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FROM SACRED TO SECULAR: MUSIC, IMMORTALITY, AND SHIFTING VALUES IN SAN PEDRO XICORAS, MEXICO

SALVADOR HERNANDEZ

A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF MUSIC

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

2017

To my Parents

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The completion of this thesis would not have been possible had it not been for the incredible hospitality shown to me by the community of San Pedro Xicoras. I extend my deepest gratitude to the community, especially to the village’s governors during

2016 and 2017, for welcoming and assisting me with my research. Furthermore, I extend my thanks to the musicians that allowed me to record them in 2016, the danza coordinators who granted me free reign to enter the church during the danza in 2017, and my informants, for taking the time to personally assist me with my work.

Next, I would like to thank my advisors at the University of Florida: Larry Crook,

Paul Basler, and Welson Tremura, who also served on my thesis committee. Their instruction and guidance have been instrumental in helping me refine my ideas and develop the skills necessary to approach such a project over the years. I also extend this gratitude to the personnel at the University of Florida, whom have provided numerous resources and an unwavering willingness to provide assistance when asked.

The same acknowledgement goes to the College of the Arts and the School of Music, especially to dean Lucinda Lavelli and chair Kevin Orr, who along with my advisors, granted me an assistantship that covered my tuition, along with work experience and a supplementary wage over the five semesters of my enrollment.

I would like to thank my relatives in the state of Durango, who assisted me with my preparations for entering the field, and for transporting me to San Pedro Xicoras and back. Finally, I extend my sincerest gratitude to my parents, who have supported me throughout my time in academia, and in all of my endeavors.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... 4

LIST OF FIGURES ...... 7

GLOSSARY ...... 8

ABSTRACT ...... 11

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION ...... 13

Proposal ...... 16 Methodology ...... 18 Defining Key Terms ...... 21 Research Site ...... 22 Terror Management Theory (TMT) ...... 29 Defining Worldview ...... 32 Symbols, Death-Denying Capacities, and Value ...... 34 Categorization of Worldviews Based on Death-denying Capacity ...... 37 Worldviews that Offer Literal Immortality ...... 39 Worldviews that Offer Symbolic Immortality ...... 41 Attitudes Toward Worldviews ...... 43 Organization of the Thesis ...... 43

2 THE COSTUMBRE AND XURAVÉT AS SACRED IDENTITY ...... 48

Sacred Beliefs in San Pedro Xicoras ...... 49 The Costumbre Comunitario as Life-Extending and Death-denying ...... 52 The Costumbre Linaje as Death-denying...... 61 The Music of the Xuravét and Death Transcendence ...... 63 Decline of Sacred Tradition and Reflection ...... 70

3 FOLK CATHOLICISM AND DANZA AS SACRED AND SECULAR IDENTITIES ... 72

Folk Catholicism in San Pedro Xicoras ...... 76 Danza, Sacred Spaces, and Life Extension ...... 84 Danza, Identity, and Stylistic Rate of Change ...... 88 The Danza as Identity: The Mexicaneros of San Pedro Xicoras ...... 95 Apparel ...... 95 Dance ...... 97 Music ...... 98

The Danza as Identity: The Tepehuan of Canoas ...... 99 Apparel ...... 99 Dance ...... 100 Music ...... 101 Reflection ...... 102

4 POPULAR MUSICS AS EXPRESSING SECULAR IDENTITIES ...... 105

Popular Music, Identity, and Terror Management ...... 108 Música Norteña as Regional, Ethnic, and Transnational Identity ...... 111 Drug Culture and Generational Identity...... 117 Duranguense Music as State Identity ...... 123 Reflection ...... 126

5 FURTHER DIRECTIONS AND CONCLUSION ...... 128

Exploring TMT and Music ...... 130 The Xuravét and Corrido as Expressing Literal and Symbolic Immortality...... 134 Western Art Music as Worldview? ...... 135 Conclusion ...... 139

APPENDIX: INTERVIEWS ...... 141

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 213

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ...... 220

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure page

1-1 An overhead view of San Pedro Xicoras ...... 23

1-2 Approximation of the Gran Nayar cultural zone ...... 29

2-1 The Deer during the Xuravét ...... 59

2-2 The Tahuitol...... 66

3-1 Church exterior in San Pedro Xicoras ...... 75

3-2 The Xayákat in both of his masks...... 80

3-3 The Monarca, pictured in full attire, and the Malinche ...... 82

3-4 The Danza during the Procession of the Meat...... 85

3-5 A young Xicoras danzante in full attire ...... 97

3-6 The Canoas danzantes ...... 100

4-1 People gathering for a community event at the governor’s hut ...... 114

4-2 A conjunto assembled in San Pedro Xicoras ...... 117

4-3 Students at an elementary school dancing to duranguense music ...... 125

LIST OF EXAMPLES

Example page

3-1 Transcription of a Xicoras danza melody ...... 98

3-2 Transcription of the concluding Xicoras cadence ...... 99

3-3 Transcription of a Canoas danza melody ...... 101

3-4 Transcription of the Canoas concluding cadence ...... 102

4-1 Transcription of Juan’s earliest adorno performed in “El Yoyo Lopez.” ...... 115

GLOSSARY

Conservers of the Old (Conservo de Anciano): Term used by the villagers of San Pedro Xicoras to refer to four elderly men who are entrusted with preserving Mexicanero culture.

Corrido: Mexican song genre that eulogizes prominent individuals and functions as a social commentary. Lyrics are often presented in octosyllabic quatrains or sestets, while accompanied by tonic-subdominant-dominant harmonies.

El Costumbre (The Custom): The most significant sacred and indigenous ritual practiced by the Mexicanero. Over the course of three to five days, villagers fast and pray for divine providence, up until the xuravét circle dance that is conceptualized locally as uniting the living community with their deities and ancestors.

Conjunto: Refers to musical ensembles in Mexico. Instrumentation varies depending on the region: in San Pedro Xicoras, a typical conjunto consists of a violin, guitar, vihuela, and tololoche. Tepehuan and Cora conjuntos often use accordions instead of violin.

Culture bearer: The author’s term that refers to members of the older generation that are well-versed in Mexicanero lore. Includes the Conservers of the Old, along with Ismael and Manuel.

Danza: Sacred dance that is presented during Folk Catholic ceremonies throughout the year. Refers to both the choreographed dance itself, and the accompanying music that provides a sonic foundation for the danzantes.

Duranguense Music: Upbeat dance music associated with the Mexican state of Durango, although it has its origins in Chicago of the United States. Features recorders, saxophones, and electronic synthesizers.

Música Norteña: Northern Mexican tradition influenced by central and Eastern European folk styles, brought over by immigrants in the latter 19th century. The mass- mediated form of the style most often features accordion as the primary melodic instrument, which is accompanied by a variant of the guitar known as a bajo sexto.

Onda Grupera: Late 20th-century phenomenon in which musicians interpret mass- mediated music through ensembles consisting of electronic instruments, such as electric guitars, keyboards, and drum machines.

Mestizo: Refers to Mexican individuals of mixed Native American and European ancestry. Also refers to cultural practices associated with these individuals.

Mitote: Term that broadly refers to circle dances executed by indigenous populations throughout Mexico. In northwest Mexico, the mitote is often performed around a fire.

Narcocorrido: Extension of the corrido tradition that is associated with drug culture. Often shares its formal structure with the corrido, eulogizing drug traffickers and glorifying drug culture.

Tahuitol: Musical bow with a gourd attached to it that accompanies the xuravét. Alternatively referred to as gat by the Tepehuan, or tunama by the Cora.

Tepusilam: Prominent spiritual figure in Mexicanero lore, who is believed to have lived during the time of the ancestors. It was her problematic behavior that encouraged the Mexicanero ancestors to develop the xuravét, which originally severed the link between the physical and spiritual worlds.

Tololoche: 3/4ths double bass that is used to perform bass lines, for rural interpreters of música norteña.

Vihuela: Mexican guitar variant with five strings, often used in mariachi groups. Is frequently strummed to provide a harmonic foundation.

Xayákat: Mexicanero term referring to the devil that accompanies the danzantes during Folk Catholic festivals. The xayákat also doubles as a danza coordinator.

Xuravét: Sacred indigenous circle dance executed around a fire on the final night of the costumbre, lasting from midnight until sunrise and accompanied by the tahuitol. The villagers of San Pedro Xicoras believe that during this dance, they are dancing with their ancestors and deities.

Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Music

FROM SACRED TO SECULAR: MUSIC, IMMORTALITY, AND SHIFTING VALUES IN SAN PEDRO XICORAS, MEXICO

Salvador Hernandez

December 2017

Chair: Larry Crook Major: Ethnomusicology

Ethnomusicologist Alan Merriam has observed that “within a musical system, different kinds of music are more or less susceptible to change,” adding that “less change can be expected in religious than in social or recreational music” (1964:307-8).

In this thesis, I explore how stylistic rates of change in music are impacted by how effectively that music’s affiliated worldview offers immortality, using terror management theory as an interpretative lens. This interpretation is informed by the work of previous ethnographers, and my own field research in the Mexican indigenous village of San

Pedro Xicoras during the summers of 2016 and 2017.

Terror management theory claims that cultural worldviews, each with their own symbols including music, are formed as a means of mitigating death anxiety. I hypothesize that the effectiveness of a worldview in mitigating death anxiety is reflected in the value individuals place on that worldview’s symbols, and how intently they seek to maintain their orthodoxy. In San Pedro Xicoras, the older generation expresses this by seeking strict orthodoxy with the xuravét circle dance, which transcends death by expressing notions of an indigenous afterlife. Less strenuous efforts are made to

preserve the mestizo danza, which accordingly does not include death-transcending imagery, yet seeks to defy death by extending life via divine appeals to Christian saints.

Popular musics, distinct through their offering of only symbolic immortality, accordingly express the fastest rates of change. However, their greater accessibility through technology and global dissemination has encouraged their rise in popularity in the region.

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

It is not an everyday thing to get to watch the devil dance for civil authorities in the governor’s hut of San Pedro Xicoras. However, despite his entertaining efforts, the devil is quite frankly unable to change the minds of the village officials, who want him gone from the region. Every year during Folk Catholic festivals, the devil arrives to enjoy the festivities; and every year, the authorities must convince him to leave, lest he overstays his welcome. This extended dialogue that I observed marked the last of many public events associated with Saint Peter’s feast day in 2017, a festival of paramount importance in San Pedro Xicoras due to Saint Peter’s status as the village’s patron saint, and the local belief that this ritual brings much-needed rain into the region. Surely, such a festival would draw the attention of everyone in the San Pedro area, who stand to benefit from life-giving rains and the divine providence offered by their saint.

However, like many other public events during the festival, a schism was readily audible between those witnessing the rituals, and those avoiding them. As numerous villagers watched the devil converse with the civil authorities, with even more villagers watching from the outside waiting for the moment in which he would finally leave, live música norteña1 could be heard coming from beyond the governor’s hut, coupled with the cheers and excited shouts of younger villagers merrily consuming alcohol. This activity had begun days prior almost as soon as the first conjuntos [ensembles] arrived, and it continued throughout the festival. The night after the devil was dismissed, música

1 Música norteña [northern music] is a northern Mexican tradition influenced by central and Eastern European folk styles, brought over by immigrants in the latter 19th century. The mass-mediated form of the style most often features accordion as the primary melodic instrument, which is accompanied by a variant of the guitar known as a bajo sexto.

norteña dominated village life, with large crowds gathering in homes where the conjuntos performed all night. At the same time, less than a handful of villagers headed to the church courtyard to watch the local children as they executed the sacred danza— dances traditionally performed during Folk Catholic festivals—publicly in the courtyard for the first time during that week, accompanied by traditional violin music. It was clear that the villagers were divided on what they stood to gain from the festival. Whereas older villagers engaged with their time-honored traditions, younger villagers enjoyed the company of their friends from throughout the region. Both were caught up in different celebratory spirits: one being represented by the sacred, traditional danza, and the other by secular, more contemporary música norteña.

Musical tastes are subject to change in any community; that much is clear to anyone tracing the development of musical styles over time. However, not all musics change in similar ways. Whereas some musical styles change or are replaced rapidly, as is frequently the case with mass-mediated popular musics that evolve—at times dramatically—along stylistic trends, others remain consistent for extended periods of time. The Roman Catholic plainchant tradition endured for hundreds of years starting in the early centuries of the Common Era,2 with some examples of chant still existing across some Catholic and Byzantine churches today.3 Still, other styles of music die out entirely, as was the case with many pre-Columbian Mesoamerican traditions. The perceived loss of Mexico’s pre-Columbian indigenous traditions was extensive enough to motivate Carlos Chávez, a 20th-century Mexican composer, to creatively reconstruct

2 “Common Era” here refers to a secular alternative to Anno Domini, often shortened to “A.D.”

3 See the “plainchant” and “Byzantine chant” entries in the New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians for a more detailed discussion regarding these traditions.

the country’s indigenous musical past. Ethnomusicologist Gerard Béhague, while discussing Chávez, comments that: "In an attempted return to pre-Conquest Indian musical practices, the crucial factor was not so much authenticity in reviving those practices as it was a subjective evocation of the remote past . . . " (1979:129).

In the indigenous Mexican village of San Pedro Xicoras, situated deep in the

Sierra Madre Occidental in the state of Durango, many of these forces are at work.

There are sacred, indigenous traditions that are less than a handful of fatalities away from practical extinction.4 There are also sacred mestizo5 traditions that appear to also be declining but at a slow rate, an assertion that obscures the many changes affecting styles that are increasingly adopting secular symbols that reinforce and express the community’s identity. Then, there are popular musics, such as música norteña, which enjoy a persistent presence in the region and show no signs of dying out any time soon.

Ethnomusicologist Alan Merriam observes that “within a musical system, different kinds of music are more or less susceptible to change,” adding that “less change can be expected in religious than in social or recreational music” (1964:307-8). Bruno Nettl stated that “certain kinds of cultural situations seem to be accompanied by large-scale change, and others by virtual absence of change" (1983:181). However, what is it that motivates these differing rates of change, and why do certain musics persist on a wide scale, whereas others struggle simply to persist? In San Pedro Xicoras, there has not been a systematic effort to eradicate indigenous traditions. In fact, the government has

4 “Practical extinction” in the sense that, although many villagers will remain aware of the traditions, the handful that are aware of how to execute them in the traditional manner will no longer be around.

5 Mestizo refers to Mexican individuals of mixed indigenous and European ancestry and heritage.

occasionally intervened and encouraged efforts to preserve them. Nonetheless, traditional styles—represented by sacred indigenous expressions—continue to change and decline whereas mass-mediated Mexican musics—best represented locally by música norteña—continue to thrive. Furthermore, it would be erroneous to claim that the traditional decline applies to all traditional music equally. Painstaking efforts are made among some villagers to preserve the xuravét circle dance—a variant of the mitote— associated with indigenous beliefs,6 but local attitudes are much more lenient toward changes in the mestizo danza associated with Folk Catholic rituals, despite the sacred connotations ascribed to both practices. This raises the question: why are some musics considered more important than others? Furthermore, why are some musics valued more highly within their context?

Proposal

What makes music valuable to others in general, and what makes music more valuable within its context among its practitioners? The cultural value ascribed to certain musics, and live music-making, is changing in San Pedro Xicoras. Much of the community prefers to consume popular music, rather than assist with the production of traditional styles or engage with any form of music making in general. Furthermore, the villagers frequently denigrate the newest form of music making provided by the new local grupera, while being aware of the lack of access to modern technologies of music production in their region compared to other regions in Mexico, or even among other

6 Mitote is a term that broadly refers to circle dances executed by indigenous populations throughout Mexico. In northwest Mexico, the mitote is often performed around a fire.

communities in the Gran Nayar.7 This is at odds with how the past is conceptualized by many villagers, in which these activities are remembered as having been more common in past years. Consumption and economic value appears to be trumping local production, and the secular is overtaking the sacred. How does this situation affect and change the value ascribed to certain musics over time?

In this thesis, I explore how stylistic rates of change in music are impacted by how effectively that music’s affiliated worldview offers immortality, using terror management theory as an interpretative lens. Terror management theory claims that cultural worldviews, each with their own sets of expressive symbols including music, are formed as a means of mitigating death anxiety. I hypothesize that the effectiveness of a worldview in mitigating this anxiety is reflected in the value individuals place on that worldview’s symbols, expressed by how intently they seek to maintain their orthodoxy.

In San Pedro Xicoras, the older generation expresses this by seeking strict orthodoxy with the xuravét circle dance, an indigenous tradition that transcends death by expressing notions of an indigenous afterlife. Less strenuous efforts are made to preserve the mestizo danza, which accordingly does not include death-transcending imagery, yet seeks to defy death by extending life via divine appeals to Christian saints.

Popular musics, distinct through their offering of only symbolic immortality, accordingly express the fastest rates of change. However, their greater accessibility through technology and urban exposure has led to their rise in popularity in the region.

7 The Gran Nayar refers to an indigenous cultural area around the intersection of the four Mexican states of Durango, Zacatecas, Jalisco, and Nayarit.

I argue that the slow rate of change for certain musics can be explained by their death-denying capacity within the context of their associated worldview. Recreational and religious musics can both be associated with powerful worldviews that offer immortality. As a result, individual conceptualizations of musical styles would in part be affected by how they perceive that style’s affiliated worldviews. Though this framework, I interpret the strength of a worldview, and the value placed on its symbols, as two different types of value. “Cultural worldviews gain strength in numbers” (Solomon et al.

2015:133), and it is possible that strong worldviews—based on the number of followers—are more likely to be valued extrinsically, at least in a respectful sense, by followers of different worldviews. On the other end, the strictness of value placed on its expressive symbols by members who hold that worldview tends to depend on that worldview’s death-denying capacity, resulting in a more internal system in which higher value results in a slower rate of change in the expressive symbols themselves.

Furthermore, I suggest that a symbol’s role in reinforcing that death-denying capacity would further improve the intrinsic value placed on it. Using this interpretation, I explain why certain musics in San Pedro Xicoras might be expected to follow strict conventions, while others are not.

Methodology

My findings come from two periods of field research conducted a year apart in

San Pedro Xicoras, both during the wet season. The first encompassed two weeks in early August of 2016, a time during which there are no festivals and the area is largely devoid of live music making. The second period consisted of eight days in late June of

2017, during which I engaged with the community during the days leading into the festival of St. Peter, the patron saint of the village, before observing the festival itself

through to its conclusion. During these combined periods, I interviewed and worked with four indigenous culture bearers, which included the two sacred musicians from the community. I also collaborated with the leader of the local popular conjunto group, Juan, whose ensemble consisted of members who travel to the area far from other communities. Here, conjuntos generally perform música norteña with an ensemble that consists of a violin, vihuela, guitar, and tololoche.8 Due to the village’s isolation and the difficult terrain, it is difficult to communicate over large distances, thus making it difficult for musicians to create an ensemble quickly and efficiently. As such, conjuntos normally come together during festivals or government events: periods when many individuals from numerous communities are gathered in Xicoras. Nonetheless, Juan was willing to assemble his conjunto so that I could record various popular works that were considered common throughout the region, which included local corridos that eulogized prominent figures from the region, interpretations of commercialized corridos, and instrumental polkas.

Due to various circumstances, I was unable to meaningfully interact with the

Xicoras grupera. Onda Grupera refers to a late 20th-century phenomenon in which musicians create ensembles consisting of electronic instruments and interpret a variety of popular styles. As such, this ensemble, consisting of microphones, a drum machine, and an electronic keyboard, proved to be unique among the other musical groups I encountered in the area. However, group members are frequently separated due to their members having to travel to the capital for work. Furthermore, the village’s

8 “Tololoche” is a regional label for the Western double bass stringed instrument. It is traditionally played by plucking the strings.

sporadic access to electricity makes it difficult for the ensemble to rehearse even when they are together. 9 While in the area, I was able to interview the bandleader and owner of the ensemble’s instruments, Samuel, who provided me with valuable insight regarding his hopes and plans regarding the ensemble’s future.

During the festival of St. Peter, I observed and recorded numerous danzas performed by both the locals from Xicoras, and a group that traveled from a nearby community named Canoas, which is a predominantly Tepehuan community. Despite their proximity, being only a few hours away, these two danza traditions were quite different. The attire for both groups was different, their speed of dancing differed, and the type of music that accompanied the dancers differed. The average age of the

Xicoras dancers was also lower than that of the Canoas group. During the festival, the

Xicoras group danced inside of the church, coming out only to lead the festival’s many processions, whereas the Canoas group danced in the church’s courtyard. The former also danced throughout any and every time that the church was open to the public.

Overall, I interviewed nineteen informants during my time in San Pedro. The

Spanish transcriptions for seventeen of these interviews are included in appendix A.10

Throughout this project, I interpret their comments in the context of terror management theory, as part of this thesis’s larger goal of establishing TMT’s viability as a framework for interpreting music.

9 Although the city is incorporated into the electrical grid, it is not unusual for the village to experience long periods of time without electricity. The village’s isolation, coupled with hostile terrain and a windy environment, makes it difficult for technicians to make repairs in the region. During my first field research session, half of the village lost electricity the night after repairs were made due to a wind storm.

10 The two interviews that were omitted featured teachers from the city of Durango that were not born or raised in the San Pedro Area.

Defining Key Terms

Throughout this thesis, broad terms are used to refer to worldviews and musical practices in San Pedro Xicoras. These terms—such as traditional, indigenous, or popular—have wide-ranging and flexible definitions, depending on individual interpretations of them. As such, it is necessary to clarify what these terms are referring to in the context of this thesis. Many of these terms include overlapping definitions, so they are occasionally used interchangeably.

“Sacred” refers to anything affiliated with a spiritual belief system, regardless of ethnic or regional qualities. In San Pedro Xicoras, this include rituals affiliated with indigenous Mexicanero beliefs, and community beliefs affiliated with Folk Catholic mestizo traditions. By contrast, “secular” refers to practices that are not affiliated with spiritual ideas. These include musical styles and genres such as música norteña, duranguense,11 and grupera.

“Indigenous” refers to practices affiliated with indigenous Mexican beliefs, particularly those of the Mexicanero and Tepehuan, since those are the most prominent ethnic groups in San Pedro Xicoras. That term is occasionally used interchangeably with “traditional,” however the latter also refers to mestizo practices as interpreted by the villagers of San Pedro and other communities in the Gran Nayar. For example, música norteña is often mass-mediated and prominent in mestizo communities.

Nonetheless, regional musicians have traditionally interpreted this as a folk style for generations, marking it as a staple of their traditional culture. The same is true with the

11 Upbeat dance music associated with the Mexican state of Durango, although it has its origins in Chicago of the United States. Features recorders, saxophones, and electronic synthesizers.

sacred danza associated with Folk Catholic beliefs, which is often executed among mestizo communities throughout Mexico.

“Mestizo” refers to practices affiliated with mixed heritage (mainly of Spanish and indigenous mixing) traditions, both sacred and secular. The aforementioned secular musical styles such as música norteña are all mainly affiliated with urban mestizo cultures. The danza, which by virtue of its imposition by Spanish Conquistadors, is also a mestizo tradition that is still executed in San Pedro Xicoras and in numerous mestizo communities throughout Mexico. As such, mestizo practices are often analogous to urban Mexican practices and identities, and serves as a counterpart to the rural practices affiliated with the indigenous San Pedro Xicoras.

“Popular,” an otherwise broad term, is used here to refer to mass-mediated urban

Mexican music that describes the secular musics interpreted and consumed in San

Pedro Xicoras. During my time with the community, I only encountered one instance of a villager listening to U.S. American popular music. As such, I do not include these styles of music under the mantle of “popular music” in this thesis. More specifically, popular musics include música norteña, duranguense, and grupera, which are instrumental in asserting secular identities in the region.

Research Site

San Pedro Xicoras is located in the southern part of the Mezquital province, within the state of Durango. Located deep in the Sierra Madre Occidental, Xicoras has a population of around 540 as of 2007 (Alvarado Solis 2007:7). The population is almost entirely indigenous, with the dominant ethnic groups being the native Mexicaneros, members of the Nahua ethnic group, and the Tepehuans, who have since migrated into the area from other communities to the north. Locals familiar with the perilous roads

readily note how that takes six to eight hours to go from the village to the capital of the state, Victoria de Durango, which is also the state’s largest urban area and an important regional cultural hub. This was also roughly the amount of time it took my relatives and me to reach the site during the more dangerous rainy season. However, this was not always possible: in Jorge Barbosa’s 2006 documentary, one informant states that it takes twelve to thirteen hours to reach the village from the capital, and in Guillermo

Monteforte’s 1992 documentary, another person comments that it takes twelve hours to reach the general area, followed by another nine hours of hiking through the mountains.

This decrease in travel time over the past 25 years attests to the rapid spread of infrastructural development in the area, which makes it easier each year for members of these indigenous communities to travel to and from the capital.

Figure 1-1. An overhead view of San Pedro Xicoras from the adjacent community of La Hoya. Photo courtesy of Salvador Hernandez.

Despite the village still being quite isolated and distant from the capital, modernizing forces are penetrating the region with increasing efficiency due to infrastructural developments. Although Xicoras is influential in its own right over the San

Pedro area,12 the construction of a highway connecting the capital to the nearby town of

Huazamota two hours away has made it easier for large companies to get, and market, their products into the region. Some of my informants explained how this situation has discouraged younger villagers from pursuing subsidence farming, and encouraged them to seek economic opportunities abroad, since the resulting cash earnings can be used to simply purchase food outright. Many young adult males now migrate to the capital in search of work during the summer, and older adolescents frequently travel there for recreational purposes. Compounded by the village’s recent integration into the electrical grid a few years ago, which has made new technologies—like the smartphone—viable, the youth now have unprecedented access and exposure to a variety of contemporary musical styles. Access to the Internet through smartphones, at least while visiting urban areas, has further accelerated the dissemination of regional, national, and international forms of popular music among a new generation of potential consumers in the area.

At the same time, the region’s traditional music is in critical decline. The youth, who have since moved on to contemporary means of musical expression, have demonstrated little interest in learning and maintaining old traditions. Time threatens to eliminate some musical practices entirely: every traditional culture bearer I encountered

12 The name San Pedro Xicoras refers to a culturally perceived zone with the Mezquital municipality known as San Pedro, which is not to be confused with the official San Pedro del Gallo municipality in the northwestern part of Durango. Xicoras serves as the administrative center of this zone, which also includes the smaller hamlets of La Hoya, Huazamotita, Agua Calientes, and Los Leones.

that was familiar with the danza and xuravét was over the age of sixty, and one of them informed me that the most learned among them had recently passed away. Despite scholarly interest in region’s indigenous traditions (Alvarado Solís 2004; Preuss et al.

