’histoiree 55 no.2 (1977): 547–50). Jeanneau replies without mentioning Jodogne, denying Foresti to be Dufour’s source on the grounds that the text does not translate Foresti exactly—an argument that seems to be based on a limited understanding of early sixteenth-century ideas of translation (“Dufour et son modèle” BHRR 39 [1977]: 89–90). Sophie Cassagnes-Brouquet oddly char- acterizes Dufour’s work as “plutôt une éloge des femmes” and also seems unaware of Jodogne’s important correction (Un Manuscrit d’Anne de Bretagne: Les vies des femmes célèbres d’Antoine Dufourr [Rennes: Editions Ouest-France, 2007], p.27). 45. Dufour, Vies des dames celebres, p.23. 46. Ibid. 47. Ibid. 48. Ibid., p.24 (emphasis mine). 49. Du Pré, Le Palais, p.113. 50. Dufour, Vies des dames celebres, pp.108–9. 51. Ibid., p.86. 52. Du Pré, Le Palais, p.136. 53. Champier, La Nef des dames vertueuses, p.74. For more on Maesia, see Anthony J. Marshall, “Roman Ladies on Trial: The Case of Maesia of Sentinum,” Phoenix 44, no.1 (Spring, 1990): 46–59.

Chapter 6 1. Quoted in Carole Levin, The Heart and Stomach of a King: and the Poli- tics of Sex and Powerr (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994), p.146. 2. Ibid., quoted on p.121. 3. Ibid., p.131. 4. Leah Marcus, “Shakespeare’s Comic Heroines, Elizabeth I, and the Political Uses of Androgynyny,” in Women in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, ed. Mary Beth Rose (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1986), p.147. 5. Quoted in Levin, Heart and Stomach, p.141. Stubbs was subsequently condemned to have his right hand cut off for writing this pamphlet, not for his androgyne treatment of the monarch but because the vigor of his venom against the French was found offensive. Gender has a further role here, as Stubbs also argued that such a French marriage would render effeminate. See Linda Gregerson, “French Marriages and the Protestant Nation in Shakespeare’s History Plays,” in A Companion to Shakespeare’s Works: The Histories, ed. Richard Dutton and Jean E. Howard, vol. 2 (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publlishers, 2003), p.252. 6. Quoted in Levin, Heart and Stomach, p.144. For more on this theme, see Win- fried Schliener, “Divina Virago: Queen Elizabeth as an Amazon,” Studies in Notes to Pages 111–12 ● 205

Philologyy 75, no. 2 (1978): 163–80. While the veracity of the speech in which Elizabeth used this expression has been contested by a few scholars, it has been accepted by recent editors of the queen’s works, Steven May (2004), and Leah S. Marcus, Janel Mueller and Mary Beth Rose (2000). 7. Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Medieval Political Theoll- ogy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957). 8. Although her powers were moral and military rather than political, Joan of Arc, la pucelle [the virgin] of Orléans, is the most familiar example of a virgin female leader transgressing limits normally placed on her gender, dressing in men’s cloth- ing, living alongside men who declared that they felt no desire for her, as if her virginity lifted her out of the status of woman to a place where she had access to full human powers, like the prelapsarian Adam. See John Bugge, Virginitass (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1975). 9. Kantorowicz, King’s Two Bodies, p.80 n.43. 10. By the end of the seventeenth century, the Dictionary de l’Academiee presents prince primarily as a term of reference to an absolute sovereign, the sense I am appealing to here; sixteenth-century usage was broader as in clear in Randle Cot- grave’s Dictionarie of the French and English Tongues (London: Islip,1611), where the long entry, prince, distinguishes between sovereigns and those whose title happened to be prince as the ruler of a region termed a principality was yet held in fealty to a king (like the prince de Condé). 11. My warm thanks to Cynthia J. Brown who read an earlier form of this discus- sion of Anne’s life. I have profited from her expertise both in private and in her published work. Any errors in what follows are entirely my own. An earlier ver- sion of Anne’s marital adventures with a different focus can be found in Marian Rothstein, “Topographie de la France, de la Bretagne: la carrière politique par le mariage d’Anne de Bretagne, orpheline, reine, duchesse souveraine,” in Illustra- tions inconsicients: écritures de la Renaissance; Mélanges en l’honneur de Tom Conley, ed. Bernd Renner and Phillip Usher (Paris: Garnier 2014), pp.455–76. 12. For a discussion of Anne’s earlier engagements and her marriage by proxy to Max- imilian, see Elizabeth A. R. Brown, “Order and Disorder in the Life and Death of Anne de Bretagne,” in The Cultural and Political legacy of Anne de Bretagne: Nego- tiating Convention in Books and Documents, ed Cynthia J. Brown (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2010), pp.177–92, especially p.178. 13. The 1488 traité du Verger, between King Charles VIII of France and Duke Fran- çois II of Brittany, stipulated that the French king had to approve the marriage partner of the heiress of the duchy of Brittany. 14.Arthur Le Moyne de La Borderie, Choix de documents inéditss, part 2 (Rennes: Prost, 1902), p.136, accessed October 10, 2010, http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/ bpt6k5821382p.image.f5. 15. In 1482, Charles was betrothed to Maximilian’s daughter, Margaret of Austria, in keeping with the stipulations of the Treaty of Arras. Raised at the French court since the age of three, she was about to reach marriageable age, twelve, in 1492. 206 ● Notes to Pages 113–14

16. Yves Coativy, “La numismatique d’Anne de Bretagne,” in Pour en finir avec Anne de Bretagne, ed. Dominique Le Page (Nantes: Archives départmentales de - Atlantique, 2004), p.29. 17. See Yves Coativy, La Monnaie des ducs de Bretagne de l’an mil à 14999 (Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2006), especially pp.171–73, 375–78. An image of Anne’s gold coin, accessed August 4, 2014, can be found at http://static-numista .com/forum/images/507daa91ac1aa.jpg. 18. The figure of a ruler en majestéé [seated on a throne] is attested on French med- als starting with Charles VII: in a medal to celebrate the end of the Hundred Years’ War and the freeing of French territory from English invaders, he has a naked sword in his right hand, a scepter in his left. From Anne’s point of view, the two moments were not dissimilar (Vallet de Viriville, “Médaille frappé à la monnaie de Paris sous Charles VII en souvenir de l’expulsion des anglais en 1451 et années suivantes,” Annuaire de la société de numismatique et d’archéologie, 2 [1867]: 210–57; the medal in question is pictured p.216, pl. XIV, fig.5, and described p.221–22). See also Jean Babelon, “Note sur un médaillon de Charles VII,” Revue numismatique, 6th ser., 5 (1963): pp.126–29. 19. No children resulted from that mariage, Louis claimed it had never been con- sumated. See Bertrand Argentré, Histoire de Bretagne (Rennes: Jean Vatar, 1668), p.705, accessed February 27, 2013, http://books.google.com/books?id=ApelLzf cHY0C&printsec=frontcover&hl=fr&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=on epage&q&f=false. 20. Argentré, Histoire, p.710. The term used, traité de mariage, correctly situates its political dimensions. Argentré spells out the details repeated by Anne’s modern biographers (pp.706–7). To avoid having the French crown and the duchy of Brittany inherited by the same person, the duchy was to pass to the couple’s secondd son, or failing that, to a daughter. In 1504, the couple had only one daugh- ter, Claude (1499–1524); their second surviving child was also female, Renée (1510–1575). 21. Numismatics again elucidates the effect of the terms negotiated here. “In the legend on the écu d’or au soleil Louis [XII] made his position absolutely clear by calling himself Francorum Rex Britonum Dux [King of the French, Duke of Brittany], as he was entitled to do under the terms of the marriage contract. The specifically French acclamation legend on the reverse of the gold coins was replaced by the ‘Deus in adiutorium meum intende’ [God, come to my aid] from the psalter, which was customary in Brittany” (Robert W. Scheller, “Ensigns of Authority: French Royal Symbolism in the Age of Louis XII,” Simiolus: Nether- lands Quarterly for the History of Art. 13, no. 2 [1983]: p.87). After Anne’s death, coins declared Louis simply rex francorum; the Breton title passed to his daughter Claude. 22. Although a lapse of some years was not in itself unusual, is not clear what deter- mined the timing of the ceremony. There was talk of her postcoronation entry with Paris officials early in 1502, but in fact they were officially notified of the impending ceremony only in October of 1504, a matter of a few weeks before it Notes to Page 114 ● 207

took place. See Michael Sherman, “Pomp and Circumstances: Pageantry, Politics, and Propaganda in France during the Reign of Louis XII, 1498–1515,” Sixteenth Century Journall 9, no. 4 (1978): 20–21. 23. The ceremonies associated with the consecration and coronation of a queen were based on those for the king, in turn based on the ordo for the coronation of Charles V in 1365. By the fifteenth century, although it was understood that France always had a king and that no ceremony was required to validate him, the sacre du roii [consecration of the king] remained an important ceremonial moment, a mistere [rite]. Anne’s first coronation was a rather unostentatious event stress- ing her role as bringer of peace with allegorical figures of Peace next to Amour and Justice. See Pierre Gringore, Les Entrées Royales à Paris de Marie d’Angleterre (1514) et Claude de France (1517), ed. Cynthia J. Brown (Geneva: Droz, 2005), Appendix I, “Le Sacre Anne de Bretagne à Saint-Denis en 1492(n.s.)” pp. 195–214. 24. On the possible aims of the queen’s coronation see Fanny Cossendey, “La Blancheur de nos lys,” Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine, 44, no. 4 (1997): 387–403. 25. Both André de La Vigne, Anne’s secretary, and the chief clerk (greffierr) of the Parlement de Paris, Jean du Tillet, offer arguments to the effect that the queen’s consecration conferred a lifelong dignity, ranking her second only to the king, whether as queen or dowager queen, although Du Tillet notes that in matters of precedence, the queen consort outranks the dowager queen. See Jean du Tillet, Recueil des rois de France, leur couronne et maison : ensemble, le rengs des grands de France ; Une chronique abrégée contenant tout ce qui est advenu, tant en fait de guerre qu’autrement, entre les roys et princes, républiques et potentats estrangers (Paris: Jacques du Puys, 1580), pp.178–79, accessed September 2, 2010, http:// gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k53491z. La Vigne insists that widows maintained the rights they had had during their husband’s lifetime. See Elizabeth McCartney, “Ceremonies and Privileges of Office: Queenship in Late Medieval France,” in Power of the Weak: Studies on Medieval Women, ed Jennifer Carpenter, Sally-Beth MacLean (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1995), p.187. 26. At the end of May 1505, after the fiançailless of Claude de France and Fran- çois de Valois, Anne was officially named regent should Louis XII die. During a king’s minority, the regent was traditionally his mother, the individual person- ally excluded from the succession who would have the interests of both king and country closest to her heart. Earlier Blanche de Castille had been regent for Louis IX; Louise de Savoie was later regent for François I; Catherine de Médicis for Henri II, Charles XI, and Henri III; and Marie de Médicis (less happily) for Louis XIII. 27. Louis XII had signed a secret agreement (probably unknown to the queen) on April 30, 1501, in Lyon in which he annulled in advance any match between Claude and someone other than François. Yet even as late as 1504, when he may still have hoped for the birth of a son, Louis seems to have entertained thoughts of marrying Claude to Maximilian’s grandson (as Anne wished), supporting 208 ● Notes to Pages 114–15