1998; Sanchez Olmedo 1984; Riley 1959) and—according to one culture bearer— government interest in maintaining them, the decline has not been reversed. Pessimistic attitudes toward the future imply that these practices may eventually die out. Although many of these practices, like the mitote and the danza, are shared throughout the region and even across Mexico, each community’s interpretation is seen as an expression of that community’s traditional identity. When I asked one traditional culture bearer his thoughts about what would happen if the local danza traditions died out and were replaced, he responded: “It would not be that bad if it did good for the village, but no, the original would then be lost to the winds.”13

Most of these traditional practices are closely associated with Mexicanero religious beliefs. However, the musical practice of performing a mitote—primarily referred to as the xuravet in this region—while accompanied by a musical bow is shared with many different ethnic communities in the Gran Nayar region, which includes the

San Pedro area (Guzman Vasquez 2000; Preuss et al. 1998; Garcia Flores 1993;

Velasco Rivera 1983). Although the lack of youth interest toward these traditions does not necessarily reflect a decline in religious belief, the lack of interest toward ritual re- enactment does imply that they do not value these practices as much as their predecessors. Arguably, as the rituals die out, the associated symbolic customs atrophy

13 See Appendix A: Interview 17, page 211. My translation: “No seria tan malo si es un beneficio para el pueblo podria cambiar pero no, ya va quedar en el viento el original.”

along with it, including the lore and performance practices surrounding religious music.

As one example regarding the danzas I observed in Xicoras, there were frequent moments when the young dancers did not adhere to various traditional expectations, such as wearing all of the ceremonial attire, or rhythmically stepping on the beat during the danza, despite that ritual’s religious association. This is coupled by traditional disengagement among a notable portion of the community: an elderly woman in

Monteforte’s xuravét documentary (2006)14 notes how only she and her assistant arrived to prepare the food, whereas the other authorities assigned to help with ritual preparations did not show up. During my field research, I observed that although there were notable crowd sizes attending the traditional sacred processions, there were far larger crowds when the government came to distribute food or seniority checks.

Moreover, during the festival itself, an equal, if not larger, part of the community preferred to gather around conjuntos that had traveled from other locations to participate in the festival and play música norteña.

Many musicians that I interviewed recalled a rich musical past in which numerous traditional musicians regularly played for the public, even outside of religious functions.

Now however, the dynamic has changed: although the youth appear to consume music more frequently than their parents, interest in music-making has decreased. Two older culture bearers, Segundo and Manuel,15 recalled that in the past, many more musicians

14 Time stamp: 27:50 – 28:50.

15 All interviews were confidential, with the names of interviewees being withheld by contractual agreement. To maintain the anonymity of my informants, their original names have been replaced with pseudonyms. Transcripts for these interviews are included in the appendix; henceforth, any of their comments that I reference are cited with a footnote referencing the page number where the comment can be found.

would come from outside the community to participate in religious ceremonies. Juan, the leader of a local conjunto, noted that there were more live music performers in the past, but they have all either left or passed on. Although live music-making as a whole has declined, government efforts to preserve regional styles tend to privilege sacred styles over secular ones. Both Segundo and his brother, Felipe, were once hired by the state government to teach younger villagers how to perform traditional music. Segundo remarked that this effort ultimately failed to produce any long-term sacred musicians.

However, Segundo and another older musician, maintained the belief that secular music was trivial, useful only for entertainment and thus having no real value.

Although other informants did not criticize popular music as harshly while referring to it, their responses do suggest ambivalent views regarding the value of music in daily contemporary life. Every informant I interviewed acknowledged that music was important to them, but the universal appreciation stops there. The majority of them did not own a radio and did not profess to have a favorite instrument, nor did they claim to listen to music frequently, even if they had children that did. Furthermore, the majority also acknowledged that silence was normal, music-making was more common in other communities, and music was more popular among the youth than among the older generation. Indeed, a kind of musical silence dominates the region outside of the festival setting, and younger residents actively act against this silence whenever they can. Many of them frequently play music aloud through their truck’s radios, through their personal audio players whenever the village has electricity, or through their smartphones as they travel. Their parents, despite having access to the same resources, do not usually engage in similar behavior. Furthermore, despite the spread

of popular music into the town, there are few performing musicians in the area. Mexican popular music like música norteña is primarily consumed through listening but not performed here, even though one villager owns many acoustic instruments. There appears to be little interest in the community to learn how to perform, with Juan (a local popular musician) encountering the similar levels of disinterest among the youth that

Segundo and Felipe had encountered with the sacred musical realm.16 The only exception appears to be in relation to a new electronic grupera17 composed of four

Mexicanero young adults, who have taken advantage of the village’s new electrical capacity and formed a new group which aims to appropriate popular songs. However, most of the other villagers look down on them and denigrate their actions. Furthermore, the village’s isolation and location in a volatile environment makes it difficult for them to maintain their practice, since a wind storm could quickly knock down power lines and leave the village without electricity for months.18 Such ambivalent attitudes, especially considering the common narrative accounts of a vibrant musical past, imply a change in the public perception of music and music making in the region.

16 During the summer season, civil officials noted that only four acoustic musicians could be found within a 6.5 kilometer walk. As of 2004, San Pedro Xicoras and the surrounding areas were home to about 540 inhabitants; my informants noted that the village has grown since then.

17 The term grupera refers to an ensemble that heavily-utilize electronic technologies, such as microphones, electric guitars, keyboard, and electronic drum sets, to perform musica norteña.

18 Near the end of my first field research session, a storm knocked down power lines the same night after they were repaired. When I returned to the village a year later, electricity had still not yet returned to the region.

Figure 1-2. Approximation of the Gran Nayar cultural zone, with San Pedro Xicoras (labeled “Xicora”) identified as a northeast Mexicanero community. Photo taken from Medina 2002:6.

Terror Management Theory (TMT)

Developed by Jeff Greenberg, Tom Pyszczynski, and Sheldon Solomon, terror management theory claims that knowledge of death’s finality and inevitability creates terror in humans. The response to this terror is culture, which on one end creates meaningful worldviews which serve as the basis for self-esteem, and on the other grants humans “the possibility of immortality” (Greenberg et al. 1986). This immortality

can either be literal —as promised by many religions, or the spiritual idea of the soul— or symbolic.

The relationship between worldviews and death anxiety serves as a central component of terror management. As of 2010, terror management theorists had conducted over two-hundred-fifty empirical studies which suggest that death awareness increases personal worldview defense (Burke 2010:155). Informants who were distracted after being asked to think about their deaths, thus inducing a state referred to as “mortality salience,” generally demonstrate greater prejudices against either different worldviews, or individuals who violated cultural norms associated with their personal worldviews (Rosenblatt et al. 1989; Arndt et al. 1997; Greenberg et al. 1989, 1992,

1994, 2000; Jong et al. 2012). This strongly suggests that worldviews serve as a way to manage the existential terror brought about by the idea of death, while also acknowledging that they shape how individuals perceive others that either share their worldview or subscribe to a different one.

Worldviews are ultimately cultural constructions consisting of symbols on a supernatural plane where death is “not inevitable or irrevocable” (Solomon et al.

2015:67). However, this leads to the need for “tangible signs that the invisible world really existed” (69). Temples or political buildings are constructed as monuments for a religion or nation, respectively. Art, in particular, is considered “fundamental to constructing and maintaining supernatural death-transcending conceptions of reality”

(75). There are national anthems, religious hymns, presidential portraits and monuments, political maps depicting national borders, and so on. Through this premise,

art, including music, thus serves the key yet ancillary function of concretizing a greater cultural worldview.

Every worldview has its own set of affiliated symbols meant to reinforce its validity (Solomon et al. 2015:69). As such, it is likely that the value placed on these symbols depends on the value placed on their associated worldviews. Terror management research has found that informants who were made to think of their own deaths were less likely to use “culturally loaded objects,” such as a U.S. flag or a crucifix, inappropriately for creative tasks assigned to them, which depended on the flag ultimately being used as a sifter and the crucifix being used as a hammer (Greenberg et al. 1995:1226). Regarding ritual alterations, Merriam notes a similar assumption with religious music, in which he mentions that “religious music is so much a part of general religious practice that it cannot be altered without altering other aspects of ritual, while recreational music fulfills other needs which are not highly rigidified” (1964:307-8).

Symbols are not strictly confined to any particular worldview, however. These associations depend on how they are conceptualized by individuals. Villagers from San

Pedro Xicoras would likely link the music of the xuravét exclusively to sacred indigenous beliefs, since that is the only context in which it occurs in this region. However, the danza is a more polysemic symbol affiliated with Folk Catholic, communal, and ethnic worldviews. Furthermore, regional interpretations of música norteña can express various identities within the context of the same style: traditional ensembles and songs express regional and rural identities, whereas narcocorridos and onda grupera are used to express generational youth identity.

Adults today exercise some degree of agency as to which worldviews they ultimately value the most, even if they do not have total control over which worldviews they encounter throughout their lives. For a worldview to remain effective, however, individuals must both sustain faith in it and gain a sense of personal value from it

(Greenberg et al. 1986:199). Nonetheless, some worldviews appear more effective than others depending on their death-denying capacity and accessibility, assuming that the individual can sustain faith in them. Numerous organized religions like Christianity offer literal immortality to anyone who maintains piety and follows prescribed doctrines;19 this seems far more accessible than the symbolic immortality offered only to exceptional specialists in any field.

Defining Worldview

Terror management theory’s conceptualization of a worldview is frequently used interchangeably with “culture,” which Solomon et al. have defined as “beliefs we create to explain the nature of reality to ourselves” (2015:8). However, a list of self-concepts that they provide, through which self-esteem and the possibility of immortality can be drawn, includes: “American, Christian, lawyer, Republican, father . . .” (2015:59).20 This opens the concept of worldview to interpretation, both because it is possible for an individual to assume multiple self-concepts, and because some of these contexts can operate simultaneously in the context of a broader worldview. For example, it is difficult

19 A significant portion of this project involves the development of a hierarchy between worldviews on a broad scale, however this does not include a smaller hierarchy comparing religious structures. The use of organized religion is only an example and is not intended to discount the value behind other spiritual belief systems.

20 The entire quote is “After all, each of us is multifaceted: the same person can be an American, Christian, lawyer, Republican, father, golfer, Indiana Hoosier booster, and volunteer fireman” (Greenberg et al. 2015:59).

to assume that working as a lawyer can offer immortality in its own right. However, playing a role in a landmark case in the United States can be a way to acquire symbolic immortality through professional fame. This is different from Christianity, which offers literal immortality through belief in an afterlife, or the role of a father, which offers symbolic immortality through the preservation of their genetic line.

To better clarify my interpretation of worldview, I borrow from Thomas Turino’s culture concept (2008). Turino argues that “rather than thinking about ‘culture’ as a unified entity, it is better to conceptualize the cultural realm in a more flexible way”

(111). This leads to the idea of “cultural cohorts,” based on “similarities of parts of the self” (Ibid), and “cultural formations,” referring to “a group of people who have in common a majority of habits that constitute most parts of each individual member’s self”

(112). The list outlines above provided by Greenberg et al. represents a layered mix of cultural formations and cultural cohorts. Nonetheless, this does not imply that formations (American, Christian, Republican) are inherently superior to cohorts (lawyer, father) based on scale. Rather, the two concepts function interchangeably to develop a basket of potential worldviews for individuals, among which multiple ones can provide potential avenues for immortality. In San Pedro Xicoras, multiple worldivews capable of offering immortality are available to a villager, be it through their ethnicity, beliefs, geographic location, generation, familial role, or occupation.

The concept of a cultural formation comes the closest to encapsulating my definition of a worldview, since cultural formations provide the context through which cultural cohorts can operate and offer immortality. In San Pedro Xicoras, musicians form a cultural cohort, however they function differently based on the cultural formation that

they accompany. A musician performing corridos, associated with the secular música norteña style that is further affiliated with the northern Mexican cultural formation, is aspiring for a more symbolic immortality compared to a musician performing for the xuravét, who aims to express death-transcending notions of an afterlife in the context of a sacred Mexicanero cultural formation. In this thesis, cultural formations will henceforth be referred to as worldviews.

Worldviews also serve as important identity markers for those who subscribe to them. Cultural formations, cultural cohorts, and self-concepts provide numerous identities along with their offerings of immortality. These can range from sacred identities affiliated with literal immortality, to secular identities affiliated with symbolic immortality. Performers of the danza in San Pedro Xicoras express their mestizo Folk

Catholic identity, while simultaneously expressing a more localized indigenous identity through distinct apparel, and a more regional ethnic Mexicanero identity through the distinct music accompanying them. Once again, these identities and their affiliated worldviews offer different types of immortality: the Folk Catholic worldview seeks to extend life by defying death through divine appeals, whereas the more localized indigenous and regional ethnic worldviews transcend death symbolically through their durability, in spite of an individual’s mortality.

Symbols, Death-Denying Capacities, and Value

A key characteristic of worldviews is their capacity to offer immortality, often through tenets that deny death in a variety of ways. This ability of a worldview to offer

“order, predictability, meaning, and permanence” is essential for psychological equanimity (Greenberg et al. 1986:196). Anthropologist Ernest Becker notes that:

"Anthropologists have long known that when a tribe of people lose the feeling that their

way of life is worth-while they may stop reproducing, or in large numbers simply lie down and die besides streams full of fish . . ." (1962:76). Becker ultimately concluded that a worldview is “more than merely an outlook on life: it is an immortality formula"

(1973:255). Maintaining these worldviews is important, since compromising aspects of one in favor of characteristics of other worldviews compromises the validity of the original worldview. Nettl states that: "A music may resist change if it is associated mainly or exclusively with a particular domain of culture that changes less readily than do most activities” (1983:178). A worldview’s death-denying capacity may have an impact on the willingness of adherents to alter aspects of that worldview in general, which can include music.

As previously mentioned, each of these worldviews have their own array of symbols meant to reinforce its validity, which individuals will be reluctant to use inappropriately after they are primed to think about their own death (Greenberg et al.

1995:1226). This is in spite of the fact that many if not all worldview tenets are symbolic, and thus immune to any physical harm. Regarding Greenberg et al.’s 1995 study, the inappropriate use of a crucifix or U.S. flag would not inflict serious damage to the

Christian or U.S. American worldviews, and there are certainly many copies of crucifixes and U.S. flags throughout the world and the nation, respectively. Nonetheless, a sizable number of subjects in the study sought to respect cherished cultural icons.

It is likely that, similar to how worldviews serve as immortality formulas for individuals, particular symbols linked to those worldviews directly express their worldview’s tenets of death denial. Becker noted that “people in the visible world can renew and augment the powers of the invisible one by proper ritual observances"

(Becker 1962:122), using the Gothic cathedral as an example of an integral symbol for medieval Christianity, since “it was the point at which sacred heavenly space and eternity broke in upon earthly space and time" (123). However, it is unknown if all symbols affiliated with a worldview are treated with the exact same reverence in accordance with that worldview’s death-denying capacity. If an individual could only save one thing from a Chrisitan church, would they be just as likely to choose liturgical vestments over a crucifix, or the Bible? Is any Catholic mission as valuable as the

Sistine Chapel, and if not, then why not? According to Nettl:

Cultural anthropology specializes in the concept of culture as a unit, as something one can view holistically, leaving aside the differences among its domains, worrying as little as possible about irregularities. Thus, in theoretically discussing culture change, anthropologists seems to brush aside the fact that in a given society religion changes more slowly than technology, or that a particular individual was 'way ahead of his time,' or for that matter that different cultures in their individual components change in completely different ways (1983:174).

By recognizing the symbols of a worldview as capable of expressing death- denying tenets in their own right, it becomes possible to see how various aspects of a worldview can change at different rates, in accordance with those symbols’s death- denying capacities.

I suggest that symbols which directly express death-denying qualities are more valued within the context of a worldview than other symbols within that same context, that do not. As a result, stricter efforts are made to maintain the orthodoxy of these death-denying symbols. In San Pedro Xicoras, the costumbre ritual serves as an integral expression of the indigenous Mexicanero worldview. After several days of preparation and fasting, the ritual’s zenith is expressed through the xuravét dance, through which the living are united with the divine and the dead in a large death-denying

display. It is this custom that many of my informants conceptualize as having remained unchanged since its inception, and the xuravét’s execution remains consistent across all costumbres, whereas other aspects of the ritual are flexible depending on the time of the year, or the family executing it. This ritual—and its variants—is further discussed in

Chapter 2. The danza, further discussed in Chapter 3, receives similar treatment: danza coordinators are more lenient regarding ceremonial attire, but stricter regarding danza choreography and how the dancers align with the music.

Similar to how worldviews have variable degrees of death-denying capacity, I argue that the symbols themselves also have variable degrees of death-denying capacity. These separate death-denying capacities inform what I refer to as extrinsic and intrinsic value. Extrinsic value depends on how a worldview is perceived by outsiders based on that worldview’s strength and accessibility, whereas intrinsic value depends on how various symbols are perceived by insiders in that worldview. In the following section, I focus on how worldviews are conceptualized in accordance with their death-denying capacities, using various worldviews from my own background or those present in the San Pedro area as examples.

Categorization of Worldviews Based on Death-denying Capacity

Judging musical value in San Pedro Xicoras based on associated worldviews necessitates a framework through which different types of worldviews will be categorized. However, this framework is not intended to suggest that individuals will always opt for specific forms of immortality. Terror management theory claims that individuals must sustain “faith in a cultural drama,” which serves as “the basis of our self-esteem” (Greenberg et al. 1989:199), so although religions offer literal immortality, that does not mean that even atheists are expected to ultimately adopt a religion. Some

individuals may be drawn to more accessible, secular worldviews that offer symbolic immortality.

The following worldview types are categorized according to my interpretation of their death-denying potential and their ease of access. Solomon, Greenberg, and

Pyszczynski state that “only by not dying can immortality be unequivocally assured”

(2015:122), and so regarding death-denying capacity, worldviews that offer literal immortality take precedence over those that offer symbolic immortality. However, not all forms of immortality can be accessed with equal effort. Solomon et al. mention

“extraordinary men and women who scaled remarkable military, political, economic, scientific, athletic, literary, or artistic heights became famous, not just in their time but after” (2015:105). For example, not everyone can reach the levels of posthumous fame enjoyed by Mozart or Beethoven. Extraordinary people require extraordinary achievements, thus making this avenue of fame to symbolic immortality a very competitive and risky one.

I argue that there is a correlation between the value an individual places on a worldview and the value they place on the music associated with that worldview. The more death-denying that a worldview is, the more valuable its symbols overall— including music—will be to adherents of that worldview. This is further augmented with particular symbols that directly express death-denying qualities. Theoretically, individuals will make greater efforts to preserve the orthodoxy of these death-denying symbols, resulting in their slow rate of change.

The extrinsic value of a worldview likely dictates how seriously that worldview— and any symbols affiliated with it—is taken by outsiders. In contemporary times,

religious beliefs continue to decline in the United States (Bailey 2015), and the most cursory of Internet searches reveals an increasingly common tendency to mock religious icons not just in the United States, but throughout the West. This is only one example that shows that as public value in a worldview decreases, values placed on affiliated symbols also decrease. More accessible urban worldviews are increasingly spreading into San Pedro Xicoras, which is seen by many of my informants as responsible for the youth’s declining interest in maintaining local indigenous traditions, which are less accessible to members of the community.

Worldviews that Offer Literal Immortality

Solomon et al. assert that literal immortality is most desirable among individuals:

“People have pursued literal immortality through spiritual paths that include belief in an afterlife and the soul, and also through scientific paths: first in the ancient practices of alchemy and later through techniques for age reversal and postmortem resuscitation, such as cryonics” (2015:84). Spiritual beliefs fall under this category, whether they be part of organized religions or exist as private beliefs.

Like other types of worldviews, religious worldviews prescribe acceptable behaviors that people are expected to follow so that they may derive value from life and experience a sense of existential security. A perk to most dominant religions, however, which contributes to their high death-denying potential, is that they are not competitive.

In theory, anyone who follows the prescriptions established by religious worldviews is able to attain literal immortality. Individuals can assume the belief of a soul with practically no effort at all, although this can become problematic due to the associated need for tangible signs that serve as proof that an invisible world exists: “Rituals, art, myth, and religion—features of every known culture—together made it possible for

people to construct, maintain, and concretize their supernatural conceptions of reality”

(Solomon et al. 2015:69).

In San Pedro Xicoras, the costumbre comunitario—of which the xuravet is a critical part—serves as a religious ritual of indigenous origin executed throughout the agricultural cycle. According to anthropologist Neyra Alvarado Solis, these rituals “work to ask that health be preserved, and that epidemics and war be avoided, just like with rituals associated with the life cycle and those related to the patron saints and Christ”

(2004:98).21 Along with the syncretic mestizo Christian festivals of La Calendaria, St.

Peter and St. Santiago, these rituals consist of the most sacred, death-denying activities in the community, directly serving as a form of communication with the spiritual. The xuravet is accompanied by a culture bearer performing on the tahuitol, a musical bow on which a constant pulse is maintained. The danza, which accompanies the syncretic festivals, is accompanied by a violinist and several dancers, the latter which maintain the beat through emphatic stomps. Both the indigenous and mestizo religious traditions play a key role in establishing a sacred space whenever the spiritual realms are made known to the public, whether it be through the ceremonial patio or the village church.

However, the sacred worldviews of San Pedro Xicoras are less accessible than other worldviews in the region. Participants are expected to fast for several days during sacred rituals, and these restrictions are increasingly strict depending on how invested a villager is within those worldviews. By contrast, such expectations are absent from more secular worldviews in the region.

21 My translation: “Este calendario estacional se articula con los ritos agricolas comunitarios que sirven para pedir que se preserve la salud, evitar las epidemias y las guerras, asi como tambien con los del ciclo de vida y los relacionados con los antos patronos y Cristo.”

Worldviews that Offer Symbolic Immortality

Although not as effective as religious worldviews, nation-states frequently serve as a powerful foundation for nationalist worldviews, that open many avenues for symbolic immortality. There are several parallels between religion and nationalism.

According to Solomon et al.:

Nationalism acquires a sacred dimension when group identity is strengthened by the sense of being ‘chosen people’ of distinctive character and origin who inhabit a hallowed homeland with a heroic history and a limitless future. And those who die for their country are immortalized in song and story, ceremony and monument (2015:116).

Similar to organized religions, nation-states have their array of tangible, ancillary symbols. There are government buildings, national anthems, patriotic artwork, flags, state religions, and de facto languages. These worldviews provide many avenues for acquiring symbolic immortality, thus forming a basis that ascribes value to certain actions. The types of roles that are valued, and the nature of symbolic immortality that is offered, depends on the specific worldview.

In San Pedro Xicoras, symbolic worldviews fall along ethnic, communal, regional, and geographic lines. They are also far more accessible than sacred worldviews in the region, since individuals are immediately representative of these worldviews based on their area of birth or their biological features. Although research is still scant in this area, some findings strengthen the notion that individuals may be more concerned about the longevity of their community than they are with pursuing their own individualized immortality, depending on the culture. Christine Ma-Kellams and Jim Blascovich found that “death-related thoughts caused European Americans to defensively bolster the self

(via the derogation of dissimilar others) but caused Asian Americans to bolster other people” (2011:1023). Terror management theory has only recently begun investigating

the different effects of mortality salience on different cultures, but early findings suggest that an individual’s preference for individual or collective symbolic immortality is based on culturally-dependent views of the self. The circulation of local corridos (ballads sung about historical events and local folk heroes) around the San Pedro area could be a twofold example of this: at once validating the immortality of the song’s hero, while also reinforcing the distinct musical values that are enjoyed by the local communities. The same could be said regarding the use of música norteña to express regional or generational youth identity, in which individuals assert their place within an interdependent whole that transcends death symbolically.

The youth counterculture in Xicoras represents one such gathering of individuals defining their generational identity through music. They have left traditional attire in favor of urban, norteño styles. They are also drawn to narcocorridos, technology, and economic empowerment. At the same time, however, they are rejecting their region’s traditional practices, both sacred and secular. Although the mentality surrounding the youth represents one type of worldview, it is also connected to larger shifts away from worldviews derived from sacred traditions and toward secular worldviews associated with urban life. Musical choices perhaps reflect this most powerfully: the local schoolteachers in Xicoras informed me that the urban dance style, duranguense, is the region’s representation of local culture. This is peculiar because a key characteristic of duranguense music is the synthesizer keyboard, which requires electricity. The name itself also encourages state identity by alluding to the state of Durango. In another context, local musicians from the older generation frequently perform música norteña

(associated with Northern Mexico), however they simultaneously reinforce their own

more localized regional identities through unique performance practices and the specifc instruments chosen for their conjunto ensembles. On the other end, the young adults of the community usually consume contemporary commercialized música norteña as listeners, not perfomers, adopting characteristics of a more urbanized youth identity.

These worldviews do not offer the literal immortality that their sacred counterparts continue to offer, even in the midst of their decline. However, Solomon et al. acknowledge that “people will take whatever they can get . . .” (2015:122) when it comes to immortality, and the increased accessibility of these numerous symbolic worldviews certainly contributes to their attractiveness to younger generations.

Attitudes Toward Worldviews

Arguably, attitudes toward worldviews depends on how strong they are in terms of the number of adherents they have. In San Pedro Xicoras, traditional culture bearers that I spoke with frequently dismissed popular styles of music, and younger informants frequently had little to say about traditional styles. However, the older culture bearers are far outnumbered by consumers of other musical styles, and the failures among older musicians to instruct a new generation of traditional musicians informs a greater disinterest with the rituals themselves. Many of my informants remarked that the youth are greatly interested in urban culture. The increasing connectivity between the capital and the village, along with intrigued youths now having the capacity to hold the Internet in the palms of their hands, reflects a new reality where traditional worldviews now have to compete with other worldviews on a global scale.

Organization of the Thesis

Following this introduction, my findings are organized into three chapters in which

I interpret contemporary performance practices and community attitudes toward

particular musics through terror management theory. Chapters 2 and 3 focus on the indigenous xuravet and the mestizo danza, musical styles that are associated with death-denying spiritual beliefs, which are now declining due to a lack of interest in their associated worldviews. Due to their role in creating and sustaining sacred spaces, they still demonstrate great death-denying potential that encourages orthodoxy and results in a slow rate of stylistic change. I did not observe the xuravet in live performance for myself, however many scholars have written about this practice that extends across ethnic boundaries in both the Gran Nayar region (Alvarado Solis 2004; Guzman

Vazquez 2000; Jáuregui 2008; Liffman and Coyle 2000; Neurath and Bahr 2005; Reyes

Valdez 2015), and throughout Mexico (Garcia Flores 1993; Mason 1991; Mann 2010;

Perez de Ribas 1999; Velasco Rivero 1983). Jorge Barbosa (2006) and Guillermo

Monteforte (1992), the latter with the help of Alvarado Solis, have published video documentaries focusing on the larger costumbre comunitario, which includes the xuravet, and how the locals talk about and perceive the event. The traditional danza— not to be confused with ballet, which shares the same label—is also a common practice throughout much of Mexico, with each region normally providing its own interpretation.

In San Pedro Xicoras and the surrounding communities, the danza represents one interpretation of the danza de matachines originally introduced by the Spaniards. By my own observations, and comments from local culture bearers, the Xicoras interpretation further derives from conquest dances, featuring masked characters like el monarca (the monarch), la malinche (the traitor), and the devil, which is locally called el xayákat

(Alvarado Solis 2004:176). Manifestations of this practice in the Gran Nayar have not been covered as extensively as the mitote, although Alvarado Solis dedicates a few

paragraphs to the practice in her extensive ethnography (2004). However, many scholars have discussed numerous interpretations of this tradition throughout Mexico

(Garcia Flores 1993; González Torres 2005; Gutiérrez del Angel 2010; Martínez

Peñaloza 1986; Moctezuma 2008; Ramos Smith 1979; Rodríguez 1996; Sánchez

Hernández 1999; Valverde Ortiz 1998; Sevilla et al. 1985). In the Mezquital municipality, where danza interpretations are different for each community, the danza is not just an expression of religious devotion, but also an expression of local identity.

Chapter 4 focuses on conjunto music and my observations of youth culture and music consumption in the area. Live music-making through regional conjunto ensembles is arguably one way of reinforcing interdependent symbolic immortality in the sense that musicians play a part in circulating local stories through corridos, while also reinforcing traditional forms of musical expression. The lack of youths interested in carrying on the music-making tradition as musicians, however, puts this avenue for symbolic immortality at risk for the local community. Música norteña serves as the most popular secular style, reinforcing a northern Mexican identity that is distinct from that of central Mexico. Scholars have noted that música norteña is intimately connected with themes of migration and heroism, with the corrido genre especially enjoying popularity in economically disenfranchised regions where people—especially men—generally feel helpless and are compelled to migrate for better opportunities (De la Garza 2011;

Santana Garza 2015; Edberg 2011; Mendoza 1939; Paredes 1993; Ragland 2009;

Valenzuela 2003). Many of those aforementioned scholars, along with several others, have also discussed the countercultural impact various subgenres can have, namely through the narcocorrido genre—which some religious and political groups would prefer

to see banned—and the drug trade that it is associated with, which has expanded even into these remote regions (Burnett 2009; McDowell 2012; Morrison 2008; Sauceda

2014; Simonett 2006; Wald 2001). The condition of música norteña in San Pedro

Xicoras presents, in itself, a microcosm of the style’s conditions throughout much of northern Mexico, in which older generations prefer the live conjunto’s performance of older genres like corridos, canciones, and polkas, whereas the younger generation prefers listening to a contemporary genre of corrido known as narcocorridos, whether they be performed live or consumed through audio files. As the youth move away from direct music-making and more toward music consumption, music has become less of a vehicle for appealing to the divine and prolonging one’s existence, while becoming more of a vehicle of expressing multiple identities, both old and new, that are negotiated and reinforced within communities.

Through these findings, I argue that attempts to preserve musics by encouraging the continued performance of the music itself are doomed to fail unless they address the worldview of which it is a part. However, this still may not bode well for the worldview, especially if it must compete with more popular, stronger urban worldviews.

According to one culture bearer in San Pedro Xicoras, anyone who aspires to learn the traditional music of the xuravét must fast for an entire month, all while becoming well- versed in the lore and even constructing their own musical bow, known as a tahuitol.

Changing this convention would make the style that much more accessible, but at the expense of orthodoxy. Ripping the musical practice from its original context and embedding it into other worldviews, as has been done with globalized instruments such as the djembe or bongos, can also contribute to overall preservation, but at the total

expense of the original worldview. The decline of traditional musics in favor of urban popular styles is not unique to the Gran Nayar and is happening on an almost global scale. Short of isolating an entire community with its traditions, it will be difficult to bolster a local worldview that is now being challenged by so many others that are stronger by the virtues of being more widespread, and perhaps because they are more accessible.

By extension, I argue that the perception of different musics depends largely on the worldviews that they are affiliated with, which can help explain various attitudes toward different musics even outside of San Pedro Xicoras. If the worldview is strong, arguably the music affiliated with it would be viewed more favorably extrinsically. For example, there are many mariachi groups in the United States, particularly along the

U.S.-Mexican border where ethnic Mexican populations make up a larger part of the population. Intrinsically, certain styles within a worldview would be valued higher depending on how capable they are to defy death. Through this view, it would come as little surprise that, within the context of Western music, the symphony reigned supreme throughout the 19th century due to its capacity to claim posthumous fame for the composer, depending on how a particular symphony is received. I believe that terror management can help explain why certain attitudes toward certain musics exist. For example, why Western art music is privileged in music institutions throughout the West, thus acting as a tool that can help with addressing issues related with cultural preservation, as well as those pertaining to the push for institutional inclusivity regarding multiple styles of music.

CHAPTER 2 THE COSTUMBRE AND XURAVÉT AS SACRED IDENTITY

Traditional beliefs among the Mexicaneros fulfill similar functions as many other religions, prescribing rituals and myths that reinforce the idea of a death-denying afterlife, along with the expectation to uphold certain mannerisms in order to appease divinities. Also, like with many religions, there are certain individuals who work toward upholding the orthodoxy of these customs, so as to prevent the profane from infiltrating and altering them. In San Pedro Xicoras, there are two broad categories for sacred expression: an indigenous ritual known as the costumbre [the custom], and syncretic

Christian festivals. Both rituals involve varying degrees of spirituality and death- defiance, and are re-enacted annually along either an agricultural cycle for el costumbre, or a festival calendar for the syncretic ceremonies.

Arguably, the most sacred ritual among the Mexicaneros is the costumbre. Some of my informants directly singled it out as the most private among the local ceremonies, with others claiming that it is necessary to maintain good fortune throughout the year.

Intimately connected with el costumbre is the xuravét, a Nahuatl term referring to a mitote circle dance executed around a fire. 1 This dance is accompanied by a culture bearer, which currently is Felipe, who sings sacred songs while performing a steady, constant rhythm on a musical bow known as the tahuitol. The xuravet is traditionally executed on the final day of the ceremony, and is effectively the zenith of the ritual in which the entire community is united with their deceased ancestors as they dance in honor of their deities.

1 “Nahautl” refers to both the language used by the Aztecs, and the larger Nahua ethnic group which includes the Mexicanero.

In this chapter, I explore how the xuravét exhibits the slowest rate of change among all traditional musics in San Pedro Xicoras. I attribute this to the death-denying capacity of the ritual that it accompanies, el costumbre, which I argue is the highest among all rituals executed by the villagers. First, I will discuss the spiritual beliefs surrounding el costumbre, before discussing its two categories, which emphasize either the community, or a family lineage. The former is generally distributed along the agricultural cycle, and involves divine pleas for agricultural assistance throughout the year. The latter is not restricted to any particular calendar, and emphasizes a family’s unity with their ancestors, while also reinforcing good relations with deities. With very few exceptions, most costumbres involve many preparations leading into a concluding xuravét, which highlights its importance for the ritual as a whole. Although I was not able to personally observe the xuravét, other scholars have discussed the ritual in their works, and many of my own informants commented on the significance of it.

Sacred Beliefs in San Pedro Xicoras

It is not clear for how long the Mexicaneros have lived in the Gran Nayar area, or even where they originated from. Francis Galpin suggests that the Aztec peoples possibly exerted influence as far north as the west Canadian coast, through the somewhat-related Shoshone people, briefly entertaining the Aztecs’s own belief that they came from the north (1903-4:668-9). This would imply that the Mexicaneros were perhaps an offshoot from the original Nahua groups migrating southward. However, Phil

Weigand claims that “most Mexicaneros were of Tlaxcaltecan origins” (1985:131), having migrated outward away from central Mexico. Nonetheless, they hold the common regional view, most notably held by the Huichol people, that they are the

“symbolic center of a larger territory constituted in terms of mountains, lakes, and other

landscape features or ceremonial centers” (Kindl 2000:49). Despite the significant loss of indigenous identity among some Mexicanero communities, such as those around the

Bolaños canyon that shoulders the states of Nayarit and Jalisco (Weigand 1985:128), the Mexicaneros of San Pedro Xicoras have managed to maintain much of the lore surrounding their traditions. Much of this lore, which informs the costumbre ritual, features the community’s ancestors depicted during a time when they regularly interacted with divine figures living on Earth.

Many Mexicaneros's spiritual beliefs center around the story of their ancestors and an ancient figure known as Tepusilam. This legend also doubles as the origin story for the costumbre. According to the legend, the first age was a time when “the ancestors, stones, and birds all spoke the same language” (Alvarado Solis 2004:102).

Among these remarkable figures stood Tepusilam, which is described as a “woman of iron, appearing as a monster that would eat her granddaughters” (Ibid).23 This concerned “Our Lord,” since she was annihilating the human population, and so he worked with the ancestors to “execute a custom to make her leave definitively” (Ibid), which would become the xuravét. The ritual served a twofold function: first, it served as a lure for Tepusilam, who would be distracted by the festivities surrounding the dance

(Monteforte 1992).4 This allowed the ancestors to overwhelm her when she became

2 My translation: "Este mito evoca la época cuando los ancestros, las piedras y los pájaros hablaban la misma lengua. Uno de éstos, Tepusilam, 'la vieja de fierro,' aparece como un monstruo que comía a sus nietas."

3 It is unclear what “granddaughters” is specifically referring to, since Tepusilam consistently asks the ancestors for more during the first costumbre. Segundo frequently referred to the Mexicaneros as ”hijos de dios,” so the comment could be referring to human females.

4 See [37:25], which is dubbed in Spanish.

intoxicated (Ibid).5 Second, Tepusilam was outright destroyed via explosion through the combined efforts of the ancestors and the Fire, another divine entity living on the Earth at the time (Alvarado Solis 2004:102). This explosion shaped the landscape around the

Mexicaneros, with Tepusilam’s liver falling into the river, and her ribs adorning the cliffside (Monteforte 1992).6 Although the xuravét now arguably constitutes a reversal of this process, the original xuravét had the added effect of separating the heavens from the earth, with “Our Lords rising to the sky with the music” (Alvarado Solis 2004:132)7 and thus ushering in the modern age. From then onward, the villagers must execute the costumbre regularly in order to honor both their ancestors and their deities, or else they risk facing misfortune throughout their daily lives.

A handful of local Mexicaneros, I spoke with known as the Conservers of the

Old,8 are selected by the community and entrusted with maintaining these local traditions. Felipe and Manuel acknowledged that there are four of them, among which I regularly engaged with three: Felipe himself, his brother Segundo, Juan, and an unnamed fourth member.9 However, although Manuel is not included, he has served as the danza coordinator for fifteen years and as such, is very knowledgeable regarding that tradition. Furthermore, Ismael, another of my informants and the brother of

5 See [42:55].

6 See [44:20].

7 My translation: "Los movimientos del baile alrededor del fuego hacen que el cielo y la tierra se separen; un mexicanero cuenta que Nuestros Padres subieron al cielo bailando con la música y gracias a este movimiento la tierra se dibujó."

8 My translation: The “conservo de anciano.” This title was given by Manuel; see Interview 17 in the appendix.

9 I did not acquire the fourth member’s consent, so he is not referred to by any name.

Segundo and Felipe, is also well-versed in Mexicanero lore and a member of the older generation. As such, the group that I have referred to as “culture bearers” up until this point and beyond include both Manuel and Ismael along with the official Conservers of the Old.

Maintaining cultural authenticity is seen as a source of power by at least some of these culture bearers. Segundo in particular acknowledged that the Huichol were more powerful than the Mexicanero, claiming that they were even “more effective healers than they are well-known.”10 Segundo further explained that xuravét musicians had to follow certain rituals before they were allowed to perform for the ceremony, whereas

Manuel noted that it was important to maintain orthodoxy with the danza, stating that “if we do not put in the effort, it will be lost.”11 No culture bearer explicitly stated that the gods could be displeased by a poorly-executed xuravét, but they did frequently mention that displeasure could manifest itself either through a direct divine statement received through a dream, or indirectly through misfortune.

The Costumbre Comunitario as Life-Extending and Death-denying

Out of the two types of costumbre, the Costumbre comunitario [community custom] arguably serves as the most significant spiritual and death-denying ritual among the Mexicaneros. On one end, the three community variants, dedicated to corn, arrows, and water, represent ritual efforts to prolong life through specific pleas to the divine for good food yields. Distributed along the agricultural calendar, the corn

10 See Interview 8, page 160. My translation: “Ni el Huichol, mas curandero que mentado, mas poderoso pero no puede.” At the time, Segundo was mentioning how no culture was truly strong enough to water the fields of the entire Earth

11 See Interview 17, page 210. My translation: “Es la importante de no perder. Por que si no hacemos el esfuerzo, se pierde.”

ceremony celebrated at the end of the wet season around September asks for a good harvest, the arrow ceremony around February or March represents the corn being formed into tamales, and the water ceremony around May asks for a good wet season to feed the crops (Alvarado Solis 2004:137). Supplementary costumbres can also be added for other reasons such as “asking that a war be stopped, or to prevent epidemics” (2004:107).12 On the other end, the xuravét defies death by creating a sacred space that links the living with both their deceased ancestors and deities, thus reinforcing the idea of an afterlife and adding to the ritual’s overall death-denying characteristics.

The sacredness ascribed to the xuravét, itself being the Mexicanero term for the mitote, is reinforced by its shared sacred connotations among other ethnic groups in the

Gran Nayar. Commenting on the work of Theodor Preuss, Johannes Neurath acknowledged that “the tukipa festivals of the Huichols, the mitote festivols of the Coras, and the xurawet [sic] festivals of the Mexicaneros have a common structure” (2000:86).

Roberto de la Cerda Silva (1943:556) and Preuss himself (Preuss et al. 1998:124) also acknowledge a link between the mitotes of the Tepehuan, Cora, Huichol, and

Mexicaneros. Although the term mitote has frequently been used to “designate any indigenous celebration” (Mann 2010:32), with instances of secular mitotes in northeast

Mexico (Garcia Flores 1993:57), the ceremony is unique in northwest Mexico due to its sacred qualities. The costumbre spans five days in length, with the ritual involving fasting and perpetual confession, leading up to the xuravét between the night of the

12 My translation: "En San Pedro existen tres tipos de costumbre comunitario denominados 'elote' (élot), 'pluma' (iwit) y 'agua' (at) . . . Estos tres tipos de ceremonias pueden entrelazarse con otra destinada a pedir que una guerra se detenga y para prevenir las epidemias."

fourth day and the dawn of the fifth. The fasting is quite extended and required, lasting the five days leading up until the xuravét itself, then continuing for another five days after the xuravét (Alvarado Solis 2004:113). Felipe confirmed that my summary of the fast, developed from my previous interview with Segundo, was mostly accurate: villagers abstain from alcohol, intimate relations, and anger. My original list included salt, but Felipe clarified that villagers only abstain from salt during the costumbre linaje

[lineage custom]. The Mexicaneros share the Huichol view of the number five as sacred

(Kindl 2000:48-9), and they share the practice of fasting before the dance with the Cora people (Guzman Vazquez 2000:70). The practice of aligning mitotes along the agricultural calendar is also shared with the Cora, who include hunting on their list

(61).13 Regarding the role of the musician, the Coras believe that God teaches them the music (63), which may explain part of Segundo’s cryptic comment regarding how the xuravét musician sings, stating that: “And he sings, but he is not thinking about such things, the song. He is only singing like, how should I say? Like a rooster sings. But he has his changes like as if he is going to dance, like as if he is going to step along with the xuravét; that is how one must sing.”14

The costumbre throughout the region serves as a symbolic appeal to extend life by manifesting the community's desire for divine providence through agricultural yields, reflected by its distribution across the agricultural cycle and its execution during times of

13 I suspect that the Arrow mitote of the Mexicaneros may have originally referred to hunting in some way, however both Alvarado Solis and my informants state that the Arrow costumbre features tamales. In fact, the culture bearers rarely mentioned Arrows as a costumbre, instead replacing that with Tamale.

14 See Interview 8, page 165. My translation: “Y va cantar. Pero no esta mentando tales cosas, el canto. No mas esta cantando como, que te dire? Como cantar un gallo. Pero tiene sus cambitos asi como va bailar, como va pisar el xuravet, asi tiene que cantar uno.”

struggle or uncertainty. Along with the aforementioned distribution among the

Mexicaneros and the Coras, the Tepehuan also traditionally dedicate their mitotes to sowing, harvest, and rain (Mason 1991:98), and the link between the mitote and the hope for a good harvest has also been observed in northeast Mexico (Garcia Flores

1993:53). The Huichol in part use their dances to ask their deities to “send or remove rains, to cure them from diseases, to send pests or good harvests” (Palafox Vargas

1974:45-6).15 Among the Tepehuan, the coinciding of a mitote with the end of a drought in 1958 led to a renewal of faith in the mitote’s power (Riley and Hobgood 1959:359).

The Mexicaneros in particular outright state that during their ceremonies: We are asking for life, because she is provided by the divinities when they agreed to give to humankind. Acquiring life is obtaining fruit and the presence of dew, the latter which permits the regeneration of nature. The fasts are required by Our Father and Our Mother, as is invoked by the mayor during the beginning and the end of our implorations (Alvarado Solis 2004:137).

Indeed, during the days leading up to the xuravét, members of the community get together and ask for as many things as they can. Segundo made this clear during our interview, in which he mentioned that villagers were apt to ask for mangoes, lemons, guamuchil fruit, papaya, sugarcane, bananas, peaches, apples, opuntias, pitayas, and animals to hunt, among other things.16 The mayor of the ceremony, which is appointed by the community, is responsible for communicating directly with the deities during the days leading up to the xuravét. As such, he receives and delivers all of the villagers’

15 My translation: "David, dice la Biblia, bailó para agradar a Jehová el Omnipotente que lo mismo hacía manar agua de una roca, que convertía en sangre las aguas del Nilo y que, a voluntad, dejaba caer en la esclavitud o liberaba a su pueblo escogido con la misma veleidosidad con que Aramara, Rapavilleme, Zacaimuta y todos los dioses huicholes, les envían o les quitan las lluvias, los alivian o los enferman, les mandan plagas o buenas cosechas.”

16 See Interview 8, page 159.

requests. Segundo stresses that requesting many things is common to all three costumbres comunitarios, so that “there are things to eat, things to harvest.”17 Through this practice, the costumbre becomes a means of defying death through divine requests to extend life through sacred provisions.

The xuravet also adds to the costumbre’s overall death-denying potential by creating and maintaining a sacred space in which a connection is established between the living community and their deities. This enforces the idea of an afterlife for the villagers. Alvarado Solis describes the execution of the xuravét as follows:

The xuravét commences when the mayors place themselves in front of the altar, one on the right and the other on the left. Each line turns around the fire, in two circles: women form the inner circle that rotates counterclockwise, men dance in reverse. After five laps, the two lines change the direction of the dance and their position in the circles. After five more turns, they stop dancing and singing. Every song and every dance proceed according to the same evolution and so continue until dawn” (2004:114).18

As previously mentioned, the original xuravét served to separate the heavens from the earth. However, comments from the culture bearers imply that the opposite occurs during contemporary re-enactments of the ritual. Allegedly, “the fire in the center is the guardian of the patio that connects the human world with the underworld along its vertical axis, while connecting the cardinal directions along its horizontal plane. . . The fire and the sun are the center of the movement (2004:130).19 Alluding to the first age

17 Ibid. My translation: “Que haiga las cosas, que comer, que haiga las cosas, que cosechar. . .”

18 My translation: "El xuravet comienza cuando el Mayor y la Mayora se colocan frente al altar, el primero a la derecha y la segunda a la izquierda. Cada fila gira saltando alrededor del fuego, en dos circulos: las mujeres forman el circulo interior que gira en sentido contrario a las manecillas del reloj, los hombres bailan en sentido inverso. Luego de cinco vueltas, las dos filas cambian el sentido del baile y su posición en los circulos. Cinco vueltas máas, paran la danza y el canto. Cada canto y cada baile proceden acordes a la misma evolución y así continúan hasta el alba"

19 My translation: "El fuego en el centro [del patio] es el guardián del patio que conecta el mundo humano con el inframundo, en su plano vertical; y en tanto que fuego-sol conecta los puntos cardinales

featured in the legend of Tepusilam, during which everything spoke the same language,

Segundo states that during the xuravét, along with the ceremonial singer, “the bird sings

. . . the stones sing, the Yellow Bird sings, the Deer sings.”20 Preuss described the mitote patio as the place “where gods dance alongside human beings” (Preuss et al.

1998:109). The Tepehuan of the nearby communities of Santa Maria de Ocotan and

Xoconoxtle believe that community representatives “act before the deities on behalf of the whole community. In this regard, they represent the original community’s ancestors on their way to becoming deified ancestors or deities” (Reyes Valdez 2015:26).

Considering the sizable Tepehuan population in San Pedro Xicoras, it would not be surprising if such a perspective was shared by the local villagers.

The spiritual qualities of the mitote patio, as a space where the living and the divine unite, transcends ethnic boundaries in the Gran Nayar through the shared manifestation of a fire deity. Perhaps the most complex manifestation of the patio, the tukipa among the Huichol, has been linked to the mitote patios of the Cora,

Mexicaneros, and Tepehuans (Nuerath and Bahr 2005:573). In particular, the central building of the Huichol tukipa, known as the tuki, contains a sunken fire and is

“dedicated above all to Tatewari (Our Grandfather), the fire” (Neurath 2000:95). This belief is once again shared by the Cora, whose ceremonial mitote fire is also representative of their sun diety, Taya’u Xika (Guzman Vazquez 2000:63-4). This all falls in line with the Mexicaneros’s view of their patio fire in the center as a

en su plano horizontal: el oeste, el este, el norte, y el sur. El fuego y el sol estan en el centro del movimiento."

20 See Interview 8, page 165. My translation: “Por que hay si canta la pluma. Hay si canta el [?] grande de la mañana. Hay si canta la orraca. Hay si canta el pajaro amarillo. Hay si canta el, este, el venado.”

representation of their own Fire ancestor, which helped destroy Tepusilam. The

Tepehuan interpretation of the mitote, the xiotalh, also includes a central fire (Reyes

Valdez 2015:25).

Although not directly mentioned by the Mexicaneros, the link between the living and the spiritual is taken a bit farther with other ethnic groups in the region, with the dead ancestors themselves also being summoned into the patio. Since many spiritual beliefs are already shared between ethnic groups in the Gran Nayar, this implies that the Mexicanero costumbre may hold a similar quality. The Cora believe that “for the gods themselves to arrive . . . the ancestors must first be called together (Guzman

Vazquez 2000:65). Neurath claims that “the relationships between the temples of the ceremonial center and the sacred sites found across the landscape indicate the importance of ritual interaction and exchange between living humans and their deified ancestors” (2000:102). Arturo Gutiérrez del Angel elaborated on this topic by noting that

Huichol ceremonial center at once emphasizes “mythology, kinship, economy or the passage of time, and the calcification of cosmogonic space” (2010:129).21 Although the costumbre among the Mexicaneros definitely unites the earth with the heavens, it will take more research and comments from informants to verify if the same ancestral unity that occurs in the costumbre linaje also occurs in the costumbre comunitario. Alvarado

Solis claims that “the costumbre makes it possible to understand the form in which community members attach themselves to their ancestors, their lives, and their territory,

21 My translation: "En el centro ceremonial [tukipa] pueden destacarse asociaciones ligadas a la mitología, al parentesco, la economía o el discurrir del tiempo y la calsificación del espacio cosmogónico."

but it is in the lineage variant where the idea of reproduction is clearly expressed”

(2004:137).22

Figure 2-1. A man, possessed by the Deer, venerates the altar before dancing in the xuravét. Photo taken from Monteforte’s 1992 documentary [39:31].

Ultimately, the importance and spiritual capital ascribed to the costumbre has resulted in it being approached with fear, with the widespread belief that these rituals and the execution thereof must be taken seriously, or else one and their community becomes vulnerable to divine wrath. Perhaps having spoken most extensively about the costumbre, Segundo referred to the ritual as “dangerous” and stressed that all manners of ailments could afflict those who did not take the rituals seriously.23 He blamed his own bad knee as perhaps the result of having unintentionally erred during a costumbre

22 My translation: “"El costumbre hace posible comprender la forma en la que los miembros de la comunidad se atan a los ancestros, a la vida y al territorio, pero es en el de linaje donde se expresa claramente la idea de la reproducción."

23 See Interview 8, page 162.

in the past. Elaborating on the link between physical ailments and respect toward the costumbre, Segundo claimed that those who disrespected the costumbre by violating the fast or disregarding it died young, whereas those who treated it with respect lived very long lives. He was not the only one to refer to the costumbre as risky, with his brother Ismael outright calling it “bad” and saying: “If we do not do it, there could be an accident, something grave for the family. If it does not happen to me, it will affect a brother, a son, a daughter. Very bad, those commitments that our ancestors left us.”24

The xuravét dance itself is considered important for appeasing the gods; among the many costumbres executed by the Mexicaneros, it is the costumbres linajes that are three-days in length that are taken the most seriously, since they do not include the xuravét or any kind of music. Segundo stated that “only those [costumbres] of three days do not. But those are more delicate. They say that regarding those of three days, if they do not complete them well, they will be gone very quickly. . . Very quickly will that costumbre of three days take you, if you touch the woman, if you take a drink, if you get angry.”25

Due to this fear, the xuravét is almost never performed outside of its context.

Segundo informed me of only one time when they performed it at Santa Maria de

Ocotan, only for some of the villagers to dream of divine figures warning them against

24 See Interview 9, page 171. My translation: “Si no lo hacemos, puede ser un accidente, puede ser algo grave a la familia. Si no me toca a mi, le toca a un hermano, un hijo, una hijo. Muy malo esos compromisos que nos dejadon nuestros antepasados.”

25 See Interview 8, page 161. My translation: “Dicen el de tres dias, si no completen bien los dias, para pronto te llueva. . . De pronto te llueva, pronto te jala ese costumbre de tres dias, si tocas la mujer, si hechas un trago, o si te enojas.”

doing it again afterward. When I asked for clarification over whether the pachitas26 or the danza were staged outside of its context, Segundo responded with “yes, those yes, they can be taken anywhere. Just not the xuravét; it is tough.”27 Ismael also reiterated that the local xuravét is not performed outside of the region. Asking himself my subsequent question for me, he responded with “because we say that that is not a game, it is private.”28 It was likely not Ismael’s intention to indirectly disregard other sacred genres as games as much as it was his effort to emphasize that the xuravét is nothing to mess around with.