French claims to Italian territories, which have would cost France Brittany. See E. A. R. Brown, “Order and Disorder,” pp.186–87. Cynthia J. Brown suggests a number of motives that may have been at play. See, The Queen’s Library: Image- Making at the Court of Anne de Bretagne (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010), chap. 1. 28. Gringore, Entrées, Appendix II “Le Sacre et Couronnement d’Anne de Bretagne”(1504), p.234. Royal entrées were made into other “bonnes villes”— walled towns whose town councils were expected to provide protection for the population and in return were granted taxing privileges and responsibility for implementing local and regional justice. In the course of the sixteenth-century, there was a slow but steady shift of power from the cities to the central state, turning the joyeuse entréee into merely a ceremonial celebration. Arlette Jouanna, La France de la Renaissance: Histoire et dictionnaire, (Paris: Robert Laffont, 2001, s.v. “bonne ville,” and “corps de ville.” 29. Du Tillet also speaks of the king’s absence: “Quand les Roys estoient mariez la couronne leur escheant, ordinariement les Roynes leurs femmes estoient couron- nees avec eux. Si apres leur couronnement ils se marioirent, leurs femmes estoient couronnees ailleurs qu’audit Rheims, et les Roys ont laissé d’assister publique- ment” [When kings were already married when the came into the crown, the queens their wives were usually crowned with them. If they married after having been crowned, their wives were not crowned at Reims, and kings stopped being publicly present] (Du Tillet, Recueill, p.186). Obviously the king was present in 1365 at the joint coronation of Charles V and Jeanne de Bourbon, where, as the crown was placed on her head, she was made consors regni, literally meaning that she partook in the kingdom and government. This was an ancient formula, and it survived in subsequent coronation orders. That formula however,g ives the queen power only in the presence, so to speak, of the king” (Scheller, “Ensigns of Authority,” pp.137–38). Despite long detailed catalogues of the noble persons present and their place in the procession, recession, and ceremony, there is no mention of the presence of the king in the description of Anne’s coronation. Claude was married before François’ coronation and yet crowned separately, and it is not clear where François was during that ceremony; his presence at the door to the church is specified, but not inside. Again he has no place in the procession, no place on the various platforms constructed for the ceremony. In Gringore’s account of the coronation of Claude a dozen years later, there is no mention of the presence of François I. Cynthia J. Brown notes: “Traditionnellement, le roi était absent pendant le couronnement de la reine et son entrée à Paris,” Gringore, Entrées p.280 n.1. [By tradition, the king was absent during the crowning of the queen and her entry into Paris.] It seems likely that contemporary readers knew this. The descriptions of the coronations of Queen Eléonore and of Catherine de Médicis, each mention once in passing a small scafold allowing the king to observe proceedings without himself being seen, an innovation not mentioned earlier. See L’Ordre et forme qui a este tenue au Sacre & Couronnement de treshaulte & tres- illustre Dame, Madame Catharine de Medicis, Royne de France, June 10, Notes to Page 115 ● 209

1549, p.4r, accessed February 24, 2013, https://play.google.com/books/reader?id =ols8AAAAcAAJ&printsec=frontcover&output=reader&authuser=0&hl=fr&pg =GBS.PA1. 30. See McCartney, p.181, p.202 n.7. 31. Precise information for queens before Anne, as McCartney notes (p.181) is avail- able only for Jeanne de Bourbon. The descriptions of the coronations of Queens Eleonore, Catherine, and Marie de Médicis have been digitized by Google. On coronation rituals, see Percy E Schramm, Der König von Frankreich: das Wesen der Monarchie vom 9. zum 16. Jahrhundert, ein Kapitel aus der Geschichte des aben- dländischen Staaten (Weimar: H. Bölaus Nachfolger, 1939). 32.Du Tillet records the words accompanying the king’s ring ceremony as follows: “[L]edit Archevesque luy mette l’anneau au doigt medicinal de la main dextre, disant, Pren l’anneau signacle de la saincte foy, solidité du royaume, aumentation de joissance: par lesquelles choses tu saches chasser les ennemis par puissance triomphale, exterminer les heresies, reunir les sujets, et les anmener à la persever- ance de la foy catholique par Jesus Christ nostre seigneur.” [The archbishop puts the ring on the ring finger of his right hand saying ‘take the ring a sign of the holy faith, stability of the realm, increase of well-being, by which things you will know how to pursue enemies by triumphant powers, exterminate heresies, unite your subjects, and bring them to persevere in the Catholic faith by Jesus Christ our lord’.] Jean Du Tillet, Mémoires et recherches de Jean Du Tillet greffier de la coure d Parlement à Paris contenans plusieurs choses mémorables pour l’intelligence de l’estat des affaires de Francee (Rouen: Ph. de Tours, 1578), p.154, accessed September 6, 2010, http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k108714d. In the fourteenth-century ordo too the king’s ring came directly after his unction and oath to protect the church. The king’s ring was placed on the ring finger “doigt médicinal” whence a vein was thought to go straight to the heart, evoking love perhaps but also the tight connection between coeur [heart] and courage, and the king’s warrior func- tion here in the protection of the Church. So too in the anonymous account of the coronation of François I, L’Ordre du sacre et couronnement du Roy treschres- tien nostre sire Francoys de valoys premier de ce nom. Paris: Jehan Jhannot, Janu- ary 29, 1514 (o.s.). See gallica, accessed October 11, 2010, http://gallica.bnf.fr/ ark:/12148/bpt6k105053d. 33. Kantorwicz observes that although the ring married the bishop to his diocese, the words marking this bond were not included in the king’s ceremony, suggest- ing that the marriage metaphor was not evoked by this action, p.222 n.84. In contrast, Descimon, finds evidence of marriage in fifteenth-century investiture ceremonies of dukes: “En 1465, quand Charles de France, frère de Louis XI, fut consacré duc de Normandie, le célèbre Thomas Bazin, évêque de Lisieux, passa au doigt du prince, publiquement devant le grand autel de la cathédrale de Rouen, l’anneau d’or qui symbolisait l’union avec le duché. Lorsqu’en 1469, Charles, fait duc de Guyenne, se réconcilia avec son royal frère, ce dernier écrivait au connétable de Saint-Pol: “Nostre tres chier et tres ame frere le duc de Guienne nous a presentement envoie l’anel dont on disoit qu’il avait epouse la duchie 210 ● Notes to Pages 115–16

de Normandie” (Robert Descimon, “Les Fonctions de la métaphore du mariage politique du roi et de la république France, xve–xviiie siècles,” Annales ESC 6 [Nov–Dec 1992]: 1131). 34. In the ordo for Jeanne de Bourbon (1365), the latest we have for any queen before Anne, while the king received a ring, there was merely a benediction making Jeanne formallyy consors regnii (Scheller, “Ensigns of Authority,” pp.137–38). 35. Cynthia J. Brown, in Gringore, Entrées, lists as extant only the illuminated Wad- desdon Manor ms 22, prepared for Anne herself, and an eighteenth-century copy now in the Bibliothèque sainte Geneviève. To disseminate this intensely topical text to those present or those who wished to be, there may well have been more copies at the time. The subject must have lost most of its appeal after the marriage of Claude de France and François d’Angoulême in 1515. 36. Nicole Hochner recognizes that the ring had special significance in Anne’s second coronation, although she does not explain further (Nicole Hochner, Louis XII: les Dérèglements de l’image royale (1498–1515) [Seyssel: Champ Vallon, 2006], pp.272–73). 37. “Avant l’introyte de sa messe, le legat [Georges d’Amboise] se tourna vers le peu- ple. Puis envoya ledit tresreverend pere en dieu, Monseigneur l’evesque de Nantes [Guillaume Guegonne], querir l’aneau sponsal de la royne, laquelle luy bailla et le porta a mondit Seigneur le Legat qui le beneist, ainsi que requis estoit. Et tantost appres se leva la tresheureuse dame de son siege pour aller devant ledit grant autel et la estre pour la seconde foys precieusement sacree et dignement couronnee.” [Before the start of the Mass, the legat (Georges d’Amboise) turned toward the public. Then he sent the Reverend Archbishop of Nantes (Guillaume Guegonne) to get the queen’s wedding ring, which she gave him and he brought it to the Lord Legat who blessed it, as was required. And immediately thereafter, the most happy lady rose from her seat to go before the high altar and there, for the second time, be anointed with great care and duly crowned.] (La Vigne, Entrées, p.225) Here La Vigne is carried away by the usual expectations, uses the pair anointed and crownedd out of habit. 38. Almost a hundred years after Anne’s second coronation, Peter Paul Rubens’s paint- ing of the proxy marriage of Marie de Médicis, “la Remise de l’anneau,” shows a ring being placed—here too on her index finger—by secular and church offi- cials together. See, accessed March 13, 2014, at http://cartelfr.louvre.fr/cartelfr/ visite?srv=car_not_frame&idNotice=25623,. The marriage allowed Marie to enter French territory as queen consort. 39. “En continuant ses benedictions et oroisons, luy mist et posa au premieur doit de la main destre ledit aneau sponsal, signiffiant et denotant qu’elle espousoit et prenoit possession, saisine et joyssance du royaulme de France, a la charge d’en avoir et recevoir apprés le roy, seulle et sans moyen, les biens, tryumphes, gloires, houneurs, prehemynences, prerogatives, pors, [aide/soutien] faveurs, et general- lement toutes aultres choses qui par reigle de droit, a tiltre de treshaulte et excel- lente royne de France, comme elle appartienent sans riens excepter” (Gringore, Entrées, pp.225–26 [emphasis mine]). Notes to Pages 116–19 ● 211

40. Scheller, “Ensigns of Authority,” p.137 (emphasis mine). 41. Descimon, “Les Fonctions,” p.1135. 42. Anne’s innovation, espousing the realm, would have been awkward in the actual presence of the king. See n. 29 above. 43. Henri Pigaillem, Histoire des reines de France: Anne de Bretagnee (Paris: Pygmalion, 2008), p.241. Cossendy goes further, declaring, “Parce que la souveraineté est indivisible, elle est réservée au couple royal et il ne peut y avoir qu’une souveraine, celle qui est à ce point unie au roi qu’elle ne forme avec lui qu’un seul corps : la reine régnante” (Fanny Cossendy, Reine de France: Symbole et Pouvoirr [Paris: Gal- limard, 2000], p. 141). To support her argument she cites Guillaume Marlot’s 1643 Theatre d’honneur et de magnificence, more than a century later: “bien qu’il ne soit fait mention des Reynes en cette bulle [unclear what bull] [. . .] il semble néanmoins que le Pape les ayt voulu comprendre avec les Roys, la femme étant une même chose avec son mari” (p.439). Marlot’s conviction echoes the words of the king’s counsel at the trial of the maréchal de Gié in 1504. 44. Brown, “Order and Disorder,” p.187. Scheller agrees: “the notion of Anne as con- sors regni is linked not to the crown but to the ring, and it was not a ceremonial ring but her own wedding band. These ‘improvisations’ were clearly of the great- est significance, given the high level of state at which they are supposed to have taken place” (Scheller, “Ensigns of Authority,” p.138). 45. La Vigne says she walked “a pas de princesse souveraine” [with the step of a sov- ereign princess], the adjective a reminder of her Breton dignity and an indication of what is to come in this ceremony (p.218 [emphasis mine]). 46. Musées du Château de Nantes. Anne de Bretagne, une histoire, un mythee (Nantes: Musée du château des ducs de Bretagne, 2007), p.26. 47. Marie- Madeleine Fontaine and Elizabeth A. R. Brown mention the ’s com- municating newly gathered information to his patron in their introduction to Jean Lemaire de Belges, Des Anciennes Pompes funeralles, ed. Marie- Madeleine Fontaine and Elizabeth A. R. Brown (Paris: Société des textes français modernes, 2001), pp.vii, xi. By 1512 Lemaire too was in the service of Queen Anne. 48. Alain Bouchart, Les grandes croniques de Bretaigne (1514), ed. H. Le Meignen, (Rennes: Société des bibliophiles bretons et de l’histoire de Bretagne, 1886), fº68, accessed September 20, 2010, http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k110038g. image.r=Nomeno%C3%AB.f137. See also Michael Jones, “The Rituals and Sig- nificance of Ducal Civic Entries in Late Medieval Brittany” Journal of Medieval Historyy 29 (2003): p.292. 49. Bouchart, Les grandes croniques, fº68v (emphasis mine). I have translated dilec- tion as lovee in a religious sense. The Dictionnaire de l’Académie françaisee (4th ed., 1762): “Amour. Terme de devotion. La crainte de Dieu est le commencement de la dilection.” The word evokes a religious context. 50. Jackson credits Anne with introducing the marriage metaphor into the corona- tion (Richard A. Jackson, Vive le Roi!: The History of the French Coronation from Charles V to Charles X [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1984], p.85). He hesitates to recognize Bouchart’s account of the marriage between the 212 ● Notes to Pages 119–20