The Costumbre Linaje as Death-denying

The costumbre linaje, a variant of its communal counterpart that also includes the xuravét, also defies death by creating a space linking the living and the dead among communal family lines. Unlike the community variant, there are family-based patrilineal costumbres linajes for each family in the community, with durations that vary from three to five days. This practice is also present in Tepehuan culture: Reyes Valdez explains how the kinship xiotalh, as it is referred to by the Tepehuan, “groups together relatives who have the same paternal surname” (2015:25); the kinship ritual was also previously observed by Jose Guadalupe Sánchez Olmedo in 1981 (97).

26 The pachitas are traditional songs sung in Nahuatl, associated with the Carnival festival. A discussion centered around these songs is beyond the scope of this thesis, but more information regarding them can be found in Alvarado Solis’s 2004 ethnography (184-9).

27 See Interview 8, page 164. My translation: “Si, ese si donde quiera se puede llevar. No mas el xuravet no; esta carajo.” Some translations view “carajo” as an expletive, however that does not seem to be the way that Segundo was using the word.

28 See Interview 9, page 168. My translation: “Aqui, nos han pedido en Mexico, en el museo nacional de Mexico, no hemos presentado [el xuravet]. Por que? Por que dicimos que eso no es juego, es privado.”

Each of the three families has its own traditions associated with their costumbre, which reinforces a symbolic identity that is further immune to death. Alvarado Solis identified the lineages in San Pedro Xicoras as “Reyes, de la Cruz, Villa, Javier, de

Jesus, Victoriano, and Paulino” (2004:139).29 Each of these rituals is slightly different, most notably with regard to length. According to Segundo, these were assigned in the distant past by the ancestors of each family. Although the three-day variants have no xuravét, the four and five-day variants do conclude with the dance. According to Felipe, each family has its own sacred cave where their distinct, sacred icons are stored at the end of their costumbre, along with their own individual patios where they executed their ritual. While discussing his own family’s ritual, the five-day Reyes variant, he also noted that it was important that the entire family be present, and that they specifically had to abstain from beans and honey.30 As for the music, however, Felipe noted that the sacred songs remained the same for each family that executed the xuravét. He did briefly imply, however, that families had different ways of sitting around the fire, “with some setting up farther away, some closer. Those are pending at their own discretion.”

The costumbre linaje also involves some degree of interaction with the divine.

According to Alvarado Solis, the universe is woven together along the costumbre linaje,

29 My translation: "En San Pedro existen los linajes Reyes, de la Cruz, Villa, Javier, de Jesus, Victoriano y Paulino."

30 See Interview 10, page 173.

31 Ibid. My translation: “Si, bueno, esta alla la familia hacienda las ramaditas alrededor otros mas para alla, otros aca si no todos. Hay estan al pendiente.”

“and with the weaves, the ancestors gave movement to the world” (144-5).32 Family patios are especially sacred, since the fire lit in each one represents an ancestral patron: “to change the location of a patio implies that the fire must be transported, since it is believed that the fire is a patron of the patio and of the members of the lineage. Its displacement would put the health of the lineage’s members at risk because then they would have to fast for a month annually for three or five years” (2004:141).33

The overall costumbre reinforces strong, death-denying tenets, both through the ritual yearning for a prolonged life and the reinforcement of an afterlife. The supernatural realm conjured during the xuravét, which contains both divinities and deceased ancestors, serves as a reminder that there is life after death, whether it be literally through deification as an ancestor, or symbolically as part of an enduring family unit. In accordance with my hypothesis, this would suggest that the music associated with this worldview exhibits a dramatically slower rate of change compared to other musical styles, since the ritual holds an avenue for both prolonged life and immortality.

The Music of the Xuravét and Death Transcendence

I remember the elderly Diana’s response after I asked her which types of music she enjoyed listening to: only “música norteña.” Being one of my first informants, I was slightly taken aback by her brief answer, and so I asked if she was taking the traditional

32 My translation: "A traves de el se 'tejen' los hilos del universo, y con el los ancestros dieron el movimiento al mundo."

33 My translation: "El lugar de los patios de linaje de San Pedro fue asignado a cada uno desde hace mucho tiempo . . . Cambiar el lugar de un patio implica transportar su fuego, se dice que el fuego es un patrón del patio y de los miembros del linaje. El desplazamiento pondría en riesgo la salud de los miembros del linaje porque se debe ayunar anualmente un mes durante tres o cinco años; el ayungo exige la abstinencia de sal, sin el cual las enfermedades se manifestan."

genres into account. In response, she made a strong effort to emphasize that sacred music was different, especially that of the xuravét:

Look, the xuravét is different. It is very different because that of the costumbre of the xuravét, is very, how should I say, very independent from the fiestas, because that music is very different. That is to say, the fiestas, the music of the danza, is different. That music is utilized only in the church, where the children are participating. As such, I will not be playing that music all over the place quite as easily. . . and the xuravét is the same. That is sacred music, which serves us well.34

Sacred music is conceptualized as inseparable from its context, whether it be the church for the danza, or the patio for the xuravét. Indeed, another of my informants,

Ramon, did not immediately reveal that he was a violinist until near the end of my first field research session. I did not ask why, but he did mention afterward in a group conversation that included us, Jose, and Juan that he worried about the bad luck that some villagers believe befalls those who perform danza music outside of its festival context (personal communication 8/18/2016). Felipe was certainly willing to perform danzas for me out of context so that I could record them, and Ramon became more open to the idea immediately after learning of the culture bearer’s willingness. As mentioned previously by Segundo and Ismael, the community is perfectly comfortable with executing danzas and pachitas music outside of a festival context. However, the music of the xuravét never got such leeway; despite Felipe’s eagerness to assist me with my research by performing danzas, singing pachitas, and even showing me gourd bowls that are attached to the tahuitol, he neither offered to demonstrate a complete

34 See Interview 2, page 144. My translation: “Mira, en el xuravet es diferente. Es mucho diferente por que eso el del costumbre del xuravet es muy, muy este, pos como dire, es muy independiente de las fiestas por que la musica de las fiestas es muy diferente. Por decir las fiestas, la musica de la danza, es diferente. Es que esa musica se utiliza no mas alli en la iglesia, donde van estar participando los niños. Entonces, eso no tan facil voy andar tocando por todos lados. . . Asi es, asi como el xuravet igual. Es musica sagrada que nos sirve mucho a nosotros.”

tahuitol, or to sing the traditional songs associated with the xuravét. This is in line with the solemnity ascribed to the overall costumbre, which the well-being of the entire village depends on, at least according to older villagers.

The musical traditions associated with the xuravét involve elaborate rituals culminating in expressions of religious devotion, all involved with the broader costumbre. The musician and mayors associated with the xuravét must dedicate themselves to the custom for life (Alvarado Solis 2004:109). This occurs after a month- long fast during which a prospective musician must craft their own tahuitol. The fasting is more extreme than that associated with the costumbre: the individual must abstain from bathing, eating salt, drinking alcohol, intimate relations, leaving his camp, and interacting with other people. The songs that the musician sings along with his tahuitol playing are labeled according to sacred figures in Mexicanero lore. These include the

Yellow Bird, the former consort of Tepusilam, the Grand Star, which started to accompany the sun shortly after its creation,35 the Deer, the Tamal, and the Feather

(Alvarado Solis 2004:113-4). Segundo also mentioned that many of these entities are directly singing with the musician, rather than about them. In conjunction, that was also his justification as to why the singer does not think about any words while singing, which at least still highlights the act of the musician singing with divine figures, and at most implies some degree of divine inspiration for the singing itself. This practice is also shared with the Tepehuan, in that they do not have “standardized ritual prayers and songs with words” (Mason 1991:99). An example of this type of singing can be seen in

35 “Estrella grande” is also the translation for xuravét, which is a Cora-chol term according to Alvarado Solis (2004:132).

Monteforte’s documentary, in which the musician appears to be singing only with vocables that do not sound like Spanish or Nahuatl.36 Although the songs are significant due to their consistent use in xuravéts and their allusion to sacred figures, the musician’s primary goal is to provide a stable beat over which the villagers can dance in unison. This characteristic is shared with the Cora, where the song lyrics literally “tell participants where to move and mark the rhythm and sequence of activities” (Guzman

Vazquez 2000:71).

Figure 2-2. A villager delivers the tahuitol to the musician during the xuravét. Photo taken from Monteforte’s 1992 documentary [35:38].

36 See [38:40] to [40:00], which also includes a segment focusing on a dancer possessed by the spirit of the Deer.

Through its association with the death-denying costumbre, the xuravét is conceptualized as exhibiting a very slow rate of change compared to other religious styles, such as the danza. Mayra, one of the directors of the local elementary school, singled out the xuravét as a tradition that does not change. This was different with the music of the danza, to which she said “there are times when the same danza can be used in a fiesta. In other times, well, they can change it. That is to say, it depends on the one who is instructing the dancers. If the instructor does not know the steps, then they just use a danza that they do know.”37 The consistency of the xuravét is in part attributed to the idea that the tradition was entrusted to them by God, and that the costumbre is the most cleansing among sacred rituals. As mentioned by Segundo earlier, the costumbre is approached cautiously due to the misfortunate that can overcome someone if they do not take the ritual seriously in all of its aspects, including the dance. Alvarado Solis observed that there was much agitation throughout the village during the morning of the xuravét (2004:118). When I asked Segundo why the music was important to the xuravét, he did not give me a direct answer. Instead, he claimed that much of the lore is now missing, and that the musicians were merely repeating the customs executed by their ancestors, who assisted the divine entities that also practiced the costumbre.38 With regard to the costumbre, maintaining the consistency of the

37 See Interview 15, page 193. My translation: “No, hay veces que se pueden utilizar la misma danza en una fiesta. Y en otra, pos, pueren, quieren cambiar, igual. O sea, es que depende de el señor que vaya a ensayar a los danzantes. Si no se sabe aquellos pasos, entonces pone el que si sabe.”

38 See Interview 8, page 161. My paraphrase and translation: “Si, pos todos modos. Falta mucho cuento alli. Mucho cuento, mucho cuento falto. Dicen que cuando estaban los dioses aqui en el mundo por que muy antes dicen que aqui estaban los dioses en este mundo, y tenian cosumbre. Hacian costumbre, el xuravet, por que hay como nosotros, semos los Reyes, como que eres el Rey, los Reyes. Pos sopondremos como los Javieres. Todos los Javieres tienen un mayor, pero particular no hay como uno; particular. Entonces, esos asistaban los dioses, dicen.”

musical traditions is just as important as maintaining the consistency of any other ritual practice.

The music of the tahuitol stresses a strict beat at a consistent tempo, creating a sacred space where villagers can dance loudly and in unity with their gods and ancestors, so that the sounds of their stomps can reach the heavens. According to

Felipe, the strength of the stomps are important enough to warrant the creation of special sandals made out of animal hide, specifically so that the sound of the community stomping together is that much more amplified. The tahuitol itself is made out of parts of the Maguey plant. However, Alvarado Solis’s definition is more detailed and concise: “the bow is made with a great gourd and a great bow possessing a cord of ixtle. The former amplifies the sound of the bow when the strings are struck with small wooden bars” (2004:113). The mitote patio becomes a place where the gods are dance with the living, since according to Alvarado Solis, it is believed that “the divinities descend onto the patio at midday, because they will dance there” (2004:135).39 In fact, the tahuitol is allegedly tuned to a specific pitch specifically “so the divinities can hear the music” (Ibid).40 Such practices allegedly existed as far back as the colonial period, with dancing being seen as “an important part of communication with the gods” (Mann

2010:79). The idea of this unifying sacred space is also present among the Tepehuan, among whom the dance motion “refers to the dead, Deer, Clouds, Whirlwinds and

39 My translation: “Los mexicaneros afirman que a medio día las divinidades descienden al patio, porque bailarán en este lugar.”

40 My translation: “El músico toca para el baile, pero debe verificar el tono para que las divinidades escuchan la música.”

Stars, allies or enemies of the Sun” (Pacheco Rojas 2008:45).41 By providing a constant beat accompanied by sacred songs, the tahuitol is ultimately responsible for creating and maintaining the sacred space within the mitote patio, through which the living and spiritual dance together as one.

The musical approach of this tradition is consistent across ethnic lines in the region, thus highlighting shared forms of sacred devotion. The Cora also traditionally use a musical bow to accompany their mitotes, which they refer to as a tunama

(Guzman Vazquez 2000:72). The Tepehuan’s version of the musical bow is referred to as the gat (Reyes Valdez 2015:28-9); both of the aforementioned ethnic groups attach gourds to their bows and play them similarly to how they are played among the

Mexicaneros: with a “hypnotic rhythm” (Guzman Vazquez 2000:72) and as an accompaniment to songs “with very short phrases or monosyllabic enunciations” (Reyes

Valdez 2015:28-9), both which guide dancing members of the community.

Representing the zenith of the costumbre, the xuravét at the end of the ceremony is the moment when all members affiliated with the community occupy the same space, whether they be among the living, the dead, or the divine. The musician, who provides a constant beat with the tahuitol and sings along with divine figures during the xuravét, directly provides the foundation over which individuals from the earth and the heavens can dance together. Because the music of the xuravét is responsible for enacting the sacred death-defiant aspects of the costumbre tradition. Many of my informants

41 My translation: “El movimiento dancístico levógiro remite siempre a los muertos, los venados, las nubes, los remolinos y las estrellas, todos aliados o enemigos del Sol.” The capitalizations in-text are mine to emphasize that these entities are conceptualized as individual entities.”

maintain that the style has not changed since the time of the ancestors, projecting their conceptualizations of tahuitol performance into what they perceive as the first age.

Decline of Sacred Tradition and Reflection

The slow rate of change attributed to the music of the xuravét is very likely the result of its close affiliation with a powerful death-denying ritual. However, as mentioned in Chapter 1, respect for this type of high intrinsic value would only be expected from members that share the tradition’s worldview. Extrinsically, adherents of other worldviews would have little reason to honor the xuravét, since those individuals do not place faith into its associated worldview. This is increasingly the case among the youth in San Pedro Xicoras, who are gradually losing interest in the traditions of their predecessors in favor of more contemporary, urban trends.

Many informants and culture bearers lament that the youth are disinterested in learning about local traditions, which puts them at great risk since almost all of the traditional culture bearers are of advanced age. The Conservers of the Old were specifically set up to counter this decline, after all, although many of the culture bearers continue to display a pessimistic attitude toward the future. Some informants, like

Ismael and Mayra, blame public education for the decline of local tradition, claiming that strict public school guidelines encourages urban culture through urbanized uniforms and the speaking of Spanish. However, even Mayra noted that the younger generation was quite rebellious, which Manuel attributed to the decline in parental discipline, which he blamed on the passing of laws that highly discourage aggressive parenting. Ultimately, many of the culture bearers are convinced that youth disinterest is killing off indigenous

traditions.42 This is all in spite of institutional intervention at both the federal and local level; even with government assistance, the culture bearers have failed to train any long-term sacred musicians.

Reaching out for urban forms of expression implies that the youth are interested in molding new identities affiliated with urban worldviews. Many informants that were not culture bearers answered almost universally that the youth were more interested in music than the older generation. Arguably, the current youth generation is perhaps even more interested in music than any generation before them. They frequently listen to music on their cellphones, or claim sonic space by playing their car radios aloud. When electricity briefly returned to the village during my first field research session, the ubiquity of public music listening was incredible. The significant thing here, however, is that the music experience among the youth is markedly different from that of the elders and culture bearers. Whereas for the older generation, music was perhaps more about maintaining sacred traditions in an unpredictable and isolated environment, the younger generation now inhabits a changed landscape that is more connected to the state capital than ever before. With unprecedented exposure to urban worldviews and the idea of portable music consumption, music has become something different than a tool primarily used for death defiance. Now, portable music can become a reflection of the individual carrying it, introducing an enhanced idea of music contributing to individual identity

42 For Segundo, see Interview 8, page 158. For Ismael, see Interview 9, page 171. For Felipe, see Interview 10, page 175. For Manuel, see Interview 17, page 212.

CHAPTER 3 FOLK CATHOLICISM AND DANZA AS SACRED AND SECULAR IDENTITIES

The danza is another prominent form of religious expression in San Pedro

Xicoras, most often associated with mestizo communities. My informants conceptualized this ritual as consisting of the dance itself, along with the music played on solo violin that accompanies it. Descended from the Spanish Matachines dance originally representing the conflict between the Moors and Christians, which was imposed by Spain during the colonial period, this practice now features the worship of

Christian saints in an indigenous context. However, the danza is by no means exclusive to the Gran Nayar, occurring throughout most of Mexico. This has led to a wide array of interpretations regarding the danza, with dramatic differences in attire and music from region to region. In particular, this part of the Gran Nayar further demonstrates sizable distinctions between danza interpretations on a community level. As such, although the ritual is often associated with syncretic Christian celebrations, it also expresses the identity of the group that is performing it.

The willingness of my informants to perform the danza outside of its original context, along with the more relaxed attitudes held toward it, suggests that the expression is not as sacred as the xuravét in San Pedro Xicoras, but the genre is nonetheless a sacred one and very important to the community. If any of my informants mentioned the traditional musics of the region, they almost always mentioned the danza. In fact, the danza was more likely to be mentioned than the xuravét: other than among the culture bearers themselves, Mayra was the only informant that mentioned

the xuravét by name without any previous prodding.1 The Christian saints are also revered in this region, even being feared at times. When discussing an event in which previous, unnamed ethnographers had used spotlights for the facilitation of taking pictures, Segundo commented that afterward, some villagers had dreamt of Saint Peter, who warned them not to allow such activity to happen again. The need to fulfill a religious obligation compelled a danza coordinator from the regional community of

Canoas, which is roughly about two hours away from San Pedro Xicoras, to put together a group of danzantes and travel to Xicoras, where they performed for the week of Saint Peter’s saint day in 2017, on June 29th. The festival itself involves many villagers and travelers from abroad coming to the idol of Saint Peter, of whom they ask favors in exchange for religious observations. Although this occasionally happens outside of the festival season, as I once observed with one traveler that stopped by the community in August of 2016, many villagers take advantage of the festival itself to ask for such blessings. This displays the death-denying power held by the saints, although this defiance more strongly correlates with the life-extending characteristics of the costumbre, in which divine entities are expected to provide, and thus stave off death by prolonging life, in exchange for religious devotion.

In this chapter, I explore how the danza demonstrates a slightly faster rate of change than the xuravét—despite the ritual’s affiliation with a death-denying worldview—because the mestizo Christian festivals have a lower death-denying capacity than the costumbre. Whereas the costumbre involves pleas to prolong life and

1 See Interview 15, page 193. Diana did mention the xuravét, discussing it briefly. However, she only expanded on the topic after I mentioned it first.

defy death, most notably through the xuravét in which the entire community—living or dead—dances with their deities, the sacred space maintained by the danza only focuses on the veneration of the saints being honored for a particular festival. There is no display of a promising afterlife through the danza: although executing the ritual properly can please the saints and thus stave off divine retribution that can include death, there is no guarantee that executing the ritual perfectly offers immortality. I hypothesize that this is responsible for the more relaxed attitudes toward the danza, and the community’s willingness to tolerate slow changes over time. For example, Segundo had previously mentioned to me that when neither he nor Felipe were available to perform for the xuravét, the costumbre simply did not happen.2 Meanwhile, Manuel informed me that the danza of San Pedro Xicoras was once accompanied by a guitarist, but that is no longer the case.3 My own observations, and further comments from

Manuel, show how standards for the ceremonial attire and orthodox dancing have also declined over time.

I further explore how the danza’s lower death-denying capacity allows it to become a way for the community to express their own communal and ethnic identity.

During the festival of Saint Peter in 2017, I was able to observe both the Mexicanero- inspired danzantes of San Pedro Xicoras and their Tepehuan counterparts from

Canoas, with both groups displaying remarkable differences, despite being from the same region. The Xicoras community displayed far more interest in observing the dancers from Canoas, while hardly coming out when their own danzantes performed.

2 See Interview 8, page 158.

3 See Interview 17, page 212.

Manuel informed me that this situation is reversed when the Xicoras danzantes are invited to perform in other communities: in those circumstances, they are the ones that receive larger audiences. This practice of traveling and performing in other communities marks the danza as a way of expressing regional identity abroad, and the willingness to accept gradual changes gives the style the flexibility to be molded in whatever form the community desires. Manuel even commented that if the original Xicoras tradition died out, another one would simply come in to take its place, although that would not be the original.4 This is not even considering that the Xicoras danza has already changed over time. It is more likely than not that the danza I observed in 2017 is quite different from the danzas executed in the distant past. ‘

Figure 3-1. A view of the exterior of San Pedro Xicoras’s church from outside the courtyard. Photo courtesy of Salvador Hernandez.

4 See Interview 17, page 212.

Folk Catholicism in San Pedro Xicoras

Christian syncretism is a common occurrence both in the Gran Nayar and throughout Mexico. Eduardo Moctezuma states: “With the Conquest of America and as one of the consequences, these danzas and their variants have a presence in New

Spain and in other Spanish possessions, adapting itself according to place and circumstance” (2008:60). In one instance, the phenomenon—complete with a religious context—even occurs in Guatemala (Pinto V. 1983:60). However, many of these syncretisms involve including Christian figures into an indigenous pantheon, rather than a full overhaul of existing spiritual beliefs. According to James Lockhart, who focused on the Nahuas of central Mexico:

For the people of preconquest Mesoamerica, victory was prima facie evidence of the strength of the victor’s god. One expected a conqueror to impose his god in some fashion, without fully displacing one’s own; the new god in any case always proved to be an agglomeration of attributes familiar from the local pantheon and hence easy to assimilate (1992:203).

He goes on to explain that the attributes of these deities were “embodied in images inhabiting sumptuous temples” (Ibid.). In this respect, the Mexicaneros share the beliefs of their ethnic relatives in central Mexico. The Christ, the Virgin Mary, and

Saint Peter are among a few of the Christian figures that join an existing pantheon of deities such as the Yellow Bird, the Fire, and Our Father.5 The Christian saints also have their own idols inside of the community’s church, which the community venerates.

This stands at odds with official Roman Christianity’s second commandment, which prohibits the worship of idols. However, the community is not concerned with such

5 Segundo extensively mentioned “nuestro Padre Dios” [Our Father God] during our interviews, but in the context of the xuravét. He never explicitly linked this figure with the Christian god, nor did he mention the Christ throughout our entire interview.

matters, and even perceive official Christianity as a different religion at times. In

Barbosa’s documentary, an informant comments on continuing missionary efforts to convert members of the community to their religion of Christianity (2006).6 During my time in the field, this same informant commented on how missionaries from Arizona continue to visit the community on an almost annual basis.7

If a certain Christian festival involves a patron saint for another community, it is common practice for a community to carry their own patron to that village in honor of their festival. According to Alvarado Solis, these communities “form a circuit. Saint

Antonio (in San Antonio de Padua), Saint Lucas (in San Lucas de Jalpa), and Saint

Peter (in San Pedro Jicoras) [sic]” (2004:166).8 All of these festivals are similar, including “danza, ofrendas, processions, and the changing of mayors” responsible for maintaining the festival (167-8).9 In San Pedro Xicoras, the Virgin is honored during the fiesta of La Calendaria, the Christ during Semana Santa [Holy Week], St. Peter on his saint day of June 29th, and St. Santiago on his saint day of July 25th. For all other festivals, the villagers travel to the villages that celebrate them. This both highlights the importance of the idol as a sacred object, and the idols and festivals as representing part of the community’s identity. This characteristic is also shared with the central

6 See [10:36]. Film in Spanish.

7 Although the informant is acknowledged by name in the documentary and I received a consent form from him, I have not linked these comments to him in my interview appendix, so as to keep his interview comments separate from his identity.

8 My translation: “Los santos epónimos de las comunidades cercanas al río Jesús María forman un circuito. San Antonio (en San Antonio de Padua), San Lucas (en San Lucas de Jalpa) y San Pedro (en San Pedro Jícoras) son considerados primos.”

9 My translation: “Pudimos constatarlo en San Antonino de Padua y en Santa María Ocotán, aquí encontramos las danzas, las ofrendas, las procesiones y el cambio de cargos de los mayordomos."

Mexican Nahuas, among whom “a saint was the primary symbol identifying and unifying each sociopolitical entity, not only the altepetl but its constitutent [sic] parts” (Lockhart

1992:235-6).10

Syncretic Christian festivals are associated with death-denying beliefs, with

Christian figures being ascribed with similar powers as their indigenous counterparts. In this case, I shall focus on St. Peter’s saint day, which I observed during my field research. According to Segundo, who refers to the saint as “the patron,” St. Peter’s festival represents a supplementary plea for rain, which is especially important if it does not come after the costumbre of water.11 At least during my visit, the alleged power of

St. Peter became fully apparent, with heavy rains coming soon after the start of the festival. According to the villagers, these were the first of such rains for the entire season; perhaps due to a combination of geography, seasonal climate changes, and timing, it is not surprising to see that the villagers have come to associate St. Peter with life-giving rain. Just like with the costumbre, the festival thus represents a plea for life- giving rains that will defy death by extending life.

During the festival, fasting is required for anyone that wants to enter the church.

This is both confirmed by Alvarado Solis (2004:177) and Segundo himself. Solis goes into detail over how alcohol, intimate relations, and anger are prohibited, while Segundo emphasizes that the fast lasts for at least one day, prohibiting any kind of food consumption until midnight when the chocolate for St. Peter is blessed and can be

10 Altepetl [literally “water-mountain”] was the central Mexican term used to refer to sociopolitical entities in the region, which often consisted of a central village with many surrounding communities. In the San Pedro area, Xicoras serves as the central village for the communities of Los Leones, La Hoya, Huazamotita (which is different from Huazamota), and Agua Calientes.

11 See Interview 8, page 160.

consumed. Although I was allowed to enter the church without fasting due to my status as an outsider, I nonetheless was encouraged to abstain from alcoholic beverages throughout the duration of the festival. However, as I discuss later in this chapter, expectation and rules did not always coincide exactly with reality, and many of my own observations contradict both Alvarado Solis and Segundo’s comments, with many of them only being followed at each villager’s leisure, if not outright ignored. This is not to say that the scholar and Conserver of Old were incorrect. Rather, I take my observations as an example of how the strength of the syncretic Christian worldview is decreasing, with villagers ascribing less value to it and gradually contesting and modifying it.