Breton king and his reestablished realm as a possible direct influence on Anne because the Grandes Croniques were published only a decade after her second coronation (pp.86–87). The queen may well have seen it long before as it was common for texts to circulate before their editio princeps like Heroët’s Androygne or Leone’s Diáloghii (which was read by Castiglioni), both mentioned chapter 4. Other examples are in Marian Rothstein “Printing, Translation, and the Para- digm Shift of 1540,” in Charting a Change in Renaissance French Thought and Culturee (Selinsgrove, PA: Susquehanna University Press, 2006), pp.141–85. 51. The ceremonies of her funeral were carefully recorded by herH érault d’armes, Pierre Choque, also known as Bretagne, and preserved in over thirty illumi- nated manuscripts. See Cynthia J. Brown, “Books in Performance: The Parisian Entry (1504) and Funeral (1514) of Anne of Brittany” Yale French Studies 110 (2006): pp.75–91; Helene Bloem, “The Processions and Decorations of the Royal Funeral of Anne of Brittany” Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissancee 54, no. 1(1992): pp.131–60; and Elizabeth A. R. Brown, “Refreshment of the Dead: Post Mortem Meals, Anne de Bretagne, Jean Lemaire de Belges, and the Influ- ence of Antiquity on Royal Ceremonial,” in Les Funérailles à la Renaissance, ed. Jean Balsamo (Geneva: Droz, 2002), pp.113–130. The queen’s wax effigy was daily served meals as the cortège made its way slowly to Saint Denis. The funeral of kings reached its fullest development in the sixteenth century, rivaling the symbolic importance of coronations; this ended with the funeral of Henri IV in 1610 (Robert Descimon and Alain Guéry, “Un état des temps modernes?” in Histoire de la France: L’état et ses pouvoirs, ed. Jacques Le Goff, André Burguière, and Jacques Revel, vol. 2 [Paris: Seuil, 1989], p.198. 52. The use of lifelike effigies in French kings’ funerals of began in 1422 (Desci- mon and Guéry, “Un état,” p.198). “In 1514, during Anne’s final illness, Louis requested prayers, bonfires, and ringing bells for his queen’s recovery. When she died, her funeral was planned on the model of a king’s funeral” (Sherman, “Pomp and Circumstance,” p.23). 53. There is no account of what happened at that final moment, to her wedding ring, so heavily implicated in royal symbolism. That it, like her dreams of a sovereign Brittany, accompanied her into the tomb is suggested by records of the great scan- dal that occurred when, after the funeral of Charles VIII, Pierre d’Urfé, the grand écuyer, made off with the king’s effigy, pall, cloth of gold, gold ringg, sceptre, main de justice, and ordre de St Michel, all intended to be buried with king, as Eliza- beth A. R. Brown recounts (“Order and Disorder” p.184). For Urfé’s motivation, see Alain Boureau, Simple corps du roii (Paris: Editions de Paris, 1988), pp.30–38. 54. See Barbara Stephenson, The Power and Patronage of Marguerite de Navarre (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004), p.81; Jean-Pierre Labatut, Les Ducs et Pairs de France au 177e siècle (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1972), p.69. The precise purpose of this honorific in the sixteenth century is hard to discern. Louise de Lorraine and Marguerite de Valois, later in the century, both duchesses de Berry, were also pairs de Francee (Labatut, Let Ducs et Pairs, pp.66–67). 55. Roger Doucet, Les Institutions de la France au XVIIe sièclee (Paris: Picard, 1948), vol.2, p.461–62. Labatut, Le Ducs et Pairs, p.67, points out that female peers did Notes to Pages 120–21 ● 213

not have the right to appear before the parlement and that the existence of female peers predates the sixteenth century (p.52). The official rights and privileges of a pair de Francee were to participate in the coronation ceremony of the king (Mar- guerite de Navarre was old, ill, and far from the court at the coronation of Henri II) and, should the occasion arise, to be judged by a court of their peers. 56. In 1535 it had nine members: Chancelier Duprat; Guillaume Poyet, premier pré- sident du parlement de Paris; Mathieu de Longuejoue, bishop of Soissons (later maître de requêtess); Henri d’Albret (Marguerite’s husband); Anne de Montmo- rency; Admiral Chabot; and the cardinals of Lorraine and Tournon (Stephenson, Power and Patronage, p.80). For more pointed recent research into members of the councils of François I, see Les Conseillers de François I, ed. Cédric Michon (Rennes: Presses universitaires, 2011). Jonathan A. Reid’s essay on Marguerite in this collection focuses mainly on religious issues and the “Navarrian net- work” (“Marguerite de Navarre, la soeur fidèle (1492–1549),” in Les Conseillers, pp.415–42). 57. Kristen B. Neuschel has done much to shed light on the extent of the activities of noblewomen who actively saw to the provisioning of their castles and territories in arms as well as more domestic materials. This was most often work carried out in defense of the private preserve rather than the res publica. See her Word of Honor: Interpreting Noble Culture in Sixteenth Century Francee (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989), and also her “Noblewomen and War,” in Changing Iden- tities in Early Modern France, ed. Michael Wolfe (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1997), pp.124–44. 58. Anne-Marie Lecoq, François Ier imaginairee (Paris: Macula, 1987), pp.393–99. She cites a verse epistle by François I and Marguerite’s response, both evoking the theme of three in one and a single will (pp.393–94). Lecoq also reproduces BN ms n.acq. lat.83, Marguerite’s prayer book, showing the arms of France sur- rounded by a banderole naming the persons of the royal trinity (p.397). The three fleurs de liss on the royal escutchon, she suggests, prepare an association with the Trinty, one that can be extended to the Valois trinity. Lecoq proposes that there was a connection between behind the emergence of the triune image and the contemporary “querelle des trois Maries” (p. 395). To this one might add, as George Hoffmann has reminded me, that the triad Anne, Mary, and the Infant, was a frequent grouping at the time (as in Leonardo’s Virgin and Child with Saint Annee), corresponding to the Valois trinity of two females and a male. 59. Rebecca Zorach discusses briefly a triangular composition that she connects to the influence of Jean Thenaud without mentioning the Valois trinity (Rebecca Zorach, The Passionate Trianglee [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011], p.78). 60. Leah Middlebrook, “‘Tout mon office’: Body Politics and Family Dynamics in the verse epîtres of Marguerite de Navarre,” Renaissance Quarterlyy 54, no. 4 (Win- ter 2001): p.1111. Jane E. Kane, in her critical edition of François I’s Oeuvres poétiquess (Geneva: Slatkine, 1984), p.315 has a similar difficulty of historical imagination, reading “L’esprit vivant en un corps trifformé” [the living spirit in a triformed body] as a reference to Marguerite’s pregnancy. The Valois trinity seems more likely. 214 ● Notes to Pages 121–23

61. Middlebrook, “‘Tout mon office,’” p.1119. Jean Marot’s poem appears in Lecoq, François Ier, pp.394–96 and in Jean Marot, Les Deux Recueils, ed. Gérard Defaux and Thierry Montovani (Geneva: Droz, 1999), Rondeau 48, pp.88–89. 62. Jonathan A. Reid, King’s Sister—Queen of Dissent: Marguerite de Navarre (1492– 1549) and Her Evangelical Network, (Leiden: Brill, 2009), p.85. Reid credits François Dumoulin de Rochefort, tutor to François I and later his grand aull- monier (ecclesiastical head of the king’s household), with the idea for which J. Marot then provided the form (p.86). 63. See entry “cœur” in the Dictionnaire du Moyen Français, accessed May 17, 2015, http://www.cnrtl.fr/definition/dmf/coeur.Nicot gives: “Courage, quasi Cordis actio; Noble courage, Generosior animus” Jean Nicot, Thresor de la langue fran- çoyse, tant ancienne que modernee (Paris, David Douceur, 1606), accessed May 17, 2015, http://portail.atilf.fr/cgi-bin/dico1look.pl?strippedhw=cueur&dicoid=NI COT1606. 64. Nouvelles Lettres de la Reine de Navarre adressées au roi François I, son frère, ed. F. Génin (Paris: Crapelet, 1842; repr. New York: Johnson Reprint, 1965), p.243. 65. Jean Molinet, Chroniques, ed. J. A. Buchon, vol.1, Collection des chroniques nationales françaises 43 (Paris: Verdière, 1827), p.94. The passage in question reads: “Disoient à la pucelle Marie Tu es bien heurée entre les femmes tu es bien en gré de lempereur Frederick très auguste et tu auras son fils pour espoux et mari par lequel tu pouras avoir enfant qui sera cause de retirer le peuple des tenèbres de mort il aura grand nom entre les hommes car il sera le fils du très souverain prince” [said to the Virgin, ‘Mary, you are blessed among women, you are in the good graces of the most august Emperor Frederic and you will have as husband and spouse his son, by whom you can have a child who will take the people from the shadows of death, he will have renown among men for he will be the son of the most sovereign prince’]. 66. “Que ces troys sont en passant leur Fortune / La trinité troys personnes en une. / Notez ces motz, et à tant je vous lesse/ Les troys estatz. [That these three are in passing their fortune / The trinity, three persons in one / Note these words, and so I leave you / the three estates.] Jean Marot, Les Deux Recueils, p.64. 67. Jean Molinet, Chroniques, ed. J. A. Buchon, vol.3, Collection des chroniques nationales françaises 45 (Paris: Verdière, 1828), p.99. 68. Ibid., p.108. This is another example of citing from memory, conflating the text of Genesis with a reference to this passage in the service of the Sunday morning before the start of Lent, the quinquagesima, where the response is exactly “Tres vidit et unum adoravit.” Genesis 18:1–2 describes the appearance of Dominus [the Lord] to Abraham in the form of “tres viri [. . .] quos cum vidisset [. . .] adoravit in terrram” [three men whom, when he saw, he bowed deeply before]. Some Fathers of the Church read this Theophany as an appearance of the Trinity (as Molinet’s version shows he did); others understood it to be God accompanied by two angels. 69. Ibid., p.109. 70. Much work remains to be done on Louise. Despite its promising title, Paule Henry-Bordeaux’s Louise de Savoie ‘roi’ de France (Paris: Plon, 1954) has no notes. Notes to Pages 123–24 ● 215

It makes grand claims: she was “un des grands hommes d’État que la France ait connus. [. . .] Bien mieux qu’Anne de Beaujeu, Louise mérite le nom de roi” [one of France’s greatest statesmen . . . Much more than Anne de Beaujeu, Louise deserves to be called king]. Like those of Anne de Bretagne, biographies of Louise readily lapse into a mode resembling a historical novel. 71. Notably Epitaphes à la louenge de ma Dame Mere du Royy (Paris: Tory, 1531). Mary-Beth Winn’s very thorough article lists a half dozen other publications in response to her death (“Louise de Savoie, ‘Bibliophile,’” Journal of the Early Book Societyy 4 [2001]: 230–31). 72. Jean Du Pré, Le Palais des Nobles Dames, ed. Brenda Dunn-Lardeau (Paris: Cham- pion, 2007), p. 346, l.5492 73. Jean Bouchet, Jugement poetic de l’honneur fememin, in Œuvres complètes, vol.1. ed. Adrian Armstrong (Paris: Champion, 2006), p.227. 74. See Marguerite de Navarre, Lettres inédites de Marguerite de Navarre, ed. Pierre Jourda (Paris: Champion, 1928)—hereafter Jourda, Lettres; Marguerite de Navarre, Lettres de Marguerite de Valois-Angoulême, ed. Raymond Ritter (Paris: Champion, 1927)—hereafter Ritter, Lettres; Correspondance de Guillaume Briçon- net et Marguerite d’Angoulême (1521–1524), ed. Christine Martineau, Michel Veissière, and Henry Heller, 2 vols. (Geneva: Droz, 1975–79)—hereafter Cor- respondance; Marguerite de Navarre, Lettres de la reine de Navarre, ed. F. Genin (Paris: Crapelet, 1841)—hereafter Genin, Lettres; Marguerite de Navarre, Nouvelles Lettres de la Reine de Navarre adressées au roi François I, son Frère, ed. F. Genin (Paris: Crapelet, 1842; repr. New York: Johnson Reprint, 1965)— hereafter Genin, Nouvelles lettres; Pierre Jourda, Répertoire analytique et chro- nologique de la correspondance de Marguerite d’Angoulêmee (Paris: Champion, 1930)—hereafter Jourda, Répertoire. The queen’s letters are rarely completely dated—day, month, and year—the last element is most often absent. In his Rep- ertoire, Jourda is very critical of Genin’s dating of the letters, but not particularly of his transcription. Since little of the argument of this chapter hangs on dating, many references below remain to Genin’s published transcriptions. Jonathan A. Reid’s impressive bibliography at the end of King’s Sister-Queen of Dissentt includes an extensive up-to-date list of books and articles containing additional letters. 75. Stephenson, Power and Patronage, p.46. Neuschel, Word of Honorr p.119, suggests that these salutations and closings are understood formulaically by recipients, although she too offers no explanation for the sometimes biologically impos- sible combinations of terms, also found in the letters of Catherine de Medicis, see Lettres, ed. Comte Hector de la Ferrière, vol. 2 (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1885), among others, pp.145, 157, 174. 76. Thierry Rentet supposes that the change was occasioned by Montmorency’s mar- riage in 1527 (Anne de Montmorency, Grand maître de François I [Rennes: Presses Universitaires, 2011], p.33). Marguerite’s own marriage that same year, as a con- sequence of which she became queen of Navarre, increasing the hierarchical dis- tance between them seems a more convincing cause. 77. Amyee might have the anodyne sense, friendd, but in closings where there is some tension between the correspondents, it suggests rather a reminder of shared 216 ● Notes to Pages 125–27

interests, thus my translation as allyy there. Marguerite consistently addresses other correspondents, like Madame de Châtillon and Madame de Rieux, as ma cousine. 78. Genin, Lettres, lettre 64, p. 236; the same formula again in lettre 113, p.306; lettre 115, p. 309; lettre 116, p.311; lettre 117, p. 312; lettre 120 p.314; etc. 79. Correspondance de Guillaume Briçonnet et Marguerite d’Angoulême, vol. 1 pp.31–32. 80. Ibid., vol. 1 pp.217–18. 81. Ibid., vol. 1 p.48. The meaning Briçonnet intendssubtille e to convey is not entirely clear. None of the usual senses work well with the self-depreciatory tone of the passage. In the “Dizain du monstre,” Clément Marot applies subtill to Marguerite herself (see below: “Marguerite as Monster”): “Elle a au chef un Esprit Angelique, Le plus subtil qui onc aux Cieulx volla,” where the context suggests that subtil means spiritual, in the sense of nonphysical. This use, in the end, is what per- suaded my translation. 82. Ibid., vol. 2 p.39. 83. Genin, Nouvelles Lettres, lettre 5, p.33. 84.She provides grist for this misguided mill by signing some letters to her brother “Vostre très humble et très obéissante subjecte et mignonne [Your very humble and very obedient subject and sweetie] (sometimes also adding soeur/sister). Although most of the king’s letters to his sister have been lost, François too addresses her in at least one extant letter as his mignonne, in a condolence letter on the death of her infant son. The context there defines it as an expression of brotherly warmth and closeness (Genin, Lettres, lettre 91, p.270). She puts the term in his mouth in Le Navire, and it reappears in her Chansons spirituelles where Chanson 38 reads: “Seigneur, Je suis la mignonne / d’un que ne puis nommer,” meaning God. 85. In another missive, Marguerite ends speaking of herself in the third person, also using this variety of amplificatio, closing: “à vous qui luy [Marguerite] estes frère, père et mary, se tient la plus obligée par son affecsion Vostre très humble et très obéissante subjecte et seur Marguerite.” [To you who are brother, father, and husband to her, your most humble and most obedient subject and sister considers herself entirely committed by her affection, Marguerite] (Genin, Nouvelles Lettres, lettre 21, p.54). Using family relationships in the same vein and crossing gender lines a generation later, Antoine de Bourbon wrote to his wife, Jeanne d’Albret, in 1555 to prepare her for her father’s immanent death: “vous priant de vous monstrer saige et vous asseurer que vous avez ung mary qui, si telle fortune vous avyent que vous serviray de père, mère, frère, et mary” [asking you to be calm and assuring you that you have a husband who, if events turn out so, will be to you a father, mother, brother and husbandd] (Bernard Berdou d’Aas, Jeanne III d’Albret, Chronique (1528–1572) [Biarritz: Atlantica, 2002], p.188 [emphasis mine]). 86. Genin, Nouvelles Lettres, lettre 144, p.260 (emphasis mine). 87. In Marguerite’s Les Prisons, her first husband, Charles d’Alençon, on his death- bed is similarly shown placing functions over biology, referring to François I, his brother-in-law as “Roy, père, frere, et bon maistre” (Marguerite de Navarre, Les Prisons, ed. Simone Glasson [Geneva: Droz, 1978], l.2318). Notes to Pages 127–33 ● 217

88. Genin, Nouvelles Lettres, lettre 81, p.137. Related images appear in other letters. In 1543, at the birth of François’s firstg randson: “Je vois tout vostre réaulme fortifié de cent mille hommes; enrichy d’ung trésor infiny” [I see your whole realm fortified by a hundred thousand men, enriched by an inestimable trea- sure] (ibid., p.227); and again, regarding a thirty-day siege against the Empire and the English, “la grace que vous leur faites fera mourir voulentiers cent milles homes davantaige” [your kindness to them would willingly have another hun- dred thousand men die] (ibid., p.239). 89. Ibid., lettre 88, pp.145–46. 90.Ibid., lettre 90, pp.148–49. 91. Stephenson, Power and Patronage, p.105. 92. Clément Marot, “De Ma Dame la Duchesse d’Alençon” in Œuvres poétiques Complètes, ed. Gérard Defaux, vol. 2, (Paris: Bordas, 1993), pp.204–5. 93. Catherine M. Müller reads this poem as the portrait of an “homme manqué” (“Monstrum inter libros: la perception de la femme lettrée chez les humanistes de la Renaissance française (l’exemple de Catherine de Morel),” in Livres et lec- tures de femmes en Europe entre moyen-Âge et Renaissance, ed. Anne-Marie Legaré [Tournhout: Brepols, 2007], p.133). 94. Defaux suggests that Marot’s poem may have been the starting point of Rabe- lais’s dedicatory dizain in the Tiers livre, a suggestion encouraged by the fact that Rabelais goes on to describe his own work as a “monstre” (C. Marot, Œuvres poétiques Complètes, p.989 n.1). 95. Recueil des Œuvres de feu Bonaventure des Periers (Lyon: Jean de Tournes, 1544), p.170, quoted in C. Marot, Œuvres poétiques Complètes, vol.2, p.989. 96. Christine Martineau-Génieys, “Masculin/féminin dans les œuvres mystiques de Marguerite de Navarre,” in Conteurs et romanciers de la Renaissance: Mélanges -André Pérouse, ed. J. Dauphiné and B. Sayhi-Périgo (Paris: Champion, 1997), p.355. 97. Marguerite de Navarre, Les Prisons. 98. For a thoughtful discussion of Marguerite’s choice of a male voice in this poem, see Anne Lake Prescott, “Family grief, Mourning and Gender in Marguerite de Navarre’s les Prisons,” Grief and Gender 700–1700, ed. Jennifer C. Vaught (New York: Palgrave, 2003), pp.105–22. Lynn T. Ramey proposes an ahistori- cal, psychoanalytic, feminist reading (“Androgynous Power and the Maternal Body in Marguerite de Navarre’s les Prisons,” Dalhousie French Studiess 71 [2005]: p.31–38). 99. Martineau-Génieys, “Masculin/féminin,” p.350. 100. Ibid., 359. 101. “De fait, si nous prenons en considération des opinions à l’égard de la reine mère émises par les camps catholique et protestant jusqu’en 1572, elle ne s’en tire pas mal” [In fact, if we consider opinions concerning the queen mother in the Catholic and Protestant camps until 1572, she comes out rather well] (Philip Ford, “La Diabolisation de Catherine de Médicis,” in Female and Sinners: Saintes et Mondaines (France 1450–1650), ed. Jennifer Britnell and Ann Moss [Durham: University of Durham Press, 2002], p.86). Nicole Cazauran concurs 218 ● Notes to Pages 133–35