Further expanding on death defiance in the danza, the festival itself does involve some degree of spiritual transcendence, perhaps emphasized most strongly through the presence of the masked xayákat. Notably, however, the ancestors are not involved with this ritual, and so there is no visual representation of an afterlife or human death transcendence. Regarding the xayákat, Alvarado Solis identifies this as a figure who

“watches the group of danzantes,” and “calls the danzantes every time they have to return to the danza” (2004:176). 12 She also describes how the festival generally ends with a civil dialogue referred to as the mawilti. This figure, who is acted out by one of the danza coordinators, was referred to as the devil who had come to the physical world to

12 My translation: "Los danzantes son muchachos dirigidos por el monarca y la malínche. Estos marcan los movimientos de la danza, al ritmo de la música de un violonista; el moreno xayákat 'mascara,' vigila al conjunto de los danzantes. Ellos tienen el papel de bailar en homenaje a la imagen santa y de acompañar a los mayordomos en sus actividades durante toda la fiesta. Por su parte, el xayákat llama a los danzantes cada vez que deben retomar la danza. El último día de la fiesta el xayákat establece un diálogo denominado mawilti 'juego.'"

enjoy the festival, at least according to the villagers.13 Throughout the ceremony, the xayákat led the danzantes, occasionally messing with other villagers, deliberately scaring children, and executing comical overreactions to various parts of the ceremony, much to the amusement of other villagers. Whether or not this constitutes a genuine case of possession is unclear. However, it is worth noting that during the festival, the xayákat made no effort to confront me, an outsider, like he did with the other villagers.

Along with the saints, the xayákat represents the only visual intrusion of the divine into the physical world. However, since the saints are always believed to be present in the church, the status of that site is not changed by the festival itself.

Figure 3-2. The Xayákat in both of his masks. Photo courtesy of Salvador Hernandez.

13 During my visit, the xayákat was played by Manuel’s nephew, who is training to become a danza coordinator himself.

The syncretic festivals include danzas as forms of ritual expression, many of which are descended from Spanish conquest dances introduced during the colonial period, and thus are common among mestizo communities throughout Mexico and the region. Carlos Sánchez Hernández recognized variants from “Veracruz, Tlaxcala, and

Puebla” (1999:69). Silvia Rodríguez encountered the Matachines tradition as far north as New Mexico along the Rio Grande Valley, complete with the practice of performing it on saint days (1996:1-2). This sacred context is an allusion to the role, according to

Martínez Peñaloza, that these dances played in evangelizing indigenous populations

(1986:123).14 The danza I observed in San Pedro Xicoras consisted of ten dancers, each dressed in ceremonial attire and organized into two lines: one led by a male leader known as El Monarca [the monarch], and the other led by a young girl known as La

Malinche. 15 It is all quite reminiscent of the Rio Grande variant observed by Rodríguez

(1-2), however it is more accurate to acknowledge that both are simply descended variants of a shared mestizo tradition. Another shared characteristic is that danzantes frequently accompany themselves with maracas, referred to as sonajitas in San Pedro

Xicoras. Garcia Flores observed the practice in northeast Mexico (1993:29), and

Stevenson, while citing Andres Perez de Ribas, acknowledges that the use of the rattle to accompany dance was derived from an indigenous practice that existed before the

Spanish Conquest (quoted in Stevenson 1976:165).

14 Paraphrased and my translation: "Pero lo cristiano aparece entre nosotros con la Conquista de la que aquí sólo nos interesa su aspecto d conquista espiritual, esto es, la evangelización.”

15 La Malinche refers to Hernan Cortez’s translator during the Spanish Conquest. El Monarca often refers to the Aztec emperor Moctezuma II, who was in power when Cortez arrived in Mesoamerica.

Figure 3-3. The Monarca, pictured in full attire in the center, and the Malinche. Photo courtesy of Salvador Hernandez.

The danza is performed as part of a religious obligation, involving a local group of danzantes, along with possibly other groups who travel from abroad and are performing as part of a divine promise. According to Sevilla et al. with regard to the Tlaxcala variant: “the dance or ‘game’ as it is called in some areas, is realized during the days celebrating a religious festival, principally those of a patronal nature, in the courts of the church or a wide place nearby” (1985:213).16 With the exception of Saint Santiago’s

16 My translation: "La danza o 'juego,' como se llaman en algunos lugares, se raliza durante los dias de la celebración de alguna fiesta religiosa, principalmente la patronal, en los atrios de la iglesia o en un lugar amplio cercana a ella.”

feast day, where according to Manuel, horses are used to honor the saint, the danza accompanies all Christian festivals throughout the duration of the ceremonies in San

Pedro Xicoras. For the festival of Saint Peter, the danzantes started as early as the

Tuesday afternoon before the feast day itself, which was on that Thursday, and continued up until the Saturday morning after that day. Every time the church was opened to the public, the danzantes performed, highlighting its intimate connection with the ceremony. As previously noted, the danzantes from Canoas traveled to San Pedro

Xicoras because their leader was fulfilling a religious obligation to Saint Peter. Mayra told me that this practice was present during her childhood even among secular musicians, and was one of the reasons why musicians used to travel in greater numbers to Xicoras, saying that “they would come to fulfill an obligation to the saint . . . to play for free, and now that is not really seen.”17 Nonetheless, the same tradutuibak instruments used to perform secular mestizo music in this region now perform in the sacred context, with the Canoas danzantes being accompanied by a violin, vihuela, guitar, and tololoche. Furthermore, one secular ensemble accompanied the Procession of the Virgin the midnight of the saint day itself, and later performed inside the church for the idol of Saint Peter, suggesting that although the practice is not as prominent as it once was, it is still practiced by some musical groups.

The danza in San Pedro Xicoras accompanies major events that occur during a saint’s festival, serving as both a form of adoration for divine figures and a source of blessings for ceremonial items. There were several processions and events organized

17 See Interview 15, page 197. My translation: “Venian, como, a cumplir una manda con el santito. Entonces, venian a tocar gratis, a ahorita ya no se ve eso.”

during Saint Peter’s feast day that I observed, which I have labeled as the Procession of the Chocolate that happened the midnight after Tuesday night [6/27/2017] the

Procession of the Meat that happened Wednesday around noon, the Procession of the

Virgin—also the largest procession—that occurred the midnight after and thus marking the official start of Saint Peter’s feast day [6/29/2017]; a Mini-Procession of the Virgin that occurred the morning after; the Entrustment of the Crowns ceremony that occurred that afternoon; and the Entrustment of the Vestments ceremony that occurred the following Friday morning. The latter two emphasize a change in civil authorities, in which the mayors in charge of organizing this particular festival pass on their ceremonial garments to a new set of mayors, who will be in charge of officiating the same ceremony for the following year. For each of these events, the danzantes exited the church and performed, either by leading the procession or by punctuating various parts of the Entrustment ceremonies. When multiple groups of danzantes were present, they also participated, which was the case with the Canoas group. The continuing presence of the danzantes attests to the important role that they play in maintaining a sacred space around the festival and all its affiliated events.

Danza, Sacred Spaces, and Life Extension

The danza, along with candles and incense, maintains a sacred space within the church while it is open to the public during saint festivals. These three components are constantly maintained, with the danzantes maintaining the dance and an assistant making sure that the candles remained lit, while continuously burning incense.

However, this sacred space is meant to venerate a particular saint during their festival, and does not involve the dead in any explicit way. Since the idols are generally housed in the church, many villagers take their offerings for the saint to the church (Alvarado

Solis 2004:176). This is also where all musical groups, especially secular ones, perform in order to honor that saint. However, when processions occurred, the entire set would follow along—incense, candles, and the danzantes—in essence moving the sacred space to encompass objects that were being blessed or carried around, whether it be the chocolate, the meat, or the Virgin herself. This ensures that the sacred symbols affiliated with the ceremony are always being venerated within the context of that space throughout the festival.

Figure 3-4. Taken during the Procession of the Meat. The Xicoras dancers kneel before the meat, held by the villager behind two girls holding incense, and ahead of villagers holding candles. Photo courtesy of Salvador Hernandez.

Overall, the danza occurs in every sacred context during the festival, happening almost incessantly throughout the time that the church remains open, which is normally during the morning, directly before a procession, and in the evening. As a result, each individual danza performance is fairly long, with some even reaching as long as almost a full hour. Because it is the dance choreography itself that is responsible for this length, the associated melodies played on solo violin is quite short and repetitive, with many of the danza pieces being structured around four measures that are constantly repeated.

This goes on until the end of the danza, during which the violinist plays a brief motif marking the end, the same one being played for the conclusion of all danzas. After a brief moment, another danza begins anew until everyone agrees that it is time to end the set, after which the church is closed.

The danza places a strong emphasis on unified stomps, alluding to its sacred parallel in the xuravet, which is associated with the idea that the louder these stomps are, the more likely the sound is to reach divine ears. The danzantes of San Pedro

Xicoras aim to stomp together on the beat, while emphasizing every half-beat with their sonajitas. The loudness of these stomps is important, as evinced by numerous reminders by Manuel and the xayákat asking the danzantes to make them louder.

According to Manuel, the steps are meant to “respond to the music of the violin. Imagine that you are supporting him. The musician is playing there, and over here with the steps of the danzantes, it is like they are supporting him.”18 However, I am not convinced by this explanation. Every danza that I observed among the San Pedro Xicoras group was

18 See Interview 17, page 212. My translation: “Es que… como le dire… pos es algo, este, nada mas como contestarle a la musica del violin. Haga de cuenta como le esta secundiando. Aca esta tocando el musico, y aca con los pasos de los danzantes, como lo esta secundiendo.”

started by Felipe, after which the danzantes found their place in the beat and started dancing along. Also, many times throughout the danzas, the danzantes would lose the beat for a few moments before resynchronizing along with the music, which normally does not stop until the end of the danza. As I observed, Felipe would not adjust his playing to the beat of the danzantes. Quite the contrary, if Felipe made an error and fell off beat, the danzantes would eventually have to adjust to his new beat. The violinist creates a sonic foundation for the danzantes, through which they are able to execute their choreography and emphasize their stomps. Although no informant linked these stomps to anything divine, they are clearly important for the ritual, and are essential for the proper execution of the danza.

Local culture bearers express concern over whether or not the danza is being executed properly. Throughout the danza itself, Felipe, being the violinist, Manuel, or the xayákat figure would frequently make comments to the danzantes, calling for corrections. When especially displeased, Felipe would stop playing altogether and make further comments. However, no informant acknowledged that a correct performance is needed in order to avert the wrath of the saints. Even Manuel, when asked about it, stated that a perfect performance is important for preserving tradition. This does not discount the seriousness of the ritual, since he also mentioned that it is important to make sure that the danzantes are taking their roles seriously. Rather, it shows that

Manuel’s concern with preserving the original Mexicanero danza is his motivation for encouraging orthodox performance, which is different from the motivation behind executing the xuravét, which, at least according to the culture bearers, places issues of life on the line. This highlights a clear difference in how the community recognizes, even

if unconsciously, the death-denying potential of particular rituals within their contexts.

Although serious and technically affiliated with a death-denying worldview, the danza does not appear to be as intrinsically valued within the context of the syncretic festivals as the xuravét is within the context of the costumbre. This is reflected by how the practice is approached both by the instructors and the danzantes themselves.

Danza, Identity, and Stylistic Rate of Change

The danza in San Pedro Xicoras is approached with markedly less caution than the xuravét, perhaps as a result of its lower death-denying potential, which makes the style more susceptible to change based on notions of communal identity. The saints are still approached with fear, with Saint Peter being a prominent example. As mentioned previously, Segundo had commented on how dreams involving warnings from Saint

Peter have motivated the community to prohibit the use of spotlights inside of the church. Furthermore, whereas most communities take their idols to other villages for certain saint days, Saint Peter is never removed from the village. According to Alvarado

Solis, “in San Pedro, the Peregrino [The Pilgrim] and the Virgin of the Candelaria represent the patron saint during these visits, because Saint Peter never leaves the village” (2004:166).19 Indeed, even during Saint Peter’s feast, his idol was never removed from the church; rather, the Virgin was featured during the major processions throughout the festival. However, the flexibility associated with the syncretic Christian festivals was readily apparent. Perhaps the most prominent dissent on display during the festival of Saint Peter was related to alcoholic beverages. As mentioned earlier, the

19 My translation: "En San Pedro, el Peregrino y la Virgen de la Candelaria representan el santo patrón en esas visitas, porque San Pedro nunca sale del pueblo.”

consumption of alcohol was forbidden for the duration of the ceremony (Alvarado Solis

2004:177). However during my time in the village, I observed a sizable number of villagers drinking all the time. I was even offered a few alcoholic beverages more than a handful of times, with the occasional mention that some of the previous ethnographers that had visited would drink alcohol. This reduced strictness with the syncretic festivals also affects the ancillary danza, which is much more flexible than the xuravét. As mentioned in Chapter 2, many culture bearers have no problem with taking the danza out of the community and performing it for other communities, even outside of the Gran

Nayar. This allows the danza to become a unique expression that involves both at least some degree of death-denying quality and the capacity to express identity.

Throughout Mexico, the danza is frequently interpreted in different ways along regional boundaries, providing an avenue through which regional identities can be expressed. Max Harris recounted a wide variety of danzas that he encountered during a festival in Zacatecas:

When the parade returned to Bracho, the chapel forecourt throbbed with the rhythm of matachines dancers. Several troupes danced simultaneously. Some wore tall, plumed headdresses; others, a kind of horizontal, feathered disk, thirty inches in diameter, from which a fringe of bamboo hung down over their eyes. The members of a group from the neighboring state of Aguascalientes had images of an Aztec princess and a jaguar warrior sewn into the white scarves that covered their shoulders. Others incorporated mirrors, sequins, tassels, and several rows of rustling bamboo fringes (2000:9-10).

Teresa Valverde Ortiz and Marcos Hernandez Santana dedicated an article to the notion of danza reinforcing community identity, claiming that the style “creates with it

a popular and singular art that gives identity to communities” (1998:193).20 Rodríguez notes that due to its own set of unique features, “it is possible and appropriate to speak of a distinctive upper Rio Grande Matachines complex” (1996:3). Even with Sánchez

Hernández’s tracking of the style in Veracruz, Tlaxcala and Puebla (1999:69) and

Sevilla et al.’s research on Tlaxcalan dances (1985), these variants only represent a sample among a broader danza tradition that has demonstrated a vast capacity for diversification.

Danzas around the San Pedro Xicoras area often differ from community to community, which further emphasizes notions of local communal identity. This is not only confined to the Gran Nayar, however, with Rodríguez noting that in the Rio Grande

Valley, “the personalities, the dramatic embellishments, the overall style, and the precise manner in which the performers and festive occasions are organized vary markedly from one community to another (1996:5-6). When I asked Manuel what he thought made the danzas of San Pedro Xicoras unique, he stated that “the music of other parts is different. It is different, and that is why it does not compare to here. What is here is one way, and in other regions it is of another way.”21 These communal differences were on display with the danzantes from Xicoras and those from Canoas.

Whereas the primarily adult Canoas danzantes wore red skirts adorned with rattling, dried cane and small conical hats, the mainly adolescent—or younger—Xicoras danzantes stuck to their all-cotton traditional attire, with no rattles and notably larger

20 My translation: “. . . la poblacion se los ha apropriado e incorporado a los elementos indigenas, creando con esto un arte popular y singular que da identidad a las comunidades"

21 See Interview 17, page 207. My translation: “Pues… como es este, es diferente la musica de otro lugar. Ese… es diferente, por eso no compara con lo de aqui. Lo de aqui es otro modo, y por las otras partes es otro modo.”

hats, which were also conical; whereas the Xicoras danzantes stuck to the beat, the

Canoas group emphasized sets of three steps; and whereas the Xicoras danzantes were accompanied only by Felipe on his violin playing at around an andante tempo, the

Canoas group was accompanied by a full regional ensemble that was performing at allegro speeds. Both groups were dancing for the same reason: to honor Saint Peter.

However, their performances also put their identities on full display, with one group showcasing the Mexicanero style of San Pedro Xicoras, and the other featuring the

Tepehuan style of Canoas.

Manuel hinted that danza traditions change depending on how interested villagers are in them, which is in stark contrast to the consistency of the xuravet tradition. One of the clearest changes in recent memory that is recognized by both

Manuel and Segundo is that the guitar part is no longer present, despite the availability of a guitar, due to the lack of interested individuals. However, another unintended change is reflected in loosening standards for ceremonial attire. Neither the Canoas nor the Xicoras group displayed total uniformity with their ceremonial attire; Manuel even criticized the latter group over this fact after the final danza of the festival was completed. Effectively, the danzantes are constantly negotiating with the instructors over the standards of the danza, with that negotiation being a microcosm of what is happening between the older and younger generations as a whole. These negotiations fuel gradual changes over time in accordance with what both sides are willing to tolerate, leading to a flexible danza that represents a fluid and multilayered identity.

Nonetheless, the rate of change for danza traditions is still very slow, alluding to respect for the death-denying tenets associated with the Christian festivals themselves.

It still must be acknowledged, however, that this rate is still faster and less strict, if even slightly, than that of the xuravét. Whereas the practices associated with the xuravét are conceptualized as having existed since the first age of the community, informants such as Manuel, Segundo, and Felipe readily acknowledge that the danza has changed over time, with the capacity to change over time. Even with these changes, however, the fundamental role of the danza has remained intact: to honor the saints. The names associated with certain danzas, at least according to Manuel, are believed to have been left by the ancestors, since he could not think of why they were the way they were.

However, he does not extend this distinction to the choreography itself.

Arguably, another result from the different degrees of death-defiance associated with these two sacred traditions—the danza and the xuravét—may be the apparent complexity of each one, at least at a glance. With the xuravét, the main musical features involve a musical bow playing an ostinato rhythm incessantly, while the singer chants songs consisting of vocables that are mostly improvised through divine inspiration on the spot. It would be easy to maintain such a tradition along strict parameters, since the execution entails both a rhythmic constant and some degree of vocal flexibility. The danza, however, is more complex, even considering just the sole melodic line that accompanies the danza of San Pedro Xicoras. With concrete melodies and no notated record of them, they are bound to change over time due to the gradual changes that accompany oral traditions as they are transmitted from person to person over multiple generations. Both Felipe and Segundo learned how to perform traditional music orally through constant observation, and so it is highly likely that they have introduced their own gradual alterations to the melodies. Such a claim requires more research, but it is

nonetheless peculiar that any efforts to add sonic complexity to the xuravét, assuming that any were ever made, have not persisted.

Along with a regional fascination with the exotic and the tendency for danza groups to travel to other communities, it is strongly implied that a community's interpretation of the danza serves as an identity marker for that community. One of the practices that I consider among the most striking is that many villagers were not interested in watching the Xicoras danzantes. As soon as the Canoas group left the village, most of the Xicoras villagers left and never returned to the church’s courtyard, even if the Xicoras danzantes were performing outside. For most of the ceremony, many villagers preferred to watch the Canoas danzantes when they were performing in the courtyard, while the Xicoras danzantes executed their dances inside of the church.

This reinforces the idea of the danza having a twofold function based on which group is hosting and which ones are visiting, with the style having the capacity to either assume the status of an identity-expressing performance, or a death-denying religious devotion.

First, the danza as a form of religious devotion is intended to create, and maintain, a sacred space for the saints. In this respect, the danza is not a performance with human audience reception in mind, and performance practices reflect this. The

Xicoras and Canoas danzantes always danced simultaneously, since both groups always danced when the church was open. However, the Xicoras danzantes were always out of sight, being inside of the church, whereas the Canoas danzantes performed outside in the courtyard. Throughout the time that the Canoas dancers were present, no effort was made to feature the Xicoras group, which only left the church to lead a procession, accompany a ceremony, or close the church. This reflects the host

status of the Xicoras danzantes, who are more intimately responsible with honoring their patron saint during his feast day.

Second, the danza as a performance expresses the identity of the community executing it. Although the Canoas group arrived due to a religious obligation, their performances outside in the church courtyard set them up as readily visible to the community. The fasting restriction for entering the church does not apply to the courtyard, so many villagers and visitors would gather to watch this group throughout the time that they were performing. These large crowds for the outside group, which did not carry over for the Xicoras group, compelled me to ask Manuel his thoughts regarding the matter, to which he replied with:

Those that came here, well, since people hardly ever see them, a lot of people gathered. But when those from another region see our danza, they also see it as very important. For example, when they invite us to San Antonio [de Padua], since they hardly see the danza from here, although it is ugly, the dress and all that, but since they hardly see it, they come near, they pile up.22

This practice of gathering to see outside groups perform sets up the danza as a form of expressing distinct communal identities to others. Even in the aforementioned quote, the traditional dress that should be maintained was suddenly labeled as “ugly,” perhaps as a reference to how Manuel thinks it could be perceived by other communities.

22 See Interview 17, page 211. My translation: “Por ejemplo, los que venian aca, pos como nunca los miraba, alli se se amontonaba la gente. Pero cuando ven de otra parte la danza de nosotros, tambien les da mucha importancia. Por ejemplo, cuando nos invitan a San Antonio, como nuncan ven la danza de aqui, aunque es feita la, el vestuario todo eso, pero como la gente de otra parte nuncan ven, se acercan, se amontonan.”

In the following two sections, I describe the danzas of San Pedro Xicoras and

Canoas in more detail, emphasizing their distinct features and how they reinforce their respective communities’ identities. Although many qualities have already been discussed, they will nonetheless be restated so that all the qualities for each group can be compiled into their own sections.

The Danza as Identity: The Mexicaneros of San Pedro Xicoras

The youth who will serve as danzantes are selected by the civil authorities as per the request of the mayors of a particular festival. In San Pedro Xicoras, the majority of the danzantes selected are male adolescents or younger, with an older member serving as the male leader, La Monarca, and a young girl serving as the female leader, La

Malinche. For Saint Peter’s feast day in 2017, there were ten danzantes divided into two lines of five.

Apparel

The apparel worn by the danzantes is the most readily visible display of their identity. Manuel struggled with encouraging his group to adopt the full attire, which ultimately resulted in only the Monarca assuming full attire most of the time. Except for the Malinche, all danzantes are expected to wear traditional, undyed cotton attire, in the form of a white button-up shirt and white pants. A set of red bandanas are added to the waist, which dangle below the shirt hems. La Malinche wears a traditional dress instead, along with a cape. For the faces, a set of dangling collars, referred to by Felipe as the xáquira, dangle in front and are meant to be enough to both conceal the face and allow the danzantes to see. On their heads, all danzantes—including Malinche—wear large, conical hats, referred to as crowns, that are very colorful and have long strands of orange, white, and pink strips. With the exception of the Malinche, danzantes also hold

a palm-like prop in their left hands and a sonajita in their right, which they shake twice per stomp, accentuating an eighth-note rhythm. They also wear sandals, presumably to further accentuate their stomps. Out of all the liberties taken by the danzantes regarding apparel, only the crowns, sonajitas, and sandals were non-negotiable, with all dancers being equipped with these three objects at all times. At varying times, many danzantes refused to wear the cotton shirts, or perhaps they left the bandanas or the palm prop out; the xaquiras were especially unpopular, since they were seen as uncomfortable.

Although this was how the attire was approached while the Xicoras group performed in their own village, it is still unknown whether this attitude would carry over if the group was preparing to perform in a different community.

Figure 3-5. The Xicoras danzantes from behind, led by the Monarca and Malinche. Photo courtesy of Salvador Hernandez.

Figure 3-5. A young Xicoras danzante in full attire. Photo courtesy of Salvador Hernandez.

Dance

Manuel and Felipe both referred to the Xicoras danza as the danza de palmas, named after the prop held in the left hand that resembles a palm leaf. As a whole, the danza is driven by its own choreography, which also inspires their names. When asked,

Felipe listed off the danza names that he could remember as: Las Rueditas [the wheels], La Vibora [the serpent], Entrada de Encuentres [Start of encounters], Cruz

[cross], Antivo [?],23 La Tortuga [the turtle], La Trensa [braid], and Los Equis [the X’s].

With the exception of Antivo, each name alludes to some aspect of the choreography, such as the creation of multiple circles for Las Rueditas, or two lines approaching each other before stomping away every now and then for the Entrada de Encuentres.

The danzantes are organized into two lines, with the leaders of each line being the Monarca and the Malinche. These lines sometimes mirror each other, but they are

23 At first, I believed that I had misheard the title, since all of the other names clearly refer to an outside feature, which alludes to some aspect of the choreography. However, Manuel later confirmed that this is indeed one of the danza titles.

often independent, with each one having its own set of choreography. Overall, the

Monarca leads the entire routine, shaking his sonajita quickly to signal that it is time move on to the next set. The entire time, all danzantes are stomping to the beat, moving from one set to another at that rate. At certain points at the routine, all of the danzantes stop to hake their rattles quickly and kneel while the Malinche spins in place, after which the routine continues as before. After its completion, the entire set is repeated once again before both groups come together in parallel lines that are both perpendicular to the saints, after which the violinist plays the concluding cadence and the danzantes kneel while shaking their rattles quickly. The danzas are long, ranging from around fifteen minutes in length to almost an hour. At times, a single set can take more than ten minutes to complete. Usually, three danzas are executed while the church is open, totaling about two hours.

Music

Example 3-1. Transcription of a Xicoras danza melody, including notated stomps, performed on violin. Transcription courtesy of Salvador Hernandez.

Throughout the duration of the danza, a sole violinist—Felipe—repeats a short melody incessantly up until the end, during which they play a concluding cadence that is the same for all danzas. As Segundo and Manuel noted, there used to be a guitar part, but it is common for only the violinist to perform at this point. Each melody is played at a somewhat slow, andante tempo, slightly over sixty beats per measure. Organized in groups of four beats, most melodies are four measures long. During the danza, the violinist may accidentally add or remove a measure, but the pulse generally stays

consistent. The danzantes base their stomps on the music, accentuating each beat and creating a musical dialogue between themselves and Felipe. Overall, the music’s role is to create the foundation over which the danzantes base their stomps, having little to no impact on the overall progression of the danza. That is to say, there is not a particular number of repetitions needed before the danzantes move on to the next set in the choreography. This is true even at the conclusion: if the danza ends while the violinist is in the middle of the melody, they simply cut off at the first convenient moment and perform the concluding cadence.

Example 3-2. Transcription of the concluding Xicoras cadence, played freely and at an accelerating tempo. Transcription courtesy of Salvador Hernandez.

The Danza as Identity: The Tepehuan of Canoas

Compared to the Xicoras group, the danzantes from Canoas mainly consisted of adolescents and young adults. Notably, they were all male, with no Malinche figure being present. Instead, two male dancers led each of their two lines, and were the sole dancers holding sonajitas. This group also had ten members, divided to create two equal lines of five.