in her introduction to the best known scurrilous attack on Catherine in the aftermath of the massacres, the Discours merveilleux de la vie, actions et deporte- ments de Catherine de Médicis, Royne-mère, ed. Nicole Cazauran (Geneva: Droz, 1995), p.13: “Nous oublions trop aisément aujourd’hui que Catherine de Médi- cis fut célébrée comme il convenait à une souveraine. [. . .] Dauphine, reine, ou reine-mère, elle ne fut pas aussitôt, ni toujours, ni pour tous, l’étrangère redoutable et maléfique, promise à l’exécration des Français.” [Today we too easily forget that Catherine de Médics was honored as was appropriate for a sovereign (. . .) crown-princess, queen, or queen-mother, she was not so readily, nor always, nor for everyone the terrifying and maleficent foreigner, destined to be loathed by the French.] Una McIlvenna’s work leads to a similar conclusion (“‘Stable of Whores’? The ‘Flying Squadron’ of Catherine de Medici,” in The Politics of Female Households, ed. Nadine Akkerman and BirgitBottom of Form Houben [Leiden: Brill, 2013], pp.179–208). 102. Historians have noted a waning in her influence around 1570, the time of Charles IX’s marriage. This is reinforced by Philip Aries’observation that what determined adulthood in the early modern world seems to have been marital status rather than age. Philippe Aries, L’Enfant et la vie familiale sous l’ancien régime (Paris: Seuil 1973 [orig. ed. 1960]), 8–14. See also my “Teen-Knights” in The Premodern Teenager, ed. Konrad Eisenbichlerr (Toronto: CRRS, 2002), pp.173–188. 103. Thierry Wanegffelen noted that since Catherine’s idiosyncratic spelling is pho- netic, one can deduce from it that her French was hardly marked by a foreign accent, unsurprising in a clever, ambitious woman who arrived in France at age thirteen (Catherine de Médicis: le pouvoir au féminin [Paris: Payot, 2005], p.22). On Catherine’s magical interests, see Luisa Capodieci, Mediciaea Medaea: Art, astres et pouvoir à la cour de Catherine de Médiciss (Geneva: Droz, 2011). 104. During her two regencies while Henri II was alive, Catherine, unlike Louise de Savoie, did not have control of the royal seal, which no doubt taught her the importance of this access to power. See Robert J. Knecht, Catherine de’ Medici (London: Longman, 1998), p.44. 105. Speech to the Estates General, December 13, 1560. Quoted from Loris Petris, La Plume et la tribune: Michel de l’Hospital et ses discours (1559–1562) (Geneva: Droz, 2002), p.384. Michel de L’Hospital, Harangue faite par mon- sieur de l’hospital grand chancelier de france, janvier mil cinq cens soixant et ung (, Julian Angelier, 1561[o.s.]), sig.A2v, at http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/ bpt6k101252j/f4.image. 106. Looking back on these events many years later, Brantôme also understood Antoine de Bourbon’s subordination as being of capital importance. Catherine blocked his hope of being regent, “si bien que ce fut audict Roy [de Navarre] de se contenter d’estre soubz elle” (Pierre de Bourdeuil sieur de Brantôme, “Second discours sur la Reyne, mere de nos roys derniers, Catherine de Médicis,” in Recueil des Dames, poésies et tombeaux, ed. Etienne Vaucheret [Paris: Gallimard, 1991], p.40). Notes to Pages 135–39 ● 219

107. Katherine Crawford, Perilous Performances: Gender and Regency in Early Modern Francee (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004). 108. Ibid., p.9. 109. Crawford offers the useful reminder: “The temporary political capacity of the Queen Mother depended on the idea that a king always retained his sovereign authority” (ibid., p.55). This is important and true, and in Catherine’s case, oversimplifies the political reality. 110. Petris, La Plume, p.405. 111. Ibid, p.405. 112. Estienne Pasquier, Lettres historiques pour les années 1556–15944, ed. D. Thickett (Geneva: Droz, 1966), pp.106, 129, 141, and 143. 113. Michel de L’Hospital, Discours pour la majorité de Charles IX et trois autres dis- courss ed. Robert Discimon (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1993) p.105. 114. Knecht, Catherine de’ Medici, p.90. The ambiguity associated with Charles IX’s majority is also visible in one of the drawings illustrating the Histoire d’Artemise (discussed below), in which Artemisia/Catherine leads the siege holding a sword and shield while the almost miniature king accompanying her puts a hand on the rudder, presumably a gesture indicating his majority. See Louis Stack, Images of a Queen’s Power: The Artemesia Tapestriess (Minneapolis: Institute of Arts, 1993), p.19. 115. Ivan Cloulas, Catherine de Médiciss (Paris: Fayard, 1979), p.11 provides an image and points out (p.155) that she is depicted wearing a widow’s veil as well as a crown. For the significance of this detail, see “The Widowed Queen” below. See also Denis Crouzet, Le Haut Cœur de Catherine de Médicis: Une raison politique aux temps de la Saint-Barthélemy (Paris: Albin Michel, 2005), pp.85–86. He describes the seal as “un sceau royal sur lequel son effigie occupe la place réservée à la figure du roi trônant en majesté.” This is in strong contrast to the seals used by regents during the absence of the king from the mid-fourteenth century onward (as happened for François I in 1517), when the regent used a seal with the legend “in absentia magni ordinatum” [ordered in the absence of the king]. See for example Natalis de Wailly, “Sur une Collection de sceaux des rois et des reines de France,” Bibliothèque de l’école des chartess 4, no. 4 (1843): p.484. 116. Pierre de Ronsard, “Plaquette de 1562,” in Œuvres Complètes, ed. Paul Lau- monier, Isidore Silver, and Raymond Lebègue, vol. 12 (Paris: Droz/Nizet/ Didier), p.7. The Universal Short Title Catalogue (http://ustc.ac.uk/) gives twelve editions of this poem in Paris, Toulouse, and Lyon. Most interesting is that it continued to be reprinted at least until 1566, that is during the whole of the royal tour of France and more than two years after the king’s majority. 117. Ibid., p.294–95. 118. Ibid., p.295. Catherine’s hand on the rudder appears again in another poem Ronsard wrote at about this time “Compleinte à la royne, mere du Roy,” where he describes her as the person “Qui, size au gouvernail, par jugemens prudens / Sçais eculler la nef des perils evidents / Pour la conduire au port” [Who seated at the rudder, by prudent decisions / knows how to steer the ship from clear 220 ● Notes to Pages 140–42

dangers /To guide it to port] (Ronsard Œuvres Complètes, vol.12, p.173, ll.11– 13). Again here, the rudder is associated with princely prudence. The French gouvernail makes apparent the rudder’s relationship to ruling and prudent governance. 119. See for example “The Polish Ambassadors”, woven sometime between 1573 and 1580. Accessed May 12, 2015, http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File:Valois_Tapestry_2.jpg. 120. Peter Stallybrass and Ann Rosalind Jones, Renaissance Clothing and the Materials of Memoryy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p.6. Both Marie Stuart (widow of François II) and Louise de Lorraine (widow of Henri III) chose to wear white mourning clothes; in Louise’s case, she wore them for the remaining twelve years of her life. See Sheila ffolliott, “Catherine de’Medici as Artemisia: Figuring the Powerful Widow,” in Rewriting the Renaissance: The Discourses of Sexual Difference in Early Modern Europe, ed. Margaret W. Fergu- son, Maureen Quilligan, and Nancy J. Vickers (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), p.371 n.5. See also Anne Hollander, Seeing Through Clothess (New York: Viking 1975), pp.373–74. 121. Hilarion de Coste documents it (Eloges ou les vies des Reines, vol. 1 [Paris: Cramoisy, 1647], p.240. See also Antoine Le Roux de Lincy, “Notice sur la bib- liothèque de Catherine de Médicis,” Bulletin du bibliophilee (1858), pp.915–41, for a list of some books in the queen’s library bearing this emblem. 122. A token bearing this emblem, accessed July 11, 2013, can be seen at http:// www.cgb.fr/catherine-de-medicis-le-veuvage,fjt_010250,a.html, reference num- ber F11628. See also Isabelle de Conihout and Pascal Ract-Madoux, “Veuves, pénitents, et tombeaux,” in Les Funérailles à la Renaissance, ed. Jean Balsamo (Geneva: Droz, 2002), p.250, pl. I, figs. 6, 8–12. While Catherine occasionally turned to other emblems during the last three decades of her life, she continued to use this one, presumably because its message was broadly significant. 123. Brantôme, “Second discours,” p.39. 124. I have avoided the expression dowager queen, which suggests someone possibly overshadowed by the contemporary presence of a queen consort. Catherine was not overshadowed. While there were sporadic symbolic references to Catherine as mother, comparing her to Rhea or Cybele, these run parallel to and outside our subject. 125. This is apparent in French, while quick in English has lost much of this sense, preserved in the quickeningg of a fetus and the distinction between the quickk and the dead. 126. Valérie Auclair identifies them rather as water and earth (for the quicklime, choosing to read it as a mineral rather than a potential source of heat) (Valérie Auclair, “De l’Exemple antique à la chronique contemporaine: L’histoire de la Royne Arthemise de l’invention de Nicolas Houel” Journal de la Renaissancee 1 [2000]: p.170). 127. Relations des ambassadeurs vénitiens sur les affaires de France, vol.2, pp.44–45, quoted in Denis Crouzet, Le Haut Cœur, p.201. Women might more commonly Notes to Pages 143–45 ● 221

be characterized as “subtil, rusé, malicieux, habile,” the dark side of prudence; magnanimity is clearly a virtue with a masculine aura, dependent on masculine functions. 128. Auclair, “De l’Exemple antique,” p.170. 129. Ronsard, Œuvres Complètes, vol.12, p.296. Laumonier reads the vocative Toy [you] (l.5) in the tradition of Latin epitaphs addressed to the passing observer, the viator, as proof that the sonnet was composed from the start to be placed alongside the carditaph. 130. “Hic cor deposuit regis Catherina mariti, / Id cupiens proprio condere posse sinu” (Ronsard, Œuvres Complètes, vol.12, p.297 n.1). 131. François Rabelais, Tiers livre, chap.52. A possible explanation for the odd insis- tence that it was whitee wine might be Augustine’s account in Confessions (VI.2) of ceremonies in which women drank wine at the tombs of martyrs. In such a setting, red wine with its associations to the blood of Christ, would have been in poor taste. 132. Auclair, “De l’Exemple antique,” p.171. 133. Jeanice Brooks, “Catherine de Médicis nouvelle Artémise: Women’s Laments and the Virtue of Grief,” Early Musicc 27, no. 3 (1999): p.422. 134. Having fallen into disrepair, it was destroyed in 1718–1719. See Jean-Marie LeGall, Le mythe de Saint-Denis: entre Renaissance et Révolution (Seyssel: Champ Vallon, 2007) p.436; Ivan Cloulas, Catherine de Médiciss (Paris: Fayard, 1979), p.346; Henri Zerner, L’Art de la Renaissance en Francee (Paris: Flammarion, 1996), pp.349–58. 135. Information conveying the rectangular shape of the Mausoleum at Halicarnas- sus was readily available in ancient sources like Pliny, Vitruvius, and Pausanias, and in more recent ones like the entry for Artemisia in Boccaccio’s De mulieribus claris. The argument for the shape chosen is in ffolliott, “Catherine de’Medici as Artemisia,” p.235. LeGall, Le mythe, p.436, suggests the round shape was chosen because the circle represented perfection. 136. Francesco Colonna, Le Songe de Poliphile, trans. Jean Martin, ed. Gilles Polizzi (Paris: Kerver, 1546; repr. Paris: Éditions de l’Imprimerie national, 1994). The Artemisia image takes up the whole of page 259. All page references it are to this edition. The symbolism of the image is explained in some detail in the text of the Songee (pp.257–58). In the prose version of his Histoire d’Arthémise, following the dedicatory epistle to Catherine, Houel lists the sources on which his work was based: prestigious ancient writers like Pliny, Valerius Maximus, Diodorus Siculus, and Strabo, and moderns, including Guillaume Du Choul’s beautifully illustrated Religion des anciens romains, (Lyon; Roville, 1547). Oddly, Houel omitts the Songe de Poliphilee (perhaps an oversight, or to avoid giving away too much, because it was a central inspiration?). The list of sources can be seen at: http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b9058243m/f17.image. r=fran%C3%A7ais%20306 and screens following. 137.Colonna, Songe de Poliphile, p.259. See Francesco Colonna, Hypnerotoma- chia Poliphili [Le Songe de Poliphile/The Dream of Poliphiluss] (Venice: Aldus 222 ● Notes to Pages 145–47

Manutius, 1499), f.rii, accessed July 11, 2013, http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/ btv1b2200005d/f101.item. In the French version, the nude figure at the very top of the monument is a mirror image of the Aldine version, the putti have wings added, and the elements contained in central rectangle of the base, also rendered as a mirror image, have been slightly altered and increased; the central figure, Artemisia, faces left in both versions. 138. See Ivan Cloulas, Diane de Poitierss (Paris: Fayard, 1997), pp.106 190, and 347; and Éliane Viennot, “Diane parmi les figures du pouvoir féminin.” Albineanaa 14 (2002): p. 473. Houel’s failure to mention the queen mother as a source of the idea as well as the tone of supplication in his dedication of the manuscript to her makes such a source less than likely. The manuscript (ms fr. 306, anc. 6929) can be viewed on Gallica, accessed July 19, 2013, as http://gallica.bnf.fr/Search?Ari aneWireIndex=index&p=1&lang=EN&f_typedoc=manuscrits&q=fran%C3% A7ais+306&p=1&f_century=16. 139. Some of the illustrations and the dedicatory epistle cited here, accessed July 19. 2013, are at http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b6901591q/f9.zoom, rep- resenting ms. AD 105 res, now in the Cabinet des estampes. Other illustrations are preserved in the Louvre. The same manuscrit, AD 105 Res, 2v, is also dis- cussed by Barbara Gaehtgens and Aude Virey-Wallon in “L’Artémise de Gérard van Honthorst ou les deux corps de la reine,” Revue de l’Artt 109 (1995): 24 n.18. 140. An astonishing number of pages of the Histoire are devoted to funeral customs, perhaps reflecting the construction of the carditaph or the Valois Rotunda as a starting point of Houel’s endeavor and certainly reflecting the degree to which funeral customs were an ongoing subject of interest in the period, giving more potency to the queen’s ingestion of the king’s heart. For Queen Claude, Jean Lemaire de Belges wrote Des Anciennes pompes funeralles, ed. Marie Madeleine Fontaine and Elizabeth A. R. Brown (Paris: Société des textes français mod- ernes/Les Belles Lettres, 2001); it is a primary subject of Guillaume Du Choul, Discours de la religion des anciens Romainss (Lyon: G. Rouille, 1556). The elabo- rate funeral of Anne de Bretagne was the subject of a detailed description by Pierre Choque, “La mort et les funérailles de la reine Anne,” of which Catherine owned a manuscript copy. See also Conihout and Ract-Madoux, “Veuves, péni- tents, et tombeaux,” p.245. 141. The siege of Rouen took place autumn 1562. Antoine de Bourbon died Novem- ber 17, 1562, as a result of a wound received there, making his brother, the Huguenot Prince de Condé, the only living prince du sangg, increasing Cath- erine’s range of power. 142. Brantôme, “Second discours,” p.50. 143. Nicolas Houel, Histoire de la reine Artémise, desseins d’Antoine Caron, accessed July 19, 2013, http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b6901591q/f9. 144. For example, Jean Ehrmann, Antoine Caron peintre à la cour des Valois (1521– 1599) (Geneva: Droz, 1955), p.34. He may be echoing La Croix du Maine, who also makes this claim. See François Grudé de La Croix du Maine, Bibliothèque françoise, vol.1 (Paris: L’Angelier, 1584), p.347. Houel himself is categorical, com- plaining of the expense while boasting of his close personal contacts with artists. Notes to Pages 147–50 ● 223

145. The illustrated version deals only with the story in books 1 and 2 of the prose version. Beyond that, Houel’s fiction moved into the realm of prediction where the detail a visual depiction demands became politically unrewarding. On the drawings, see Ehrmann, Antoine Caron, pp.53–81; Jules Guiffrey, Les dessins de l’Histoire des rois de France, par Nicolas Houëll (Paris: Champion, 1920), a pam- phlet including twenty-eight plates reproducing these drawings, accessed July 14, 2013, http://scans.library.utoronto.ca/pdf/1/31/lesdessinsdelhis00guifuoft/ lesdessinsdelhis00guifuoft.pdf. 146. Knecht, Catherine de’ Medici, p.138. 147. La Croix du Maine, Bibliothèque, vol.1, p.347. 148. Quoted in Auclair, “De l’Exemple antique,” p.168. 149. When, starting in 1611, Marie de Médicis oversaw the creation of the Palais du Luxembourg a year after the assassination of Henri IV, it had parallel apart- ments for Marie and for the deceased Henri IV. See Sara Galletti, Le palais du Luxembourg de Marie de Médiciss (Paris: Picard, 2012), chap.1. 150. Jeanne, a close contemporary of Elizabeth I of England and, like her, a protes- tant and sovereign in (some of) her lands, echoes the prayer in which Elizabeth compared herself to the biblical Daniel (Levin, Heart and Stomach, p.131) when she compares herself to Josiah: “formant mon patron sur le roy Josias, afin qu’il ne me soit reproché comme aux autres Roys d’Israel, que j’aye servy à Dieu, mais que j’ay laissé les hauts lieux” [forming my pattern on that of King Josiah, so that I should not be reproached, as were the other kings of Israel, that I served God but forgot the high places] (Quoted in Philippe Chareyre, “Hasta la Muerte: la Fermesse de Jeanne d’Albrett,” in Jeanne d’Albret et sa cour: Colloque de Pau 17–19 May 2001, ed. Philippe Chareyre, Evelyne Berriot-Salvadore, and Claudie Martin-Ulrich [Paris: Champion, 2004], p.90). Comparing themselves to Daniel and Josiah, both queens see themselves as kings. 151. When Jeanne married Antoine, Henri II had only one son, François; until the future Charles IX was born two years later, Antoine was next-but-one in the succession. 152. The recurrent wars of the second half of the sixteenth century are also termed civil wars, which they indisputably were. Since Jeanne is the focus here, and since, for her, religious issues overshadowed Gallican liberties and even anti- Spanish political concerns, I will use religious warss and consider the terms Huguenot, Reformed, and Protestant as synonyms in the present context. 153. See for example Yves Cazeau, Jeanne d’Albrett (Paris: Albin Michel, 1973). Given his historical vantage point, Agrippa d’Aubigné has more reason to treat her as Henri IV’s mother in the opening chapters of his Histoire Universelle, ed. André Thierry, 11 vols (Geneva: Droz, 1981–2000). 154. When Jeanne died in 1572, Charles IX, François d’Anjou, and the future Henri III were alive and well. Henri de Navarre’s chances of inheriting the throne of France would have seemed slim, even without considering the question of reli- gion (Henri was still a Calvinist). 155. For our purposes we can ignore Jeanne’s first marriage to Guillaume duc de Cleves in 1541, when Jeanne was nearly thirteen (entered into much against her 224 ● Notes to Pages 151–53

own will and arguably to the displeasure of her parents). Never consummated, it was annulled in 1545. 156. Berdou d’Aas, Chronique, pp.200 ff., including lengthy quotations from the work of Nicolas Bordenave, Jeanne’s official biographer. 157. The medal is mentioned by David Bryson, Queen Jeanne and the Promised Land (Leiden: Brill, 1999), p.75 158. See Bryson, Queen Jeanne, p.109. After the death of François II, Antoine was appointed Lieutenant général of France (chief military officer of the realm) rdu - ing the minority of Charles XI, a position which kept him in the north of France much of the time until his death in November 1562. 159. Bryson, Queen Jeanne, p.261. 160. The French reaction to the threat of excommunication was the more acute given that some fifty years earlier, Julius II’s 1513 politically motivated excommunication of Jeanne’s grandmother, Queen Catherine de Navarre (1470–1517) (and her husband, Jean III d’Albret) had sealed the loss of Spanish Navarre—perhaps 80 percent of the kingdom of Navarre—to Spain in 1512. 161. Philippe Chareyre, “Le souverain, l’Église et l’État: les ordonnances ecclésias- tiques de Béarn,” Zwinglianaa 35 (2008): p.163. The tendency to plain speaking seems to run in the family. 162. Jacques-Auguste de Thou, Histoire universelle, vol. 4 (London: [n.p], 1734), p.576. The work was first published in Latin as Historiae sui temporiss in 1606. 163. Recalling that the ceremony of Charles IX’s majority had taken place month earlier, in August 1563, this is a fine example of Catherine continuing, as her son had requested on that occasion, to behave as part of the constructed prince which included mother and son. 164. De Thou, Histoire universelle, vol. 4, p.576. 165. Chareyre, “Hasta la Muerte,” p.79. Jeanne had other mottos as well. During her time in La Rochelle she often used Pax certa, Victoria integra, Mors honesta [Firm Peace, Total Victory, Respectable Death]. This, equally bellicose and more appropriate to her situation in 1568, appears on a gold medals she had struck with the image of herself and her son as he went off to war. See Berdou d’Aas, Chronique, p.400. 166. Chareyre, “Hasta la Muerte,” p.82. 167. If religion was central to the world of both mother and daughter, Marguerite and Jeanne, for Marguerite, while politics were not excluded, its center of grav- ity was mystical, whereas her daughter had a far more dogmatic and political view. Jeanne was a sovereign; Marguerite very much a vassal of her brother. Mother and daughter were rarely together while Jeanne was growing up. Jeanne was raised by Aymée de Lafayette in Lonray, near Alençon. The correspondence between Aymée and Marguerite is lost. See Nancy Lyman Roelker, Queen of Navarre, Jeanne d’Albret 1528–15722 (Cambridge, MA: Belknap, 1962) p.11. Equally important in understanding this difference is the changed climate of Jeanne’s youth when the wars of religion were brewing, eliminating the hopes of confessional compromise available during much of her mother’s life. Notes to Pages 153–56 ● 225

168. Antoine de Bourbon reportedly died hedging his bets, receiving last rites from both a priest and a pastor in turn. Such indecision was foreign to Jeanne’s char- acter and, no doubt, in her view fell under the opprobrium of what Calvin termed Nicodemism. 169. Bryson, Queen Jeanne, p.132; Berdou d’Aas, Chronique, p.270. This started in a spirit of apparent tolerance on July 19, 1561, from Nérac, with the dec- laration of the simultaneum allowing Protestants to use the same churches as Catholics. 170. Jeanne d’Albret, Mémoires et poésies, ed. Alphonse de Ruble. (Paris: 1893; repr. Geneva: Slatkine Reprints, 1970), p.30. 171. When the work was republished in the nineteenth century, it was retitled Mémoires by its editor, presumably to package it as more gender-appropriate. 172. Ibid., p.86. 173. It is not entirely clear if this change of title should be attributed entirely to her sex or also to a desire to be conciliatory to English Catholics by modifying the anti-papal position implied by Supreme Head. 174. This was the Béarnais’s adoption of the decisions made at the French national Synod in La Rochelle in April 1571. Their “Confession of Faith” was signed, in order of precedence, by Jeanne, Henri de Navarre (then seventeen years old), Henri de Condé, Louis de Nassau, Gaspard de Coligny, Théodore de Bèze, and other delegates, mostly pastors. See Robert Kingdon, Geneva and the Consoli- dation of the French Protestant Movement 1564–15722 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1967), pp.194–95. 175. Berdou d’Aas, Chronique, p.456. 176. Bryson, Queen Jeanne, p.166, citing BNF Doat 238, fol. 96, 30 sept 1567. 177.Bryson, Queen Jeanne, p.25. 178. Ibid., p.188–204 recounts the adventures of Jeanne and her children from Nérac—which they left September 6, 1568—to La Rochelle, as Jeanne repeat- edly slipped past the forces of Monluc, who hoped to take her prisoner. Jeanne’s troops took the town of Eymet, perhaps her first action as military commander, and reached Bergerac on the other side of the Dordogne on September 12th, arriving finally in La Rochelle September 28th. 179. François de La Noue, Mémoires (Paris: Deterville, an II [1793]), chap. 20, p.228, accessed September 19, 2012, http://books.google.com/books?id=tas9AAAAcA AJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=inauthor:%22Fran%C3%A7ois+de.+-+La+Nou e%22&hl=fr&sa=X&ei=wog7UvbcN_Hd4APnhoEg&ved=0CFQQ6AEwBQ #v=onepage&q&f=false. 180.Berdou d’Aas, Chronique, p.447. 181. Aubigné, Histoire Universelle, book 5, chap. 9/vol.3, pp.64–65. 182. Ibid., book 5, chap. 18/vol. 3, p.140 183. Ibid., book 5, chap. 27/vol. 3, p.213 184. Evelyne Berriot-Salvadore, Les Femmes dans la société française de la Renaissance (Geneva: Droz, 1990), p.410 185. D’Albret, Mémoires, p.218. 226 ● Notes to Pages 156–58