Apparel

The standard of attire among the Canoas danzantes was even more flexible than that of the Xicoras groups. Whether or not this had an impact on how the Xicoras danzantes viewed their own standards is unclear, but the Xicoras danzantes did take time to watch the Canoas group during the gaps between their danzas. Every shirt was different for each of these danzantes. Although many wore white, many opted for blue,

with some wearing dress shirts, others polos, and still others wore t-shirts. One danzante was dressed in full cotton attire, donning the traditional white button-up shirt with white pants and sandels. As a whole, though, the danzantes wore a wide array of jeans, some blue or black, and an equally wide array of shoes. Even their conical crowns were optional, with even the leader of one of the lines choosing to not wear one.

They were not as tall as the Xicoras crowns, but they did include long strips of colored paper as well. Where this group of danzantes was totally united, however, was with their distinct red skirts, which were lined with dried cane. Whenever they moved, these canes would rattle against each other, fulfilling a similar role as the sonajitas of the Xicoras group. Only the leaders of each line carried an actual sonajita, which they used in order to signal the start of the next set in the choreography.

Figure 3-6. The Canoas danzantes. Photo courtesy of Salvador Hernandez.

Dance

The details regarding the Tepehuan dancers are less clear than those of the

Xicoras group, since I was both focusing primarily on the Xicoras group and was unable

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to interview the Canoas group. Much of the choreography involved both lines either mirroring each other or traveling parallel to one another, with only a few sets being as complex at a glance as the Xicoras danzas. There were no instances in which the danzantes would stop to kneel and shake sonajitas like their Xicoras counterparts would. Instead, the choreography continued incessantly until the conclusion. Partly as a result, the Canoas danzas are much shorter than the Xicoras variants, with each danza ranging from around five to twelve minutes in length. This allowed them to perform more distinct danzas, since they could complete almost two full cycles of five danzas each in the time that it took the Xicoras danzantes to finish their three or four. Each individual danza simply ends as soon as it finishes, with no concluding cadence. However, at the end of each cycle of danzas, normally totaling five, the danzantes would walk along their respective lines to the back of the courtyard before walking back to the front of the church, accompanied by their own musical cadence. At the end of this cadence, the danzantes kneel, the music briefly accelerates, and those holding sonajitas rapidly shake them, thus marking the end of one cycle of danzas. The danzas begin anew after a short break, unless it is decided that the church will be closed for the time being.

Music

Example 3-3. Transcription of a Canoas danza melody, including notated stomps. Transcription courtesy of Salvador Hernandez.

The music for the Canoas danzas is very distinct from that used by the Xicoras group. These danzantes are accompanied by a full conjunto regional, consisting of the

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melodic violin, a harmonic vihuela and guitar, and a bass tololoche. The Canoas melodies are roughly around eight measures long, but are played much faster than those performed by Felipe. On average, the tempo is around 130 beats per minute.

Furthermore, the Canoas danzantes do not stomp on the beat. Rather, they make three rapid steps outlining three eighth notes, followed by a brief pause for an eighth rest, before repeating that procedure. This further contributes to the shorter length of the

Canoas danzas, since the danzantes are able to move through their choreography at a quicker pace. Ultimately however, the music fulfills a similar role here as that of the

Xicoras group: it primarily provides the foundation on which the danzantes base their steps. This is an important function, however. When a new full conjunto arrived to accompany the Canoas group during the morning of the saint day itself, the danzantes struggled to start on a solid pulse until that group got accustomed to performing the danza. Finally, most of the Canoas danzas do not end with a unique cadence. However, a cadential figure is performed after every few danzas, in which the dancers walk to the courtyard gate and slowly step toward the church door, with the cadence being repeated by the musicians until the dancers cannot move forward into the church any farther.

Example 3-4. Transcription of the Canoas concluding cadence. Transcription courtesy of Salvador Hernandez.

Reflection

The danza is a peculiar musical tradition when compared to the other musics

San Pedro Xicoras. It is not a form of popular music associated with mass media.

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Rather, it is intimately affiliated with syncretic Christian rituals. However, it is not as sacred as the xuravét, exhibiting a slightly faster rate of change that I attribute to the lower death-denying potential held by the Christian festivals compared to the costumbre. Furthermore, the intrinsic value placed on the danza within the context of the Christian festivals is not as high as that placed on the xuravét within the context of the costumbre. Whereas the xuravét plays a critical part in manifesting an afterlife for the community, the danza only serves to maintain a sacred space and honor the saints.

Although the syncretic Christian festivals have death-denying qualities, many of them are not associated directly with the danza itself.

In essence, the danza straddles between two worldviews: the death-denying syncretic Christian view, and the identity-related community view. Via the ranking framework proposed in the introduction: although a community worldview can encourage interdependent symbolic immortality by preserving, and hopefully immortalizing, a community for posterity; this is not quite as powerful as a worldview that offers literal immortality, such as the costumbre or even the danza, in the sense that the divine pleas included in the Christian festivals seek to defy death by extending life. As a result, the danza does exhibit a rate of change that is faster than the xuravét’s, but that rate is still not as accelerated as the rate affiliated with many popular musics.

This places the danza in its own unique position among traditional musics. Just like with the xuravét, the culture bearers perceive a decline in this practice motivated by disinterested youth. However, the youth were very much interested in watching the

Canoas danzantes, whether it be the Xicoras danzantes themselves, or other young villagers that are likely to be selected to perform in the festival over the following years.

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The flexibility available to the danza due to its lower death-denying capacity allows it to develop a space where the traditions of a previous generation are constantly negotiating with the wants of the younger, with the result being a sacred ritual that also expresses aspects of communal identity.

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CHAPTER 4 POPULAR MUSICS AS EXPRESSING SECULAR IDENTITIES

Admittedly, popular music alone is broad enough to warrant its own separate project within the context of terror management theory. Many styles of popular music are affiliated with notions of identity, which Simon Frith has defined as “mobile, a process not a thing, a becoming not a being” (2007:109). The affiliated popular styles also show some degree of flexibility, changing rapidly when compared to more traditional styles. This is different from the sacred musics that were discussed in

Chapters 2 and 3, in which stylistic rates of change were markedly low. However, this flexibility through identity-construction also attests to the popularity of these styles in

San Pedro Xicoras, in which música norteña is heard much more frequently. There are various attributes associated with secular music that could help explain its distribution throughout the region. First, it is not confined to any death-denying rituals. As such, it can be performed year-round in almost any location without any reservation. Second, there are many styles of popular music, including examples of songs that express relatable themes, eulogize historical figures, or reinforce self-constructed notions of identity through reoccurring presentations among groups representing those identities.

Third, popular styles are more readily accessible through a combination of radio, music sales in USB format, and the Internet. This makes it easier to learn how to perform these songs by ear, which is further facilitated by the apparent sonic simplicity of these songs. A vihuela (five-string Mexican guitar) player or guitarist who learns the chord progression for a popular song can now play it with any ensemble, so long as there is a violinist and tololoche player who know the melody and bass notes, respectively. This

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encourages a cyclical loop in which the wide distribution of popular styles further facilitates its own distribution.

Perhaps popular music’s greatest advantage over sacred styles, in terms of encouraging dissemination, is its ease of access. Comparing the extensive preparation required to simply become eligible to perform sacred music is instructive. A prospective xuravét musician must fast for a month while crafting a tahuitol. Then, for every costumbre, the musician must fast for five days while adhering to a variety of other customs. This is also the case with the danza, where everyone involved must fast due to their presence in the church, and the coordinators must be trained over an extended period of time. Furthermore, prospective musicians only get the opportunity to listen to the style for a few days out of the year, due to its confinement to its ritual context, although as discussed in Chapter 2, more musicians are willing to perform the danza out of its sacred context. Meanwhile, anyone who owns a musical instrument can begin learning songs by ear at any time, based on the songs they can readily listen to. In this case, the largest deterrent to music production is the price of a musical instrument, which is enough to deter many villagers. This is avoided by the idea of purchasing music and consuming it at will, which further increases the ease of musical access.

Now, individuals do not have to learn how to perform on instruments, since they can simply replay music if they have the technological tools available. This can range from the use of a smartphone, to using speakers or truck audio systems. Throughout my field research, there were many instances in which younger villagers laid claims to sonic space using technology. As such, musical expression becomes accessible to many, even if the individuals using the technology do not know how to perform the music itself.

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Many forms of identity formation are at work here. The radio stations nearby, which frequently broadcast popular Mexican songs in indigenous languages, represent one effort to reinforce indigenous Mexican identities. The group of young adults in San

Pedro Xicoras, which have formed their own grupera group, have similar plans to promote their heritage by translating the lyrics of popular songs from Spanish to the

Nahuatl language. The instrumental makeup of the local Mexicanero conjuntos that play música norteña is also unique. During Saint Peter’s festival, many conjuntos visited San

Pedro Xicoras from abroad, almost all of which included accordion as their primary instrument. The local conjunto in Xicoras led by Juan, however, still features the violin as the principal musical instrument. This both marks that particular ensemble as a regional expression representative of the Gran Nayar, while also reinforcing a distinct

Mexicanero identity. The public schools in the region seek to enforce a state-sponsored urban identity realized through duranguense music, which is a dance-oriented style that features electronic instruments. However, the youth, which are more exposed to urban traditions, have started to adopt contemporary urban trends that, at least in north

Mexico, include narcocorridos. Through rebellious musics and contemporary attire, the youth reinforce their own generational identity that contrasts with that of their parents, which features more traditional expressions of música norteña. Regarding this popular style, the corrido proper also fulfills its traditional role within its context, serving as a social commentary that eulogizes prominent figures from the region. As such, that genre expresses symbolic immortality by preserving individuals and their exploits for posterity, while also reinforcing regional identity by disseminating the stories of people and events associated with that region.

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Popular Music, Identity, and Terror Management

Performing música norteña live, or playing on one’s radio, strengthens an individual’s sense of belonging to a culture that can survive beyond their lifetime. This is different from the literal immortality expressed by the xuravét, but it resembles the danza’s capacity for identity construction which, as discussed in Chapter 3, also encourages symbolic immortality through communal identity. A major difference between the danza and secular styles, however, rests on their respective death-denying capacity. Whereas the danza, through the context of Folk Catholic ceremonies, promises a literal denial of death through pleas for extended life, popular styles in the region such as música norteña or duranguense offer only symbolic immortality.

Symbolic immortality involves the assumption that one will die, but the broader community they serve will continue after an individual’s death. “Knowing that we are not the last of our ancestral line, we can better accept our own transience by believing that we live on through our children, and our children’s children” (Solomon et al. 2015:104).

The influx of urban styles introduces new avenues for individual symbolic immortality, which contrasts with the implied preference for interdependence exhibited by older villagers. Many of the older secular musicians that I interviewed viewed music performance as directly linked to the community. For example, Ramon stated that he performed music because “the people ask for it.”1 Javier was motivated to pursue music so that he could make extra money on the side, however he also noted that the people enjoy themselves when a musician is present.2 Juan stated that he started playing

1 See Interview 5, page 152.

2 See Interview 13, page 187.

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because he enjoyed the music and enjoyed performing, while acknowledging that people regularly request songs to be performed and adding that some people enjoy the music of the violin.3 However, the leader of the new grupera, Samuel, saw his group as a force that could inspire a musical revival in the village. Initially, he noted that the four musicians including himself—two Mexicaneros and two Tepehuans—perform together so that they can alleviate boredom. When I asked him about why he thought music was important to the community, he went on to explain “this is important because this is the first time that a group like this has developed. For the people that live here, their children, we can teach them.”4 He also explained how his group has already made efforts to convince their peers to join in on the music-making, with limited success.

Rather than promote musics associated with the xuravét, danza, or acoustic música norteña, which have traditionally expressed indigenous or regional identities, this ensemble seeks to start something new, distinct, and enduring, granting them a rare opportunity to acquire independent symbolic immortality if they are successful.

However, achieving that will still be difficult, since like with the traditional styles, they must compete with the more accessible avenue of merely purchasing and reproducing music through technology.

Finally, the transnational scope of some of these popular musics affiliates them with massive, international worldviews that are far more widespread than local worldviews in San Pedro Xicoras. Ethnomusicologist Cathy Ragland has described

3 See Interview 14, page 190.

4 See Interview 12, page 186. My translation: “Eso es importante, que, como le dire… pos, es importante pos, es la primera vez que hemos, han salidos unos musicos de este tipo. Andale. Para la gente que viven aqui, a sus hijos, les podimos enseñar.”

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música norteña as representing “a new Mexican identity—or mexicanidad—shaped by the collective experience of travel and the constant flow of information, ideas, and culture" (2009:17). Intimately associated with Mexican migrants, música norteña has become a style that represents urban and commercial aesthetics, while also becoming a transnational symbol that links northern Mexicans with the rest of the Mexican diaspora, mainly concentrated in the United States. Ragland states that: “Norteña's popularity and dissemination throughout an expanding Mexican diaspora has been fueled by the ability of the immigrants in this community to imagine themselves as

Mexican no matter where they have settled” (26). By consuming and performing música norteña, villagers in San Pedro Xicoras not only express a regional identity, but also a transnational one that goes beyond the borders of Mexico. Duranguense music and other contemporary forms of música norteña that eulogize drug traffickers also enjoy a transnational presence, with the former originating in Chicago yet being affiliated with the state of Durango, and the latter being prominent throughout the U.S.-Mexican borderlands. Both incorporate aspects of shared experiences and aesthetic preferences that link ethnic groups on an international scale. From a terror management perspective, the norteña and duranguense worldviews thus serve as effective and powerful resources for symbolic immortality. The musical symbols affiliated with these worldviews are increasingly accessible, and the worldviews themselves traverse the boundaries of nation-states, while also being concrete enough to demarcate the identities of those affiliated with them. The wide dissemination of these worldviews thus makes them more impervious to death compared to the local worldviews in the San

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Pedro area, which likely encourages the continued dissemination of the global worldviews at the expense of the local.

Música Norteña as Regional, Ethnic, and Transnational Identity

Luis Diaz Santana states that música norteña:

. . . has been promotional and helpful in the current process of establishing the border and north of Mexico, demonstrating economic dominance and being capable of creating a cultural region, not only in the area where it developed, but in all spaces where the Mexican diaspora, sometimes including all Latin Americans, is located in the United States” (2015:186).5

An influx of central European migrants during the end of the 19th century, combined with the distance separating northern Mexico from Mexico City, encouraged the development of a distinct cultural region that recognizes the increasingly nomadic nature of its people, who frequently find themselves having to migrate to the United

States and face a new slew of challenges in the process.6 Many of these migrants are compelled to do so by the perilous economic conditions in the region that includes San

Pedro Xicoras. According to Ragland, “norteña [music] represented neither a working- class past nor a constructed Mexican heritage; rather, it represented the present-day experiences of a Mexican laborer community that confronted racism and disenfranchisement in the struggle to better the lives of its families and communities"

(2009:25). It is not surprising to find that this style resonates so strongly with the

5 My translation: "Finalmente, la musica norteña ha sido promovida y coadyuvado en la instauracion del actual proceso de fronterizacion y norteñizacion de Mexico, demostrando un dominio economico y siendo capaz de crear una region cultural, no solo en el lugar donde surgio, sino que se ha extendido a todos los espacios donde se encuentra la diaspora mexicana e incluso de latinoamericanos en Estados Unidos."

6 Northern Mexico specifically refers to the Mexican states bordering the U.S.-Mexican border, along with some immediately-adjacent states which include Sinaloa and Durango.

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indigenous villagers of San Pedro, who face further disenfranchisement both through their great distance from the urban capital and their ethnic status as indigenous

Mexicans. Many economic opportunities are confined to the regional capital, where villagers from San Pedro must compete with many other villagers coming from all parts of rural Durango. This situation encouraged some of the villagers I spoke with to migrate to the United States in the past, and many of them commented on how they knew family members or friends from the community that were still working in the United States, often illegally. Those that remain in rural areas occasionally engage in illicit activities of their own—often through the drug trade—out of necessity, with poverty being widespread throughout the Mezquital region (Ayala 2017).

Much of the music heard in the San Pedro area either through media players or live performance features música norteña, which is interpreted in a variety of ways in this region. This reinforces the community’s inclusion within northern Mexican culture, while also reinforcing its place within the distinct, rural cultural zone of the Gran Nayar.

One of the more distinct regional features is the inclusion of the tololoche as a bass instrument, which is a more practical alternative to bass guitars that require electricity.

Use of the acoustic tololoche thus serves as a strong marker of rural identity.

Furthermore, rather than use the bajo sexto, which is a staple of mass-mediated música norteña, the ubiquitous alternative of a vihuela and guitar is chosen instead. Like other parts of northern Mexico, especially throughout urban areas, the accordion has become the primary melodic instrument for many regional conjuntos. However, the Xicoras conjunto led by Juan, still features the violin as the lead melodic instrument, resulting in an ensemble that further expresses a unique Mexicanero identity.

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During my first visit to San Pedro Xicoras in 2016, Juan allowed me to record numerous tracks featuring his ensemble; in exchange, I would provide a USB drive containing those recordings for him when I returned to the area.7 However, the other two musicians in his group had already returned to their own, smaller communities higher in the mountains, and so Juan struggled for two weeks to try and get the two to return to Xicoras. Ultimately, he was only able to get one of his partners, the tololoche player, to return on my penultimate day in the village. However, Juan was able to find a vihuela player and guitarist to join, both whom had visited the community to attend a food-distributing event.8 The flexibility of the regional conjuntos was readily apparent: from a performance standpoint, the musicians were only linked by their knowledge of popular repertoire, having rarely performed together. Nonetheless, the group quickly jelled after a few performances and even continued performing after the recording session, playing outside for any villagers that were willing to come out and listen that late at night.

7 In San Pedro Xicoras, these are alternatively referred to as discos [discs] or memorias [memories]. Whereas I initially assumed that Juan was referring to an actual compact disc or a cassette, he later demonstrated that he did own a USB media player. The sturdier nature of the USB, which can already hold far more songs than a CD or a cassette, makes it a well-suited storage medium for the rugged environmental conditions of the region.

8 SEDESOL, the Mexican Secretariat of Social Development, visited San Pedro Xicoras twice during my first field session. During their visits, they assist the locals with various aspects of their daily lives. For example, they led a garbage collecting effort during their first visit, and they distributed free food to the locals during the second. These events are advertised in advance over the radio, and they draw many villagers to the community.

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Figure 4-1. People gathering for a community event at the governor’s hut. Photo courtesy of Salvador Hernandez.

Their shared repertoire marked a clear reinforcement of shared experience, which was expressed further through the use of the instruments themselves. Juan led the ensemble, alternating between playing his violin and singing verses. As is the case with lyrical genres in música norteña, he punctuated the sonic spaces between lyrical lines with melodic riffs known as adornos. The fourteen works they ultimately performed represented much of traditional música norteña, almost exclusively consisting of corridos and polkas.9 The only exceptions were a cancion [song], which denotes the more affective counterpart to the narrative corrido, and two cancion-corridos, defined by

9 Polkas, which is inspired by and descended from the central European variant, are popular as instrumental dance tunes interpreted at lively tempos in 2/4 time.

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Ragland as a genre that combines the affective qualities of the cancion with the compositional style of the corrido (2009:86-7).

The use of adornos in particular provide a unique opportunity for melodic performers to input their own creative ideas through the melodic riffs that they perform in norteña song styles. Variety is expected with adornos since they are slightly improvisatory in nature, which creates the potential for multiple ensembles to interpret a common repertoire of adornos differently even if they are performing the same song.

Although it is unclear how certain audiences—especially those in San Pedro Xicoras— perceive adornos, recurring figures could reveal how performers conceptualize their own style, since returning to a common figure could be a way to assert individual identity in the music. As the violinist, Juan was responsible for performing adornos, with one interpretation of the most common figure being represented in Figure 4-3. Out of the eleven songs that the group performed (the other three were polkas), Juan used a variation of that adorno to lead into the start of the lyrical lines. Although its exact composition varied, the melody always followed the outline of a similar melodic contour, and ended with five iterations of the tonic chord.

Example 4-1. Transcription of Juan’s earliest adorno performed in “El Yoyo Lopez.” Transcription courtesy of Salvador Hernandez.

The use of violin in the ensemble was a prominent marker of Mexicanero identity, since Cora and Tepehuan ensembles tend to favor the accordion. During Saint Peter’s festival in 2017, all of the secular conjuntos that arrived from abroad featured accordion

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as their melodic instruments. The recurring use of similar opening adornos, coupled with its interpretation on a violin, encourages a symbolic link to ethnic Mexicanero identity.

Among the genres performed within música norteña, the corrido most extensively links to regional history or mythical figures that espouse regional values, serving as a tool that reinforces notions of interdependent symbolic immortality, in addition to expressing independent symbolic immortality when particular historical figures are mentioned in the song lyrics. The more widespread corridos that the Xicoras conjunto chose to perform emphasized various aspects of quotidian life in the region. For example, the corrido of “El Yoyo Lopez” features local settings that include Huazamota and San Antonio de Padua. The corrido of “El Valentin de la Sierra” eulogizes a rebel leader from the nearby state of Jalisco, who is captured and later executed in the sierra by government forces. Finally, “Un Mojado sin Licencia” focuses on a migrant in the

United States that loses his partner to a U.S. offical in charge of distributing driver’s licenses. The song criticizes U.S. culture and alludes to the migrant lifestyle familiar to many of the villagers.

There were also some examples of local corridos that were composed and circulated throughout the Gran Nayar itself. One example mentioned most extensively by Juan, and later performed by his conjunto, was the corrido of “Mariano Solis.” The lyrical content to this corrido feature the assassination of a president in the nearby

Tepehuan community of San Francisco de Ocotan. Another example is the corrido of

“Ascención Aguilar,” which on the pursuit and capture of José Perez, after he murdered

Aguilar in the town of Huazamota. Corridos such as these immortalize particular individuals, while also reinforcing regional history. In essence, they exercise symbolic

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immortality in a way similar to how the xuravét expresses literal immortality. This provides música norteña with a considerable edge regarding its overall death-denying capacity as a symbol. As a regional, ethnic, and transnational expression, the style reinforces larger, interdependent symbolic identities that will continue to resist extinction long after any single individual’s death. The inclusion of a genre like the corrido only adds to this capacity, offering an avenue for independent symbolic immortality.

Figure 4-2. The conjunto assembled by Juan. Photo courtesy of Salvador Hernandez.

Drug Culture and Generational Identity

Based on comments from my informants, there are two different types of youth cultures in San Pedro Xicoras, each consuming different types of music. One is

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represented by the urban duranguense, which is often used in the public schools as an example of cultural expression. Among my informants: Marcos, Alicia, and Samuel noted that they enjoyed listening to the style. Samuel further listed duranguense as one of the styles that his group plays, which is entirely appropriate since the grupera is the only ensemble in the village that is even capable of performing the electronic style. He also commented that this style is often heard throughout the community, although it was unclear if he was referring to the village as a whole, or just among the youth of the community.10 The second youth culture is a derivative of narcoculture, which is built around drug trafficking and uses the genre of narcocorridos as a primary means of musical expression. Only Ernesto and Juana referred to the style by that name, but many other informants stated that they enjoyed listening to corridos. The conceptualization of the two varies, with some seeing the narcocorrido as an independent tradition, and others seeing it as a continuation of the corrido. Mark Edberg noted that: “Political undertones and overtones were present in a number of the corridos

I reviewed, following the corrido tradition” (2011:73). Jose Manuel Valenzuela also interpreted the narcocorrido as a corrido dealing with drug-related themes (2003:34-5).

Many informants linked changes in musical preferences among the youth to moments when villagers leave the community and travel to the capital, with Mayra perhaps articulating it most clearly: “The moment one leaves the ranch, 11 they change, everything changes. Of course, with time, if they do not exit their community for a while, they need to let themselves reintegrate to the village, but if they exit, well obviously they

10 See Interview 12, page 184.

11 Rancho is a common colloquial statement that can either refer to a rural community, or a ranch.

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start to change.”12 Specifically, the youth tend to dismiss duranguense music in favor of musics affiliated with narcoculture, after they have traveled to urban areas.

The southern part of the Mezquital province is embedded in the larger, transnational drug culture and its affiliated worldview, which has sprung up as a result of economic disenfranchisement. With many economic opportunities restricted to the cities, and the land becoming less suitable for growing sustenance crops over time, growing and distributing marijuana has become a lucrative means of making money in the region. According to Helena Simonett, producing drugs is further encouraged by “an increased demand for drugs in the United States and favorable weather conditions in northwestern Mexico” (2006:5). Armed federal convoys occasionally patrol the mountainous parts of the region, seeking out marijuana fields that, if found, are razed. It is common to set up elaborate daisy chains with walkie-talkies, so that planters can be warned at a distance if they see federal officials coming their way. However, many villagers in San Pedro Xicoras are willing to acknowledge that marijuana is part of daily life among the youth, occasionally referring to it as a problem. Some villagers conceptualized the practice of smoking marijuana as a threat to the traditional act of smoking tobacco with traditional pipes, in itself representing a generational conflict between new and old practices (personal communication 8/18/2016).

The youth are especially affected by the economic realities around them, in which many of their parents are poor in spite of frequent travels to the capital. Edberg

12 See Interview 15, page 195. My translation: “Pero ya con el tiempo, si ya no salen a trabajar fuera de su comunidad, pos tiene que dar entarrar uno del bien al pueblo, pero si salen, pos ya obviamente van a cambiar.”

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notes that narcoculture seemed especially alluring in this context, since drugs serve as a way to get out of the cycle of poverty:

What, for example, is a young boy to think, seeing adult members of his family riding the bus to work in the early morning and returning late very day, but earning barely enough to get by, living in a colonia with no electricity or perhaps no running water? Compare that to a narcotrafficker who speaks like they do and comes from a similar background, yet commands attention and respect, and can parade around in a motorcade of shiny black SUVs accompanied by bodyguards. It is a compelling fantasy (Edberg 2011:71).

Such a reality is only compounded in an indigenous community like San Pedro

Xicoras. Throughout the summer after the crops are sown, there are virtually no economic opportunities available in the community. A few families operated their own stores where they sold various foods and at times, there are projects that involve multiple villagers constructing buildings or other structures needed by the community.

However, for the most part, many of the villagers have nothing to do over the summer and so have no means of securing income, exacerbating the already-widespread poverty.