186. Jean-Marie LeGall, “La Virilité des clers,” in Histoire de la Virilitéé, ed. Alain Corbin, Jean-Jacques Courtine, Georges Vigarello, vol. 1 (Paris: Seuil, 2011), p.213–30. 187. Although there is no evidence that she knew it directly, Jeanne’s remark to the Cardinal de Bourbon is in the same spirit as Théodore de Bèze’s (1519–1605) treatment of the pope in his satirical 1553 Passavant: “Ex quo infertur corollar- ium, quod papa contra grammaticos, est generis epicoeni, non autem masculini, quod praesertim valet in moderno Papa, qui vocabatur Joannes Maria, ut ab ini- tionativitatis ostenderetur eum fore androgynum, cum suo parvo cardinaluccio, et per consequens dignum pontificari.” [‘pope’, despite what grammarians say, is of the common gender, not masculine which is particularly true for the pres- ent pope whose name is Giovanni-Maria, as if to show that from birth he was androgyne (. . .), and therefore worthy of being made pope] (Théodore de Bèze, Epistola Magistri Benedicti Passavant [1553], ed. and trans. Jeltine Lambertha Regina Ledegang-Keegstra (Leiden: Brill, 2004), p.170. Although the term used is androgyne, the tone of the passage evokes a figure not quite eitherr (rather than both)—in the terms of this study, a hermarphrodite. Bèze’s satire (understand: Pas savant [Not learned]) was directed against Pierre Lizet (1482–1554), fervent heretic hunter and premier présidentt of the Parlement de Paris. I owe this refer- ence to George Hoffmann. 188. Introductory poem to Jeanne, Princesse de Navarre, signed I. de la Haye (Mar- guerite d’Angoulême, Les Marguerites de la marguerite des Princessess ed. Ruth Thomas, vol. 1 [Lyon: J de Tournes, 1547; repr. New York: Johnson Reprint, 1970], p.7). The privilège for the volume and for the poems included in volume 2, the Suyte des marguerites, was requested by the same “Symon Silvius, dit de la Haye, escuier valet de chambre de la Royne de Navarre (29 mars 1546, avant Pasques)” [Simon Silvius, called de la Haye, squire of the chamber of the Queen of Navarre (29 March 1547 NS.)]. See also Nathalie Dauvois, “Jeanne d’Albret et les poètes,” Jeanne d’Albret et sa cour, p.283. 189. “A tresillustre et tresvertueuse Princesse Madame Iane Infante de Navarre,” in Les Marguerites de la marguerite des Princesses, vol. 2, p.2. 190. Béarnais original: “Perque tu n’as la natura hemneca /Solament, mes vensut la vertut homememca. / Do ven aqo? de tant q’en Du plantas ta hiza, / Et qu’es es de tous pés la lanterna e la guiza.” See Dauvois, “Jeanne d’Albret,” p.292. 191. Aubigné, Histoire Universelle, book 6, chap. 2/vol. 3, p.307. 192. John Calvin, Commentaires de Jean Calvin sur l’Ancien Testament. vol.1: Le Livre de la Genèse, ed. André Malet, Pierre Marcel, and Michel Reveillaud (Geneva: Labor et Fides, 1961), pp.9–10. Calvin’s praise of Jeanne goes further: “Car selon qu’elle se modérait par une modestie incroyable, à grand’peine eût-on pensé qu’elle soutînt si doucement et paisiblement des violences plus qu’impétueuses et cependant qu’elle les repoussât si courageusement. Il y a bien peu de témoins qui sachent combien Dieu l’a vivement exercée en des combats intérieurs, et j’en suis un.” [As she controlled herself with incredible modesty, one could hardly think that she so mildly and peacefully bore ferocious attacks and yet she Notes to Pages 159–64 ● 227

repulsed them courageously. There are few witnesses, of whom I am one, who know how strongly God formed her by internal struggles.] Calvin’s dedication was actually dated July 31, 1563 (my warm thanks to Elsie McKee for correct- ing the date, printed as 1554). Calvin then praises young Henri’s qualities. How much this épîtree is a public document is evident as Calvin continues: “Ce m’a été assez, pour cette heure, d’avertir brièvement les lecteurs combien ils auront profité s’ils apprennent à approprier à leur usage le patron de l’Eglise ancienne, tel qu’il est exprimé par Moïse” [This has been enough for the moment to alert readers how much they have to gain by using the model of the early church as it is expressed by Moses] (p.13). 193. François I, Œuvres Poétiques, ed. Jane E. Kane (Geneva: Slatkine, 1984), p.183, ll.15–17. Originally published in In Lodoicae Regis Matris mortem, Epitaphia Latina et Gallica (Paris: Tory, 1531).

By Way of Conclusion 1. See Elena Woodacre, The Queens Regnant of Navarre: Succession, Politics and Partnership, 1274–15122 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013); William Monter, The Rise of Female Kings in Europe, 1300–18000 (New Haven: Yale Uni- versity Press, 2012), especially pp.131–33. 2. Barbara Newman, Medieval Crossover, Reading the Secular against the Sacred (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2013), p.4. 3. Ibid., p.13. 4. This change started earlier, but adaptations were slow, as repeated edicts forbid- ding the same behavior attest. See Max Harris, Sacred Folly (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2011). Bibliography

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Adam, 7–14, 17, 19–20, 25, 27, 40, 58, Baïf, Jean-Antoine, 64, 79–80 70, 71–72, 89–91, 110, 169nn9, Béarn, États de, 151 170nn15, 171n23, 172n29 becoming male, 39, 40. See heart, Adam’s womb, 13, 17, 173n45. See also virago, virile Christ as the New Adam bees’ gender, 29–30 Amesie/Maesia Sentinas, 106, 107 Beham, Hans Sebald, 50 anamnesis, 66, 70 Bembo, Pietro, Gli Asolani/les Azolains, androgyne, 2, 5–6, 15, 16, 18–21, 23, 54–57 24, 39, 44–45, 53, 54, 57, 60–63, Bernard, 32, 163 66, 67, 69, 72, 73–88, 91, 93, Berdou d’Aas, 154, 216n85, 224n165, 94, 161, 172n29, 178n88; lesbian 225n169 androgyne, 83–85; marital andro- Bernini, Gian Lorenzo, 41, 164, gyne, 6, 15, 44–45, 53, 70, 71, 87, 185n60 88, 89, 93, 103, 111, 109, 112, Béroalde de Verville, François, 71–72, 115, 117, 119, 121, 136, 143, 86, 194n54, 197n93 144, 149, 154, 192n29 Berriot-Salvador, Evelyne, 99, 156 Androgyne (Plato’s myth). See Plato, Bertaut, Jean, 92–93, 198n105 Symposium Bible. See under individual bookss for Anne de Bretagne, 50, 98, 99, 112–19, verses examined; simple references 159, 163 are not indexed andreia, 39, 40, 184n46 blason, 192n31 Antigone, 39 Boccaccio, 188n19, 202n25; De Apollo, 63, 74, 81, 88, 189n1 mulieribus claris, 95, 96, 97, 98, Aristotle, 29, 31 99, 100, 104, 145, 221n135; De Artemesia, 100, 106, 144–49, 219n114, genealogia deorum, 98, 167n1 220n120, 220n133, 221n135, Bordenave, Nicolas, 224n156 136, 222n137, 222n139 Bouchart, Alain, 117–19, 211n50 Aubigné, Agrippa d’, 72–74, 155–56, Bouchet, Jean, 98, 103, 123, 201n21, 158, 223n253 202n25 Auclair, Valérie, 142, 142, Bourbon, Antoine de, 134, 150, 155, 220n126 216n85, 218n106, 222n141, Augustine, Bishop of Hippo, 7, 11, 225n168 168n3, 169n1, 170n14, 173n41, Bourbon, Cardinal Charles de, 156, 173n45 226n187 252 ● Index

Boureau, Alain, 49 circle or sphere as sign of perfection, 18, Boyarin, Daniel, 8, 12, 169n9 65, 79, 177n81, 193n35, Brantôme, Pierre de Bourdeuil sieur 221n135 de, 141–42, 146–47, 196n83, Clement of Alexandria, 7, 169n11 218n106 Clement VII, Pope, 134 Briçonnet, Guillaume, Bishop of Clytemnestra, 30, 39 Meaux, 125–26, 132 cœur. Seee heart bride of Christ, 37 coincidentia oppositorum, 3, 164 Brittany, 112 Colonna, Francesco. See Songe de Po- Brooks, Jeanice, 144 liphile Songe de Poliphile Brown, Cynthia J., 200n13, 200n15, Commentaria in Pentateuchum 202n30, 208n29, 210n35 Mosis. See Cornelius a Lapide Brown, Elizabeth A. R., 117, 205n12 Commentarium in convivium Platonis. Brown, Virginia, 99, 201n25 Seee Ficino, De amore Butler, Judith, 28 Condé, Louis, Prince de, 155, 156, Bynum, Carolyn Walker, 30, 35, 37, 222n141 41, 46, 48, 49, 183n37, 184n39, Coquille, Guy, 120 188n23 Cornelius a Lapide, 8–14, 16, 171nn19–21, 171n24, 172n29 Cadden, Joan, 31 coronation, 110, 114–19, 151, 163, cadière (gold coin), 113, 138 207nn23–24, 208n29, Cajetan, Thomas de Vio, cardinal, 7, 209nn31–32, 210n36, 211n50 171n24 Corpus Hermeticum. See Ficino Calvin, Jean, 158, 226n192 correspondence formulae—salutations Caron, Antoine, 147, 223n145 and closings, 124–29 Castiglione, Baldassare, Il Cortegiano/ courage. Seee heart The Courtier, 57–58 Crawford, Katherine, 135, 219n109 Catherine de Médicis, 133–49, 215n75 Cusa, Nicholas of, 167n6, 177n81, Champier, Symphorien, 16, 102, 103 193n35 Charles VIII of France, 112, 137, 138, 142, 147, 205n13, 205n15 Dante, 185n59 Charles IX of France, 24, 133, 134, Delcourt, Marie, 96, 174n48, 198n1 138, 147, 218n102, 224n163 Demerson, Guy, 81, 195n74 Charles V, Emperor, 123 Descimon, Robert, 117, 209n33, Charles d’Alençon, 120 212n51 Charles d’Angoulême, 132 Des Périers, Bonaventure, 34, 63–66 Charles, duc de Bourgogne, 101 Deuteronomy, 14, 100, 188n22 Chartier, Alain, 103 Dialoghi d’amore. Seee Leone Ebreo Christ: as the New Adam, 12, 46, 48, dignity of monarch, 111, 114–15, 119, 131, 186n5, 187n12; as andro- 136, 149, 152, 207n25 gyne, 12, 45–49; as bridegroom, Dorat, Jean, 33–34, 181n17, 189n1 90, 132 Doucet, Roger, 120, 212n55 Christine de Pizan: Cité des Dames, 97, Du Bartas, Guillaume Sallust, 89–91, 99, 103, 201n23; Trésor de la cité 164, 177n81, 198n102 des dames, 200n15 Du Bellay, Joachim, 67–68, 75–77, 87 Index ● 253

Dufour, Antoine Jacques, 96, 99, 105, gender (modern), 27–29, 135 106, 201n19, 202n28, 202n30, Genesis 1:26-27, 6–12, 17, 18, 20, 204n44 22, 66, 67; Genesis 2: 22-24, 7, Du Pré, 98, 99, 103, 106, 212–13, 12–14, 25 201n19, 201n22, 202n31 Georges d’Amboise, Cardinal, bishop of Rouen, 116–17 Eichel-Lojkine, Patricia, 96, 198n2 Gié-Rohan, Pierre de, maréchal de Gié, Electra, 39, 40 117 Elizabeth I, Queen of England, 4, gold coinage. See Cadière 110–11, 112, 113, 130, 150, 154, Gossart, Jan, 46–48 156, 163, 204n1, 204n4, 204n6, Goulart, Simon, 91, 198n102 223n150 Goyet, Francis, 50 emblem, 43–45, 59, 141–43, 145, 149, Grandes Croniques de Bretagne. See 185n1, 186n4 Bouchart enfants de France, 136 grasshopper, 20–21, 195n61 entrée, 114, 115, 208n28 Gray, Floyd, 59–60 Erasmus, 10, 12, 22, 165, 170n16, Gregory of Nyssa, 10, 11, 13, 20 185n53 Estienne, Henri, 82, 196n80 Hapsburg. See Maximilian, trinity Eusebius, 5, 14–15, 17–19, 69, 91, Haye, Jean de la (dit Simon Sylvius), 170n12, 170n20, 175n65, 137, 226n188 175n67 heart (coeur, courage), 4, 38, 39, 100, Eve, 7, 9, 11, 13, 14–15, 19, 20, 103, 105, 106, 107, 110, 111, 24–25, 37, 41, 71, 89–90, 91, 121, 123, 129, 130, 130, 144, 110, 169n9, 74n53, 74n56, 147, 149, 158, 159, 184n46, 189n15 192n29, 199n7, 202n31, 209n32, 214n63, 222n140 Ficino, Marsilio, 6, 61; Corpus Herme- Henri II, 134, 142, 149, 189n1; ticum, 15, 16–17, 22; De amore, carditaph, 143–44; as Mausolus, 15–16, 22, 61, 68, 69, 73, 74, 82, 148–49 179n93, 190n3, 190n10 Henri IV (also Henri III de Navarre), Foley, Helene, 38, 39, 184n46 155, 150, 156, 181n18, 212n51, Ford, Philip, 133, 196n84, 217n101 223n149, 223nn153–54 Foresti, Jacopo Filippo da Bergamo, Henri d’Albret, King Henri II de Nav- 98, 104, 105, 201n21, 203n39, arre, 126, 127, 151 204n44 Heret, Mathurin, 23–24, 179n93, François I, 2, 119, 120, 121, 150, 158, 179nn96–97 167n4, 197n89, 208n32, 213n58, hermaphrodite, 1–3, 15, 45, 92–93, 213n60, 214n64, 216n87 157, 167n2, 167n4, 174n48, François II, duke of Brittany, 49, 112, 180n9, 186n1, 187n8, 189n1, 205n13 195n59 functional male, 100, 109 Heroët, Antoine, 60–63, 85, 191n24 functionally masculine, 30, 31, 34, 40, Histoire de la Royne Arthémise. See Houel 41, 106, 107, 117, 121, 123, 127, Homeric similes, 38 128, 135–40, 151, 153, 154, 160 Horowitz, Marianne Cline, 8 254 ● Index humors, humoral physiology, 31, 142 Leone Ebreo, Dialoghi d’amore, 3, 6, 23, Houel, Nicolas, 145–46, 147, 148, 24–25, 56, 69, 71–72, 93, 167n1, 221n136, 222n138, 222n140, 179n95, 175n103, 190n53 222n144, 223n145 Le Roy, Louis, 203n33, le Sympose de Hypnerotomachia Poliphili. See Songe de Platon, 17–23, 61, 63, 82 Poliphile lesbian lovers, 83–85 Lesnauderie, Pierre de, 201n19, 203n35 Illustrations de Gaule et singularitez de L’Hospital, Michel de, 135–37 Troye. See Lemaire de Belges Long, Kathleen P., 1, 167n4, 180n9 imago Dei/image of Godd, 9–10, 11, 12, Louise de Savoie, 50, 120, 123–24, 14, 17, 18, 20, 27, 35, 45, 46, 53, 132, 140, 148, 158, 189nn28–29, 60, 63, 66, 72, 89, 169n9 202n25 imitatio Christi, 38, 173n44, 184n39 manly woman. Seee virago Isidore of Seville, 41, 185n56 manuscripts circulated in the print era, 24, 54, 57, 58, 61, 98, 115, 148, Jeanne d’Albret, 150–59 176n69, 190n10, 200n15 Jehuda Abravranel. Seee Leone Ebreo Marguerite d’Angoulême, Marguerite Jerome, 13–14, 40, 169n11, 172n32, d’Alençon. See Marguerite de 185n53 Navarre Jodelle, Etienne, 84–86, 88 Marguerite de Navarre, 16, 66–67, 85, Jones, Ann Rosalind, 140 119–32, 157, 192n27, 193n42, 213nn55–56, 213n58, 224n167 Kantorowicz, Ernest H., 111 Marie Putéolane, 106 Kem, Judy, 99 Marot, Clément, 129–30, 216n81 kings of France. See Charles, François, Marot, Jean, 121, 122, 130 Henri marriage. See androgyne, Anne de Kuefler, Mathew, 37 Bretagne, bride of Christ, Christ as Kushner, Eva, 78, 79 bridegroom, emblem Martin, Jean, 56, 145, 196n5 La Croix du Maine, François Grudé de, Martineau-Génieys, Christine, 131, 132 148, 222n144 Masters, G. Mallary, 59 LaGuardia, David, 30 Mausolus. See Henri II La Noue, François de, 154–55 Maximilian I, Emperor, King of the Laqueur, Thomas, 35 Romans. See also trinity, 112, 122 La Tayssonnière, Guillaume de, sieur de McLure, Laura, 30 la Tour de Moles, 88–89 memory: artificial memory, 61, 79, 130; La Vigne, André de, 115–17, 207n25, texts cited from, 8, 19, 122, 161, 210n37, 211n45 175n59, 183n86, 197n95, 214n68 Le Baud, Pierre, 117–18 Meskell, Lynn, 35 Lecoq, Anne-Marie, 123, 213n58 Meylan, Edouard, 82, 192n28 Le Franc, Martin, 103, 200n17 Middlebrook, Leah, 121 LeGall, Jean-Marie, 156 Molinet, Jean, 101, 122, 202n33, Lemaire de Belges, Jean, 118, 164, 203n33, 214n65 222n140 Montaigne, Michel de, 34, 164, 196n84 Index ● 255

Montmorency, Anne de, Connétable, Quenechquivilly, Amaury de, 117 124, 215n76 Morel, Camille de, 33–34, 162 Rabelais, François, 33, 58–60, 93, Moses, 36, 44–45, 71, 168n2, 130, 144, 164, 181n17, 188n22, 171nn19–20 217n94 motto (devise). See also emblem, 50, rationes seminales, 7, 11, 169n9, 59–60, 141–42, 152–53, 154, 170n12, 175n67 189n28, 191nn20–21, 224n165 Ravenna baptistry, 46 Ravisius Textor, Johannes, 98, 199n9, navel (nombril), 20, 63–65, 79–81, 201n20, 201n22 187n15 Reeser, Todd, 85 Néomenoë, king of Brittany, 118–19 Ridolfi, Luc-Antonio, 104–5, 200n14 Neo-Platonic tradition, 7, 12, 14, 53, ring, 37, 114–19, 163, 209nn32–33, 173n41, 177n81, 193n38 210n34, 210nn36–38, 211n44 Nicolas of Lyra, Postilla, 7, 168n5 Ronsard, Pierre de, 24, 80–81, 84, Numbers 11:12, 36 138–39, 143–44, 163, 179n102, nursing (breast feeding). See suckling 181n17, 195nn73–74, 219n118 royal seal, 134, 137, 138, 218n104, ordo historialis, 99 218n115 Origen, 7, 9–11, 14, 20, 171n22, rudder. See ship of state 172n32, 172nn35–36 Ovid Metamorphoses, 1, 34, 182n22 Saint Denis, abbey, 116, 119, 144, 221n134 Paradis terrestre. See Molinet Salic law, 4, 110, 134 Pasquier, Etienne, 137; Monophile, Sardanapalus, 97, 107 68–71, 96–97 Scève, Maurice, 157, 195n60, 195n68 peer of the realm, peerage, 120, Scheller, Robert W., 116, 206n21, 212n55 208n29, 210n34, 211n44 Penelope, 14, 38 Schwartz, Jerome, 59 Philo Judeus, 7, 22 Scott, Joan Wallach, 28 Plato, 5–6, 14–15; Symposium, 17–21, Screech, Michael A., 59, 191n21, 23, 24, 25, 39, 57, 58–59, 60, 197n95 61–64, 66, 68, 69–71, 72, 73, 74, Sebillet, Thomas, 87, 197n95 76, 79, 81, 82, 84, 85, 86, 91–92, Semiramis, 101–5, 106, 199n7, 93, 172n29, 194n49 200n14, 202nn32–33 plenitude, 2, 12, 14, 17, 21, 27, 34, 37, Seneca, Lucius Annaeus, 39 43, 46, 49, 50, 57, 95, 96, 100, Septuagint(LXX), 8, 13, 170nn17–18 102, 104, 107, 109, 110, 111, ship of state (also rudder), 139–41, 154, 124, 129, 131–32, 154, 161, 162, 189n29, 219n118 163, 185n59 Silvius, Simon, 16, 176n73, 226n188 Pliny the Elder (Gaius Plinius Secun- Songe de Poliphile. Seee Colonna dus), 29–30 sovereignty, 102, 110, 112–13, 119, Plutarch, 97, 98, 199n13 133, 135, 150–51 Prudentia/Prudence, 49–51 sphere. Seee circle Pythagoras, 5, 13, 168n4, 175n59 Stallybrass, Peter, 140 256 ● Index

Steinberg, Leo, 48–49 Tyard, Pontus de, 77–79, 175n65, Stephenson, Barbara, 124, 128, 215n75 195n70 suckling (nursing), 33, 36, 37, 48, 181n17, 183n29, 183n31, 188n22 Valerius Maximus, 97, 104, 106, 203n39, 221n136 Terrestrial Paradise. See Molinet Valois trinity. Seee trinity Thevenin, Pantaléon, 91–92 virago, 13–14, 40–41, 100, Thou, Jacques-Auguste de, 152 160, 174n54, 185n56, Treaty du Verger, 112, 205n13 202n29, 202n31 trinity (political), 121–23, 124, 130, virile (viril), 23, 130, 158, 199n7, 136, 197n86, 213nn58–60, 202n31 214n66 virtus, 39–40