Growing drugs is one solution that brings money into the community, and so it is no surprise that the youth latch on to the affiliated urban worldview that features that symbol after they encounter it during their exposure to urban areas. The narcocorridos enjoyed by the youth at least partially represent a continuation of the corridos that their parents enjoyed, thus symbolizing both a continuation of their parents’ identity and their own new generational identity based on these new interpretations, which John Burnett describes as “telling stories of drug lords, arrests, shootouts, daring operations and betrayals” (2009). As Sauceda argues “the narcocorrido may thus be seen as providing a means to protest against marginalization by supporting an individual . . . at odds with

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the system in power” (2014:434). However, this situation is perceived negatively by members of the community. Although many of my informants dismissed narcocorridos as part of the overall rebellious nature of the youth, Ernesto was unambiguous when he told me that the playing of narcocorridos in public was inappropriate. Amanda Morrison notes that this is a common perspective, in which outsiders view narcocorridos and other expressions affiliated with naroculture as “pathological expressions of a deviant class (2008:384).

Along with the transnational dissemination of narcoculture, narcocorridos provide a distinctly enhanced emphasis on individual symbolic immortality even compared to their traditional predecessors. Whereas the subjects of traditional corridos are often remembered for their heroic actions linked to broader community wellbeing, such as

“donating money to local churches and schools and thus worthy of a corrido" (Edberg

2011:72), contemporary narcocorridos emphasize personal wealth and the individual greatness of their subjects. Valenzuela conceptualizes this partially as ostentatious behavior through consumption, noting that narcotraffickers flaunt their identity with pride

(2003:200). Combined with the genre’s emphasis on macho figures (Morrison

2008:390), the narcocorrido becomes a powerful symbol offering individual symbolic immortality in a way that combats widespread disenfranchisement and reinforces narcoculture.

The overall shift from growing crops for sustenance to growing them for economic gain reflects a broader shift in the community from an independent, self- sustaining village to a subordinate community connected and subservient to larger towns and cities. The shift from faith in agricultural yields for sustenance to a need for

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economic capital reflects the broader decline of the xuravét, which is conceptualized as having an impact on agricultural yields. The construction of a highway connecting the capital city to Huazamota has shifted the center of regional power from San Pedro

Xicoras to Huazamota. Manuel recalls that in the past, before the construction of these roads, many people would visit the community during festival seasons, even coming in from the adjacent state of Nayarit. San Pedro effectively served as a cultural and economic center where many communities would gather:

During the festival, musicians from Nayarit would come. They would also come from Llano Grande, to the festival. They came from San Buenaventura to the festival, they came from San Antonio [de Padua] to the festival, from Huazamota. Many people would gather here, and they would bring things to sell, because there was no highway. During those times, there was a lot of music. Lots of drunks. Now, there are very few because there are streets and things are brought in with trucks, and so people do not enter anymore, they do not bring things because there are stores here.13

The new potential to purchase goods from stores due to frequent deliveries couples with the already poor quality of the soil, which was noted by one informant in

Barbosa’s documentary (2006).14 One villager told me that the government has been encouraging rural communities to let their land lie fallow for a while, so that it can regain nutritional value. However, he added that doing so could jeopardize the community, since they already struggle to grow enough to feed everyone for the entire year

(personal communication). Making money increasingly looks more viable than praying

13 See Interview 17, page 208. My translation: “En la fiesta, venian de Nayarit los musicos de la fiesta. Venian de Llano Grande, a la fiesta. Venian de San Buenaventura a la fiesta, venian de San Antonio a la fiesta, de Huazamota. Se concentraba mucha gente, y traian cosas de vender, por que no habia carretera. Entonces, habia mucha musica. Mucho borracho. Ahorita, pos ya muy poco por que hay las carreteras y las cosas se traen en trocas, y ya la gente ya no entran en remuras [?], ya no traen cosas por que hay tiendas aqui.”

14 Film in Spanish. See [8:45].

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for agricultural gain, further undermining the traditional necessity for sacred rituals that impact agricultural yields. By extension, this encourages the narco worldview affiliated with drugs, in itself a lucrative means of making money, at the expense of the sacred worldview affiliated with the land.

Duranguense Music as State Identity

Following Mayra’s comments regarding the two youth cultures, duranguense is more popular among the youth who do not regularly interact with the city, even though the style is affiliated with urban styles of dance. This worldview is heavily promoted by the schools in the area, which follow the state’s model of combining various forms of cultural expression as part of year-end graduation ceremonies. During my second visit to San Pedro Xicoras, I was able to observe parts of these rehearsals at the local elementary school before the danzas started, during which each teacher would teach their students a specific dance associated with culture. With the exception of the fifth- grade instructor, who taught his students a Sinaloan dance, every other teacher taught a duranguense piece. Unlike other styles in the region, duranguense is very difficult to reproduce in a region with only limited access to electricity, which the genre requires due to its characteristic use of electronic synthesizers. Only the recent type of ensemble known as grupera can perform these works, and so the genre can only be feasibly enjoyed by most of the population through audio recordings, whose electrical mediums can be powered by either trucks or batteries whenever the village loses access to electricity.

Almost all Mexican teachers complete their training at universities, which are confined to urban areas like state capitals. As such, the stressing of duranguense reflects their training and manifests as a form of state identity espoused by these urban

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areas. Through its need for electricity alone, duranguense represents a different way of life for many villagers in more isolated, rural communities. As such, that symbol is not as accessible as that offered by música norteña, which along with being popular throughout the region, is also regularly reproduced on acoustic instruments.

The use of duranguense music as a symbol for state identity is peculiar considering the genre’s origins in the U.S. city of Chicago. Developed by Mexican migrants, the genre reflects stylistic elements characteristic of many regional Mexican styles. Ethnomusicologist Sydney Hutchinson describes the earliest duranguense musicians as coming from “a mix of Mexican states, and many were born in Chicago"

(2007:168).15 Duranguense’s rise in popularity among Mexican migrants parallels that of música norteña, which according to Hutchinson “seems to have resonated with many immigrants in Chicago, as duranguense quickly replaced the more international grupera and tropical styles as the music of choice in the city's Mexican communities"

(2007:171). At this time, no major studies have explored how duranguense functions in various contexts within Mexico, with Hutchinson focusing on Mexican-American communities in her 2007 book. However, at some point, the style became popular enough to even reach a village as remote as San Pedro Xicoras.

Duranguense music’s background allows it to emulate música norteña, being affiliated with transnational Mexican worldviews. As such, the musical symbol overall hints at a significant death-denying capacity, since it can represent a massive range of ethnic Mexicans from all parts of North America. However, the duranguense style does

15 “Tecnobanda” refers to a stylistic trend in which Sinaloan banda music is interpreted with electronic instruments.

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not include any specific genre like the corrido that offers symbolic immortality to individuals. I suggest that this provides música norteña an advantage as a symbol that can ascribe symbolic immortality to its affiliated worldviews. Nonetheless, the wide dissemination of duranguense music is impressive considering that it is a far newer genre, with the earliest examples having developed in 2003 (Hutchinson 2007:167).

Música norteña is still the most popular style of secular music in San Pedro Xicoras, but the dynamics between duranguense and both the traditional and contemporary forms of música norteña reflect the region’s recent inclusion within a global space where transnational worldviews, and their symbols, co-exist and compete, often at the expense of more localized worldviews.

Figure 4-3. Students at the elementary school dancing to duranguense music. Photo courtesy of Salvador Hernandez.

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Reflection

Among the many musics available in San Pedro Xicoras, popular styles exhibit the most flexibility with regard to individual tastes across identity lines. Considering popular music as its own category, these styles exhibit the fastest rate of change, but not within its own context. Rather, as identity evolves, new generations are more willing to branch off and embrace new styles, rather than fully embrace the traditions of their predecessors. I argue that this is due, in part, to the greatly-reduced death-denying capacity of each worldview that is affiliated with these styles, which makes it possible for individuals to dismiss them without fear of any consequences of the sort that accompany sacred worldviews. Offering symbolic immortality along ethnic, regional, or transnational lines, these styles are not as crucial for defying literal death, like the xuravét provides for the older generations. Therefore, there is no pressure to maintain or preserve any style of popular music, since new identities continue to offer new ways to acquire symbolic immortality.

In spite of this difference in death-denying capacity between secular and sacred styles, popular styles remain dominant because they both offer some form of immortality, symbolically, and are much more accessible than the sacred traditions in the community. Whereas sacred traditions are confined to their ritual contexts, require religious obligations, and the need to be performed in live contexts; popular styles do not require any of these things. With popular styles, any individual can assert their identity, and its affiliated worldview, with nothing more than a media player that can either be the one attached to their trucks, a smartphone, or a USB music player, to name a few. These technological innovations have only recently become accessible to the youth in the community. The village’s recent inclusion into the electrical grid and the

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increasing tendency of youth in the area to purchase audio files rather than learn how to perform on a musical instrument, has created a scene where many symbolic, identity- related worldviews can be expressed through music. Along with other urban symbols, the most clearly visible being the urban-inspired attire that the youth also wear, the youth are able to express their own generational identity, while also becoming increasingly associated with transnational urban worldviews. These qualities put traditional worldviews at a disadvantage, since the new worldviews—despite offering mainly symbolic immortality—are much more accessible and widespread.

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CHAPTER 5 FURTHER DIRECTIONS AND CONCLUSION

This thesis asserts that terror management theory is a useful framework to explain why individuals conceputalize musical choices the way that they do. Using San

Pedro Xicoras as a case study, I provided an interpretation to how a worldview’s death- denying capacity impacts the way its expressive symbols, namely those affiliated with music, are perceived by both outsiders and insiders of that worldview. Solomon et al. note that when it comes to immortality, “people will take whatever they can get . . .”

(Solomon 2015:122), and so I further considered how accessibility to the musical styles plays a role in making many avenues of symbolic immortality possible, through popular musics that reinforce notions of symbolic identity that will persist long after an individual’s death. Technological advances and improved transportation to Durango’s capital city have made it easier than ever for villagers to aspire to diversified forms of symbolic immortality. Musical choices create and reinforce multiple identities for the local community: northern Mexican identity through música norteña, rural identity through the use of acoustic instruments, state-sponsored identity through duranguense music, and generational youth identity through narcocorridos. The reduced death- denying capacity of symbolic immortality attached to these musical choices, which assumes than an individual will still literally die, makes the music affiliated with these worldviews more flexible and susceptible to change. I argue that this is different from sacred expressions like the indigenous costumbre and Folk Catholic festivals, which offer literal immortality, but are less accessible to community members due to ritual constraints and sacred obligations. The xuravét’s direct role in creating a sacred space that conjures images of an afterlife during the costumbre inspires community efforts to

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maintain orthodoxy, resulting in an exceptionally slow rate of change for that style, coupled with the conceptualization among its culture bearers that the style has never changed and continues in its original form that was left by the ancestors. However, the mestizo danza’s role in venerating saints during Folk Catholic festivals, which emphasizes community efforts to extend life by delaying death, does not directly conjure death-denying images of an afterlife among its participants and so expresses a reduced death-denying capacity compared to the indigenous xuravét. Accordingly, villagers acknowledge that the style has changed and will continue to change in accordance with the community’s interests, allowing the style to become a vehicle for expressing communal and ethnic worldviews that offer symbolic immortality. However, traditional culture bearers still maintain an interest in preserving the local danza, reflecting the value they ascribe to it and alluding to the affiliated worldview’s death-denying capacity.

The multiple identities present in San Pedro Xicoras are linked to a spectrum of musical styles and worldviews, ranging from those affiliated with literal immortality

(costumbre/xuravét; Folk Catholicism/danza), to those affiliated with symbolic immortality (música norteña, narcocorridos). The expressive music forms associated with literal immortality are treated in an orthodox manner, which resists change, while those associated with symbolic immortality are treated in a more flexible manner. I hypothesize that this spectrum can reveal similar trends among other communities both in Mexico and abroad, in which musical styles affiliated with worldviews offering literal immortality demonstrate slower rates of stylistic change compared to those offering symbolic immortality. Furthermore, a symbol’s death-denying function within a worldview also contributes to how strictly it must be maintained. This creates the

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capacity for two separate conceptualizations of a worldview’s expressive symbols, depending on whether the individual in question is a member of that worldview or not.

Extrinsically, the value that others place on different worldviews and their symbols depends on that worldview’s strength and accessibility. However, intrinsically, the value members of that worldview ascribe to various expressive symbols depends on how effectively those symbols articulate its death-denying qualities.

Along with revisiting my findings, the following sections include my own explorations into how ideas affiliated with terror management theory can provide new perspectives into music. I focus on how such perspectives may even be applied to

Western art music, serving as a tool that can explain frequent attitudes toward different musical styles on an institutional level. However, these ideas are only presented as a means of further suggesting TMT’s applicability, and so are not explored at length.

Exploring TMT and Music

The analytical perspective used in this thesis primarily involves just one component of terror management theory: differences between worldviews that offer literal immortality and those that offer symbolic immortality. However, other components—such as those affiliated with worldview defense—can further elucidate how individuals view musics affiliated with other worldviews in greater detail. As discussed in the introduction, worldview defense arises as a result of mortality salience, which encourages individuals to display greater prejudice against individuals subscribing to other worldviews (Rosenblatt et al. 1989:688).1 TMT suggests that there are four general responses to other worldviews seen as threatening: derogation,

1 See Chapter 1, page 30.

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assimilation, accommodation, and annihilation (Solomon et al. 2015:136). Derogation, seen as the “first line of psychological defense against those whose conceptions of reality are different from our own” (132), refers to the basic dismissal of the other worldview. By belittling the adherents of those worldviews and perhaps even seeing them as “less human and more animalistic” (Ibid.), the threat of their beliefs is diminished. Assimilation refers to the spread of one worldview over others through proselytization, whereas accommodation refers to the worldview itself being altered “to include something appealing from another worldview, but in a manner that does not undermine their most cherished beliefs and values” (133-134). Finally, when the previous three approaches prove to be inadequate, the destruction of the threatening worldview becomes an option (136-137).

I did not witness any efforts among members of the local community to destroy anyone or anything affiliated with a conflicting worldview in San Pedro Xicoras.

However, there were comments among my informants that indicate varying degrees of derogation, especially among the older culture bearers of the community whenever they referred to the musics enjoyed by the youth. Ismael was the most vocal in this regard, dismissing the musical tastes of the next generation as nothing important. This derogation of other worldviews also extended to his view of Huichol culture, saying

“when they execute the costumbre, they drink beer, drink wine, and we do not. . . Yeah, they drink, they even fight. There is not any case with their costumbre.”23 Although

2 See Interview 9, page 172. My translation: “Cuando ellos hacen la costumbre, toman cerveza, toman vino, y nosotros no. . . Si, ellos toman, hasta pelean. No tiene caso, el costumbre de ellos.”

3 The costumbre that Ismael was referring to most likely refers to the Huichol neixa dance, which is different from the costumbre as it is conceptualized among the Mexicanero. For a greater discussion on

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Segundo commented on how the youth were disinterested in maintaining tradition, he also placed some of the blame on Tepehuan culture, saying: “The Tepehuans… well, they never participate in a pachita, the song of the so-called pachita. The songs of the xuravet, of the costumbre. Song of the brown one, all that. There are no more. Although they do finally sing, albeit poorly.”4 Manuel referred to borrachera as its own type of music, which refers to popular musics that are performed or consumed around individuals consuming alcohol. 5 Javier and Mayra also alluded to this conceptualization, with Javier in particular distinguishing between dances associated with the music of the xuravét and those associated with music for the borrachos [drunks].6 Due to popular music’s association with recreational alcohol consumption, especially compared to more serious musics that prohibit alcohol, some members place it at a lower level compared to other styles of music. Lumping many genres into one category and dismissing their original labels is also perhaps a subconscious form of derogation, since doings so dismiss forms like música norteña and narcocorridos as nothing more than borrachera.

Perhaps the clearest form of accommodation is expressed by the danza, which in spite of its death-denying function, is gradually changing along with the expectations of younger generations. These changes are likely inspired by what they see other dancers do, since dancers frequently travel and perform for other communities. Although the

the neixa dances, see Gutiérrez del Angel’s 2010 book: Las Danzas del Padre Sol: Ritualidad y Procesos Narrativos en un Pueblo del Occidente Mexico.

4 See Interview 9, page 157. My translation: “Los Tepehuanes… pos nunca participan en una pachita, el canto del pachito mentado. Canto del xuravet, costumbre alli. Canto del moreno, todo eso. Ya no hay. Pero en fin cantan, al malmente.”

5 The term borrachera alludes to this association, with borracho being the Spanish word for “drunk.”

6 See Interview 13, pages 187.

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young dancers face resistance from their coordinators, innovations—such as those pertaining to attire—do not overtly affect the overall death-denying function of Folk

Catholic rituals, and so are conceptualized as more flexible to change. This is compounded by the danza’s reduced capacity to express death-transcending ideas, compared to the xuravét. Ultimately, changes in attire do not “undermine their most cherished beliefs and values” (Solomon et al. 2015:134).

In the context of this thesis, these worldview defenses would be fairly benign if they were confined only to the musics themselves. However, comments from my informants strongly suggest that such opinions are never about the music only. Rather, the music is perceived as a reflection of broader worldviews associated with it. These conceptualizations vary as well, and can become problematic when particular worldviews are blamed for certain misfortunes. As mentioned previously in Chapter 2, the Tepehuan do have their own version of the costumbre: the xiotalh.7 The songs of the xuravét even resemble those of the xiotalh, in that they lack standardized songs

(Mason 1991:99). However, Segundo still blamed the Tepehuan for the decline of

Mexicanero culture, alluding to their increasing influence in the region coupled with what he perceived as their apathy with regard to traditional practices. In these circumstances, specific musical styles become a sign that stands for specific worldviews, elucidating a terror management perspective on how a group’s attitudes toward music may be contingent on their attitudes toward that music’s affiliated worldview.

7 The xiotalh was briefly mentioned in Chapter 2, based on its similarities to the Mexicanero xuravét.

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The Xuravét and Corrido as Expressing Literal and Symbolic Immortality

Throughout Chapter 2, the xuravét was explored as a symbol that directly expresses ideas of death transcendence and literal immortality through its performance.

Both the performance style and the broader costumbre’s association with literal immortality connects with community efforts to maintain the tradition as authentically as possible. As such, the xuravét serves as an example for a genre that has one of the highest intrinsic values possible, being affiliated with a literal death-denying worldview and being directly responsible for expressing some imagery.

Although musics associated with symbolic worldviews tend to demonstrate faster rates of change than their literal counterparts, it is possible that individual styles also demonstrate varying rates of change within the contexts of their own worldviews. For example, música norteña songs can fall into two broad categories: affective genres like canciones, rancheras, and boleros, and non-affective genres represented by corridos and narcocorridos. Among these genres, the corrido has demonstrated a long consistency of tradition, and Vicente T. Mendoza published a large repertoire of corridos in 1939 (133). The corrido has maintained its role as a genre for voicing social commentary, featuring octosyllabic quatrains or sestets set to tonic-subdominant- dominant harmonies. Américo Paredes further noted that the corrido demonstrated

“easily recognizable patterns based on underlying structures that may be quite uniform”

(1993:208).

The corrido genre arguably expresses symbolic immortality within the context of música norteña and northern Mexican identity in a similar way that the xuravét expresses literal immortality in the context of the indigenous costumbre tradition. In addition to its social commentary, the corrido provides an avenue through which

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prominent local heroic figures are eulogized and remembered after death. With regard to the narcocorrido as a continuation of the larger corrido tradition, Mark Edberg describes these heroes as “characters that occupy an ontological discourse removed at some level from the real of the quotidian" (2004:81-2), which coincides with the idea of individual symbolic immortality. I hypothesize that this is responsible for the corrido’s persistence, its consistency of tradition, and its capacity to compete with other affective song genres common among popular styles, including música norteña. Hermann

Herlinghaus speculates that “the capacity of post-traditional corridos successfully to compete with modern melodrama requires reexamining the [genre’s] affective side”

(2006:4). I speculate that the corrido’s death-denying quality also plays a role in its competitive viability in the mass-mediated market.

Western Art Music as Worldview?

It is still not entirely clear what constitutes TMT’s concept of a worldview. As discussed in the introduction, the concept is most analogous to Turino’s conceptualization of a “cultural formation.”8 With regard to this thesis, music most often serves as an expressive symbol within a broader cultural formation, or worldview.

However, the nineteenth-century European notion of absolute music treated Western art music as a transcendent style imbued with universal attributes and autonomous from cultural boundaries and thus equipped with its own mythos. Dahlhaus explains the resulting notion of “art-religion” using a quote by the early nineteenth-century German poet Ludwig Tieck: “For music is certainly the ultimate mystery of faith, the mystique, the completely revealed religion” (1989:89). Dahlhaus notes that some nineteenth-

8 See Chapter 1, pages 33.

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century scholars, such as Tieck, G.W.F. Hegel, E.T.A. Hoffmann, and Christian

Hermann Weisse, expressed religious devotion to music (91-92), with at least the latter three going as far as to mention the idea of a “nature spirit” affiliated with music (93).

Weisse perhaps takes the ideas the farthest, believing that “the world spirit finds its completion in art” (99).

A worldview perspective can help with understanding attitudes both within and related to Western art music on an institutional level within Western society. This is not meant to imply that Western art music is superior enough to warrant an interpretation of it as a distinct, cultural autonomous worldview; rather, it is an acknowledgement that the perspective may exist among practitioners of the style. For example, the term “music” from a Western art perspective enjoys an unusual degree of implied social autonomy, compared to labels for the results of music-making among other cultures throughout the world. There are few direct analogues to the term “music” outside of European languages, which arguably reveals a difference in perspective toward musical phenomena. For example, the music of the Mexica,9 according to Robert Stevenson’s interpretation of Spanish accounts, “had no independent life of its own apart from religious and cult observances” (1952:17). This is further reflected in early Nahuatl dictionaries, in which Stevenson notes that Fray Alonso de Molina did not encounter a term for “music” in the Western sense: “for music in the limited sense of singing they had a word, but none for music as a generic term” (1952:27). Merriam remarked that in

Western culture, “we can and do isolate music as a thing in itself and look at and

9 “Mexica,” more commonly known as the Aztecs, refers to a subgroup within the larger Nahua ethnic group that resided in the Valley of Mexico and established the Aztec Triple Alliance, which was defeated by Cortez in 1521.

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analyze it as an object quite apart from its context” (1964:262), whereas among the

Basongye of Africa and the Flathead of North America, music “does not seem to be regarded as a thing apart, but rather is conceptualized only as a part of a much wider entity” (263).

The point here is not to rehash a dichotomy between Western music and the rest of the world, but to explore how a terror management perspective is especially useful for interpreting a style that, starting in the nineteenth century, some have perceived as autonomous and culturally unbound. Ethnomusicologist John Blacking argues that “no musical style has ‘its own terms;’ its terms are the terms of its society and culture”

(1974:25), whereas historical musicologist Carl Dahlhaus notes that: “The idea of

‘absolute music’ . . . consists of the conviction that instrumental music purely and clearly expresses the true nature of music by its very lack of concept, object, and purpose”

(1989:7). This mystification fuels the possibility that music itself may be viewed as a worldview in its own right, through its own merit.

With this perspective, the way notions of value are constructed within Western art music would thus hinge on the status of individual forms within its own context, similar to how the xuravét and danza’s rates of change hinge on their status within their respective worldviews. Accordingly, absolute music that is conceived as autonomous from culture tends to stress a self-prescribing, formalistic approach to value. Immanuel

Kant’s Critique of Judgement, originally published in 1790 just before the 19th century, practically encourages this move toward art for art’s sake through the summaries he provides for his four judgements of taste, all of which involve the idea that satisfaction

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comes from some degree of autonomy, or that something grand can arise from a vacuum of nothingness. The italics in the following quotations are my own:

“Taste is the faculty of judging of an object or a method of representing it by an entirely disinterested satisfaction or dissatisfaction. The object of such satisfaction is called beautiful” (Kant 1914:55).

“The beautiful is that which pleases universally, without a concept” (67).

“Beauty is the form of the purposiveness of an object, so far as this is perceived in it without any representation of a purpose” (90).

"The beautiful is that which without any concept is cognised [sic] as the object of a necessary satisfaction" (96).

Theodor Adorno quickly criticizes this move in his Aesthetic Theory, stating that

“artworks detach themselves from the empirical world and bring forth another world, one opposed to the empirical world as if this other world too were an autonomous entity”

(1997:1). Arguably, Western art music does have its own world, materialized through the suggested cultural autonomy of its music, conservatories, anecdotes, great figures, and canonic prescriptions. Regarding the Western canon of art music, William Weber borrows some of Katherine Bergeron’s idea and states that canon “applies not only to the lists of great composers, but also to the most basic precepts of how music functions as a discipline, dictating how ‘the individual within a field learns, by internalizing such standards, how not to transgress’” (1999:338-9). Autonomous music becomes self- validating: a type of “free beauty” which Kant describes as comparable to flowers and birds, which “please freely and in themselves” (1914:81). This is not my own interpretation: Kant himself singles out “music phantasies (i.e. pieces without any theme), and in fact all music without words” as an example of free beauty (Ibid).

The view of Western art music as an autonomous, perhaps superior, music has also yielded results that are arguably similar to those attained by other worldviews. The

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conservatory is an institution often dedicated exclusively to Western art music; in essence, a temple honoring a musical style. Even other educational institutions affiliated with Western culture emphasize Western art music over other styles, including Western popular styles. Music educator John Sloboda carried out a survey of high school music teachers in the United Kingdom and found that seventy-eight percent of respondents

“had degrees based in classical music” (2001:248). Furthermore, few of these instructors were familiar with popular styles of Western music. It is not entirely difficult to see why some could view Western art music as its own cultural worldview, considering that it has a network of transnational institutions centered around an allegedly transcendent entity, combined with a privileging canon that inspires mythos, prescribes notions of value, and offers immortality to the heroic. A terror management perspective can thus further explain attitudes and perspectives that Western art music practitioners hold toward other musical styles.

Conclusion

Terror management theory can serve as an interpretive tool for understanding how notions of value are constructed in music, along with how individuals perceive different styles of music based on their own worldviews. The community of San Pedro

Xicoras demonstrates the perilous situation faced by traditional worldviews that are coming into increasing contact with other, more accessible urban worldviews. This has an impact on the value ascribed to musics in the region, with their popularity arguably being linked to the way villagers perceive the worldviews that they accompany.

Traditional worldviews that offer literal immortality still encourage communal efforts and maintain stylistic orthodoxy within them, despite their overall decline compared to urban

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worldviews that reinforce notions of communal, ethnic, or regional identity, which provide an avenue for symbolic immortality.

This terror management perspective can be extended beyond San Pedro

Xicoras, and other aspects of the theory can further explain various individual behaviors toward different musical styles, either on that style’s own terms or based on the worldviews that they accompany. Similar trends can be demonstrated within Western culture, with regard to the slow rates of change exhibited by Roman Catholic plainchant in the first century of the common era, but such assertions require more research into those domains. My hope is that this thesis encourages further exploration into how music making is impacted by death anxiety, particularly with how individuals construct and seek to preserve musical styles in accordance with how effectively those styles reinforce worldviews that offer different forms of immortality.

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APPENDIX A INTERVIEWS

The following are transcribed interviews from my informants in the field of San

Pedro Xicoras. There are seventeen interviews provided here out of the nineteen I compiled. The two excluded interviews were from teachers that had only lived in the community for about a year. Some of my informants declined to be recorded, so some entries below will include a complete transcript in Spanish, whereas those who declined to be recorded will have an abridged version in which their comments are recorded in

English, in accordance with what was written in my field journal. In order to maintain the confidentiality of my informants, all of the names used here and throughout the thesis are pseudonyms. Furthermore, if informants mention other individuals for whom I have a consent form, their pseudonym is used. If not, their name will be replaced with “[X].” I refer to myself in the transcriptions as “SH.”

Spanish is not the first language spoken by the indigenous population in San

Pedro Xicoras. Although fluent in Spanish, my own skill is not absolute. As such, the following interviews that had audio recordings are presented verbatim, in which phrases and pronunciations occasionally do not conform to standard Mexican Spanish. Dialectic phrases are written out the way they would appear in Spanish. This is so that the reader may draw their own conclusions regarding what is being communicated, if necessary.

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Informant #1- Noel Noel is a young adult who recently completed his preparatory education. He lives with his mother, Diana, and harbors no desire to pursue higher education.

SH: Solo tengo unas pocas preguntas. No debe de dudar tanto. Casi ni media hora. Diria usted que es importante para usted la musica? Noel: Si SH: Porque? Que te gusta mas de la musica que se te hace importante? Noel: Para distraer me un rato. SH: Que tipo de musica te gusta escuchar? Noel: De todo tipo SH: Como de radio? Noel: Mmm hmm. SH: Tiene usted un radio? Noel: No. SH: Pero de todo tipo como duranguense, corridos, y todo eso. Noel: Si, todo. SH: Ah, no mas que se oiga? Noel: Si. SH: Lo escuchas a menudo, o nada mas raramente? Noel: Ay de ves en cuando. SH: Donde dirias que escuchas la mayoria de musica en el pueblo? Bien que ahorita no es tiempo de fiesta o costumbre pero como en estos dias, donde dira usted que hoyes la mayoria de la musica? Noel: Aqui en la casa. SH: Y que usa usted para escuchar la musica? No tienes radio, pero usas como un casette, o un celular, o . . . Noel: Un cellular SH: Unas de las, que estan, como la pantalla? Un smartphone? [I show Noel my phone] Noel: Si, como eso. SH: Hay momentos donde diria usted que la musica is prohibido o inapropriado? Noel: No, pos no es prohibido. SH: Y no hay ningun situacion donde se escucharia que es inapropriado, que si alguen toca musica, alguen le diria que “no, no tocas eso?” Noel: No SH: La gente de aqui muchas veces sale del pueblo para buscar trabajo o para de visita? Noel: Si, para buscar trabajo. SH: Y cuando salen de esos ciudades, regresan unas veces con musica?

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Noel: Si, al regreso. Como con otro tipo de musica. SH: Y lo traen en los celulares? Noel: Si. SH: Ahorita, pos no hay electricidad, pero cuando hay electricidad, diria usted que se escucha mas musica, o menos, o es igual? Noel: No, pos se escucha mas cuando hay electricidad. SH: Tienes opinion porque crees que sera eso? Por que se escucha mas musica cuando hay electricidad? Noel: Pos, hay mas energia, hay mas donde poner la musica, todo eso. SH: Es normal que la gente toce la musica con sus celulares o con un radio, algo en publico? O no mas se oye en la casa? Noel: No, no mas en la casa. SH: Los maestros que salen aqui durante el tiempo escolar: sabe usted si tienen clases de musica o tocan musica ellos? Noel: No. SH: Y que tipo de… que vees que se ocupa lo mas tiempo cuando se oye musica, que usa la gente? Es mas comun que usa la gente radio, o cellular, o cassette; que vees mas frequentemente usted? Noel: La radio. SH: Y son de pila, me imagino? Noel: De pila. SH: No, pos ya es todo. Noel: Andale pues.

Informant #2- Diana Diana is an elderly woman who lives with two of her children, including Noel. She frequently weaves bags during her time off.

SH: Es importante para usted la musica? Diana: Vees, un parte si. SH: Y de que parte? Como que parte piensas? Diana: Este, la musica este, pos es importante para no sentir cosas que destraiga uno, porque en la musica, todo se le olvida, o estraña, no estrañar, todo eso. SH: Asi como para el stress? Diana: Andale si, eso. SH: Asi que por ese parte es importante? Diana: Mmmm, pues se supone que una parte no. Por que? Por que en la musica, le llega mas tristeza, o sea, pos este, como quien dice, le hace pensar mucho, muchas cosas que la vida lo disparrama. SH: Ah, asi con eso, pos no tiene nada.

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Diana: Ey. Y cuando uno esta sola sola sola sin ningun ruido, pues a veces piensa diferentes cosas que le sirve, que le sirve, este, estraña como nosotros, como indigenas, siempre nos estamos recomendando al el que esta alla arriba, que nos cuida, que nos da vida, para pasar los dias, para vivir. So supongamos, por ejemplo: yo tengo mis hijos perdidos. Una hijo y un hijo, y ya tienen mas de… la muchacha tiene ocho años que no se de ella, y el muchacho, pos ya va cumplir doce años. SH: Dos años o doce? Diana: Doce. Doce años. No se de el si esta vivo o esta muerto. Entonces alli es donde pues casi ya estoy dejando de oir la musica como le digo por que, este, pos a veces en ves de que me consuele, me preocupo. SH: Ah, por eso, hace los pensamientos negativos pero? Diana: Si, asi es. SH: Lo siento mucho de oir de sus hijos. Eso es muy triste. Diana: Si. Es muy triste. SH: Antes cuando escuchabas musica, que tipo de musica te gustaba mas escuchar. Diana: Este, musica norteña. SH: Asi tambien tomando en cuenta la musica como en las fiestas, y el xuravet, el mitote y todo eso-… Diana: Mira, en el xuravet es diferente. Es mucho diferente por que eso el del costumbre del xuravet es muy, muy este, pos como dire, es muy independiente de las fiestas por que la musica de las fiestas es muy diferente. Por decir las fiestas, la musica de la danza, es diferente. Es que esa musica se utiliza no mas alli en la iglesia, donde van estar participando los niños. Entonces, eso no tan facil voy andar tocando por todos lados. SH: Asi pos musica sagrada-… Diana: Mmm hmm, y si, Asi es, asi como el xuravet igual. Es musica sagrada que nos sirve mucho a nosotros. SH: Bien que esta ahorita pos si, esta bien tranquilo aqui en el pueblo, pero que tipos de musica oyes mas, piensas que oyes mas en pueblo que se toca como en los radios o quien sabe que? Diana: Mire, este, la musica a veces que escuchamos es en el radio. En el radio cuando temenos y cuando no pos, amos en cinco ventos que no hay nada. Esta todo silencio y como digo pos uno no mas se lo pasa pensando en sus problemas, verdad? Entonces, pos, uno no se distrae. Por que? Por que no oye nada. SH: Asi que casi no se oye la musica por aca? Diana: No, no se oye la musica. SH: Yo no mas creo que solo dos veces hay escuchado [musica], caminando asta Huazamotita, dos veces, y se me hace curioso. Si, tienes mucha razon de lo que dices. Diana: Si por que en la musica, por dice, oyes alguna musica, una cancion, que esa cancion te recuerda alguen de que ya no vive, por decir por ejemplo supongamos de

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parte mia, de mis padres, o de mi mama, oigo la cancion, y la luego luego los estraño. Ya quisiera que ya los viera. Entonces este pues, dije yo pues mejor me dejo de estar oyendo canciones por que me, como quien dice, me trae muchas problemas. Por eso casi no me gusta escuchar la musica. Ya tengo tiempo de que ya soy guerfana, ya no quiero oyir musica. Por que? Por que me recuerda mis padres. Y a demas de eso, asi como quien dice que estoy abandonada de mis hijos, de mi hija. Tengo dos nietos aqui que, estoy batallando con ellos, y a veces no tengo ningun recurso con que sostener le familia. Y pos la mama de ellos? Sabra dios? SH: No, pos; se pierde mucho. Durante estos tiempos, donde diria que escuchas la mayoria de musica? Si hay un parte o un lugar? Diana: Pues casi la mayor parte en estos tiempos, casi todo esta silencio. Todo esta silencio. Por que? Por que no mas se dedican a trabajar. Andan este lempiendo sus labores y pos casi ni ruido oye, por el trabajo que hay. SH: Ah si. Pos alla tambien andan trabajado en la casa y pos no. Ya de donde? Diana: Si, asi es aqui. Cuando se oye la musica, es en las fiestas. En las fiestas es cuando se divierta la gente. Entonces es cuando hay musica. Vienen este musicos de por alla, otros sin grabadoras, bueno. Pues asi oyemos todos los ruidos. SH: Hay momentos en los que diria usted que la musica es prohibida o inapropriado? Diana: Si. SH: Como cuando? Diana: Pos… apropriado… SH: Como, cuales situaciones no estara inapropriado la musica… No no, lo dije mal: no estada apropriado la musica? Diana: No, pos alli no se decir. SH: Asi que por la mas parte, no hay ningun tiempo donde no esta prohibido o inapropriado? No importa? Diana: No, no. SH: Cuando regresa la gente de trabajar en ciudades grandes como Durango o Zacatecas o algo asi, unas veces oyes que traen tipos de musica nuevas? Diana: Si, si. SH: Los traen en que? Los celulares y todo. Diana: Si, en los celulares, si. Musica moderna que hay ahora. SH: Pos, creo que ya me dijo tambien el muchacho [Noel], pero no tienen radio, verdad? Diana: No, pos ahorita no temenos nada. Pero si, mi muchacho aqui le gusta mucho la musica. Y los dos niños que tengo, igual. Les encantan los celulares. SH: Es lo que me fije cuando unos, pos no, me tarde un poco a fijarme, pero es que oyia musica entre los jovenes y no sabia de donde venia. Pos, de los radios, o un cassette o algo, y luego-… Diana: Si, en casettes, o en celulares, todo eso.

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SH: Si, salio uno con su cellular alli con musica y estaba como apoco con los celulares? Diana: Si, asi es. SH: Antes cuando escuchaba musica, que usabas con mas frequencia para escucharla? Diana: Pos, casettes. SH: Ahorita, pos no hay electricidad ni nada. Cuando hay electricidad, diria usted que se oye mas musica viniendo del pueblo? O no? O queda igual? Diana: Es igual, es igual. SH: Asi que durante esta temporada, temporada de agua casi todo- Diana: Casi todo esta silencio. SH: Bien tranquilo, verdad? Diana: Si, esta bien tranquilo. SH: Asi que este silencio es normal? Diana: Normal. SH: Y nada mas durante esta temporada? O todo el año? Diana: No, no mas en tiempo de este temporada. En la temporada es cuando esta mas silencio. SH: Y pos solo por el trabajo. Diana: Todo por el trabajo, por que la gente no tiene tiempo. De… de diciembre en adelante, empieze el ruido. Ya no dejen de oir musica por todos lados. Ay andan este con sus grabadoras, con sus… ey. Pos en las fiestas, no se diga por que pos, a veces que se ponen a tomar y ay estan con el ruido y pos, por eso. SH: Pos ahorita los que oyen la musica: piensa usted que la musica de algo que se debe escuchar en privado, o en publica donde oye mas gente? Diana: Pos, en public. SH: Por que? Diana: Por que pues este, yo digo que la musica no es este, no es tanto que digamos que es este sea problemita la musica. Por que si hay musica que tambien este si cala, verdad? Pero, pos uno sabe bien que pues pa’ que? Pa’ que lo usan, esos canciones pesadas? Entonces lo que es normal nada mas. SH: Asi que la musica normal es bueno para el public? Diana: Si. SH: Y el radio, pos no escuchas o escuchabas pa’ nada? Antes escuchabas radio? Diana: Este, el radio, si lo hay escuchado, por que a veces, hay a veces cuando salen noticias, uno se da cuenta lo que hay por alla en otros lugares o por decir alguien se esta de comunicando de por alla, este pues, es importante tener radio pero a veces uno no alcanza para comprar. SH: Me platican que aqui llegan como dos estaciones, de Santa Maria y, creo que, San Jesus o algo… no, Jesus Maria y Santa Maria-

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Diana: Asi es. SH: Tienes una preferencia entre los dos, o los dos? Diana: Los dos. SH: Cuando los maestros vienen aqui de Durango o de otras partes para el tiempo escolar- Diana: Este, han venido maestros de por alla de otros lugares que es en Veracruz, y por decir maestros de la secundaria, han venido de Torreon. Y algunos de Durango. SH: Usted hay visto que ellos enseñan algo de musica o usan musica para enseñar los niños de cualquier metodo? Diana: Si. SH: Sabes unos ejemplos como? Diana: Pues… no mas eso no me acuerdo como se llaman las musicas pero si les ponen. Si les ponen a los alumnos. SH: El acceso al internet, ya cuantos años tiene aqui? Que puede ir uno alla abajo y conectar con el internet y todo eso? Diana: Hmm, la mera verdad, no se decir por que de que yo me acuerdo, cierto fue cuando de que yo ya me acuerdo para aca, pues este ya e visto todo lo que siempre esta, lo que te comentan la gente, pero mas antes de muy antes, no se como estaba. Bueno, me platican, me platicabas de junto a mi padre, que cuando el llego, por que mi papa no era de aqui, era de otro lugar en un lugar que se llama santa, este… Murguata. El viva alla, no mas que este, se cambia para aca, y ya vivio aca, entonces aqui es donde nos crecimos nosotros, pero si me acuerdo yo que aqui aqui, no habia gente. No habia ningun bien de como ahora. Ahora ya se esta mejorando la, ya se esta llenando mas bien la gente aqui en esta comunidad. Antes estaba solo. SH: Asi que si hay crecido mucho el pueblo entre los años? Diana: Si, hay crecido mucho. SH: Y nada mas esta por chance: cuantos tipos de musica puede identificar usted? Yo se que ya me dijistes que norteño fue tu favorito. Diana: Norteño, pos este… la musica ranchera… Pues para mi, esos dos nada mas. SH: Muy bien. Pos, ya es todo. Muchisimas gracias, es una gran ayuda.

Informant #3- Marcos [This informant asked that he not be recorded. The following comments are taken from my interview field journal, in which I briefly documented each informant’s responses to my questions. These comments are not meant to be taken as verbatim]

Marcos is a young adult who runs one of the shops in San Pedro Xicoras along with his consort.

SH: Is music important to you?

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Marcos: Yes, because it helps you relax when you are alone. SH: What types of music do you like to listen to? Marcos: Everything. SH: What types of music do you hear most frequently coming from the village? Marcos: Violin music, guitar, verhuela [vihuela], totoloche [tololoche]. SH: Do you listen to music frequently? Marcos: Yes; always during my down time. SH: During these times, where in the village would you say you hear the most music? Marcos: Nowhere. It is tranquil everywhere here. SH: Are there times when you would say music is inappropriate or prohibited? Marcos: No. SH: When people return from working in the large cities, would you say that they sometimes bring back new styles of music? Marcos: No. SH: Do you have a radio station? Do you have a favorite radio station? Marcos: I do not own a radio, but I like both stations. SH: When electricity is available, is more music heard aloud in the village? Marcos: Yes, because people are able to charge their phones. SH: Is it normal not to hear a lot of music in these parts? Marcos: Yes. SH: Would you say that music is something that is meant to be enjoyed privately, or in public? Marcos: Private, because fiestas already involve public music. Everything else should be private. SH: Which apparatus would you say is most frequently used throughout the village to listen to music? Marcos: All sorts of things. SH: What do you personally use most often to listen to music? Marcos: My [smart] phone. SH: What is your favorite radio station? Marcos: I do not have one. SH: When teachers come here from abroad, do they teach music courses or use music as an instructional tool? Marcos: No. SH: Since when does the village have access to WiFi? Marcos: Just this year. SH: Do you think that WiFi access has something to do with the types of music that are heard among the youth? Marcos: No. SH: Would you say that over the past few years, the village has grown? Or shrunk?

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Marcos: Grown. SH: How many types of music can you identity? Marcos: Banda, norteña, mariachi, duranguense, orquesta, music with violin. SH: Would you say that music is more popular among the youth, or the older generation? Marcos: The youth. SH: Do you have a favorite instrument? Marcos: No.

Informant #4- Eduardo Eduardo is an adult male who lives in La Hoya, a community in the San Pedro area almost directly adjacent to San Pedro Xicoras.

SH: Es importante para usted la musica? Eduardo: Pos si. SH: Por que, dirias? Eduardo: Pues, nada mas para oir. SH: Nada mas para oir? No para como distraerse o para calmarse o cualquiera- Eduardo: Pues… pues es como para desaburrirse un rato, para pasar el rato un rato. SH: Que tipo de musica te gusta escuchar a usted? Eduardo: Pues me gusta aqui pos la musica de banda, y la musica norteña. Pues, nada mas. SH: Muy bien. Que tipos de musica oyes mas que se toca en el pueblo? Eduardo: Pues aqui, pura musica ranchera. La que se usa aqui en esta comunidad pos, de banda. No hay otra musica mas. SH: Escuchas musica frequentamente? Eduardo: Como es? SH: Como lo hoyes muchas veces al dia, o nada mas cada vez en cuando? Eduardo: Ah no, pos eso es de ves en cuando, cuando a veces un ratito por aye se oye musica y nosotros tambien, un ratito, y asi. Siguimos haciendo otras cosas. SH: Durante estos tiempos, donde dirias que escuchas la mayoria de musica en el pueblo? Eduardo: No pos aqui, pues aqui no. Ninguna parte por que pos, es un lugar que esta muy solo. Que no, casi no hay ni gente. Entonces pos solamente las fiestas, pero eso es cada medio año hay fiesta. Es cuando se oye mas la musica y ahorita no por que pos, no hay nada. SH: Hay momentos en los que diria usted que la musica es prohibido on inapropriado. Eduardo: Pues la musica aqui no es prohibido para nada. SH: Cuando regresa le gente de trabajar en ciudades grandes, unas veces oyes que traen tipos de musica nueva?

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Eduardo: No por que pos… nada mas esa musica de lo que, en lo que ya mencione. La ranchera, la banda, y romanticas asi. Eso es la musica que nosotros nada mas oyimos. SH: Tienes un radio usted? Eduardo: No, no tengo. SH: Conoce los estaciones de radio que estan por aqui? Los dos estaciones? Eduardo: No no, no se. Si esta uno en Santa Maria y otro en Jesus Maria pero no, no se que estacion es. SH: Cuando hay electricidad en el pueblo, se oye mas musica en publico? Eduardo: Pues no, pues casi no. Esta como igual pos ahorita pos, no se oye nada. No, muy poco. No, muy poco. No es como en otras partes aya por Huazamota, todo lo que es, sea para aya, ya gente ya de… mestiza. Pues esos si ya oyen mas musica y aqui nosotros no. Nada mas a veces cuando hay luz pues, en el radio. Esos de que vienen tocando de… radio de Guajolota, de Jesus Maria, pos nada mas esos son los que oyimos a veces. Unos que oye la gente. SH: Asi que es normal que no se oye mucha musica por estas partes? Eduardo: No. SH: Y tambien creo que ya me dijiste: se oye mas musica en otros pueblos comparado con aqui? Eduardo: Si, asi es. SH: Tiene usted opinion por que sera o nada mas por que asi es? Eduardo: No, pues es que eso si no se. Tal vez por que les gusta mas la tomada, la pistiado, no se verdad, pero si se oye mas musica en otros lugares. O sera por que tienen gusto a oir musica? No se. SH: Diria usted que la musica es algo que se debe escuchar en privado o en public, donde oye mas gente? Y por que? Eduardo: Pues yo pienso que, por ejemplo, yo aqui tengo pues todo en publico, yo digo. Pues, todo se oye. SH: Asi que usted prefiere el publico? Eduardo: Pues yo digo para que, pos, pos asi que se costumbra asi la gente. El publico. SH: Como vez usted que la gente de aqui oye la musica mas? Por radio, casette, disco, celular? Cual vez mas frequentamente usted? Eduardo: Pues aqui yo creo que por radio y pues, los chavos nuevos pos ya, sus celulares. SH: Se oye mas musica estos dias en el pueblo, o se oyia mas musica años antes. Eduardo: No, pos casi no. Nunca se ha oyido mucha musica, casi no se oye. Vez a veces nada mas por alla. Tocan algunas en el radio, otras en televisions. Si se oye. SH: Y que usa usted para escuchar la musica mas frequentamente?

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Eduardo: Pos yo nada mas cuando tengo; ahorita tengo descompuesto el radio, pues, pos no oigo nada. Cuando lo tengo arreglado, pos en el radio. SH: Tienes un estacion favorito del radio, donde oyes la musica mas? Eduardo: Pues nada mas de la estacion aya de Guajolota. Pos los dos lados, Jesus Maria Tambien. Nada mas. SH: Cuando vienen los maestros aqui de otras partes, enseñan cursos de musica o… vez que enseñan cursos de musica o usan canciones para enseñar a los niños? Eduardo: No, aqui nunca han venido maestros de musica. SH: Sabe usted desde cuando tiempo el pueblo tiene acceso a Wi-Fi? Eduardo: Que es eso? SH: El internet que ofrece aya bajo el señor [X] y la clinica. Eduardo: Como es eso? SH: Es como internet que se conecta a los celulares. Eduardo: Mmm, eso se empiezo desde el año pasado, apenas. Ese internet. Bueno, alli con [X]. Ya la clinica pos ya tiene mas, nada mas que nunca no, nunca dan chanca allli en la clinica. Solamente con [X] desde el año pasado. SH: Piensa usted que en los pasados diez años ha crecido el pueblo o se ha hecho mas pequeño? Eduardo: Pues si no viene la guerra, si va crecer. Si si viene, pos no va crecer. [chuckles] SH: [chuckles] Si, es cierto. Eduardo: Ey. Y por que cada año, cada tres, cuatro años, va creciendo los chavos. Pos, van aumentando mas. Mas gente. SH: Cuantos tipos de musica puede identificar usted? Eduardo: No, pos quien sabe. Eso si no se. SH: Diria usted que la musica es mas popular entre los jovenes o los ancianos? Eduardo: Pues entre los jovenes, yo digo, por que los ancianos pos no, pos ya no. Ya no piensan nada en musica. Yo digo que no mas en los jovenes. Hasta quieren enseñarse. Como tocar, como cantar. Pues, pos como aqui. Esta muy solo aqui. Y luego pos en la ciudad, pos, necesita mucho dinero para acercarse a la ciudad. Aqui esta muy atrazado. SH: Si, bien retirado. Eduardo: Ey. SH: Y ya la ultima pregunta. Tienes un instrumento favorito? Eduardo: Que si tengo? SH: Si, si tienes uno? Eduardo: No, no tengo nada de instrumentos. Nada. Quisiera tener un acordeon pero pos no. Aqui para comer, no ajusto a comprar comida, menos un acordeon. SH: Y un instrumento favorito, como que prefieres escuchar? Eduardo: Pos quisiera un acordeon. [chuckles]

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SH: Si si. Y ya. Eso es todo.

Interview #5- Ramon Ramon is a prominent civil servant who occasionally assists with the danza in San Pedro Xicoras. However, he is not seen as one of the village’s recognized culture bearers.

SH: Es importante para usted la musica? Ramon: Si. SH: Y por que? Ramon: Por que? Asi lo, asi lo quere… SH: Como? Ramon: Lo pide la gente. Sociedad mas bien, lo pide. Esa musica de danza. SH: Que tipo de musica te gusta escuchar? Ramon: Como de cual? SH: Puede ser de cualquier tipo. Norteña, banda- Ramon: Norteña. SH: Que tipos de musica oyes mas en el pueblo? Ramon: Siempre se oyen mas en el pueblo son las… siempre son las tradiciones que son por violin, pues. Tradicionalmente. SH: Escuchas musica frequentamente? Ramon: Si. SH: Como cuantos veces al dia, diria usted? Ramon: Casi diario. Cuando hay tiempo, diario. Cuando no hay tiempo, no. SH: Durante estos tiempos, donde dirias que escuchas la mayoria de musica en el pueblo? Ramon: Alla para Jesus Maria. SH: Alli donde esta el radio? Ramon: Ey, alla. SH: Hay momentos en los que diria usted que la musica es prohibido o inapropriado? Ramon: Si, si. SH: Como cuando? Ramon: Segun dicen en la semana santa, es prohibido la musica. SH: Y no conoce usted otros, como, tiempos donde se ve que es prohibido o inapropriado? Ramon: No. SH: Cuando regresa la gente de trabajar en ciudades grandes, unas veces oye usted que traen tipos de musica nuevas? Ramon: Si, si traen. SH: Usted tiene un radio?

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Ramon: Si tenia no mas que hace poquito, se descompuso de todo. SH: Cuando tenias el radio, cuando lo escuchabas mas? En la madrugada- Ramon: Madrugada, en las tardes. SH: Cuando hay electricidad, diria usted que se oye mas musica en publico? Ramon: Si, cuando hay electricidad, si. SH: Es normal que no se oye mucha musica por estas partes? Ramon: Si, es normales. SH: Diria usted que se oye mas musica en otros pueblos comparado con aqui? Ramon: Si, se oye mas musica. SH: Tienes opinion por que sera eso? Ramon: Bueno, pos, no se sabe [chuckles] SH: Piensa usted que la musica es algo que se debe escuchar en privado o en publico donde oye mas gente? Ramon: A veces en privado, a veces en publico. De todos modos, esta bien. SH: Cuales apparatos ves usted con que se oye la musica mas en el pueblo? Radio, casette, disco, cellular? Ramon: Ahorita se esta escuchando esos por esos memorias, como se llama… como se llama? MP3, USB. SH: Y por donde? Como por celulares o tienen un aparato? Ramon: Ey, si. Un aparatito asi como igual. Chiquito. SH: Que usa usted para esuchar la musica con mas frequencia? Ramon: Pues es el radio. SH: Tienes un estacion del radio favorito? Ramon: Si. SH: Cual? Ramon: Jesus Maria. Y cuando agarro Santa Maria, tambien, por que aca andan otros radios. SH: Cuando vienen los maestros de otros lugares, ves usted que enseñan cursos de musica o usan canciones para enseñar a los niños? Ramon: Si, eso si. SH: Conoces unos ejemplos? Ramon: Unos ejemplos? Casi no me acuerdo. Casi no me acuerdo los ejemplos, pero si escuche musica. SH: Desde cuando tiene el pueblo acceso a wifi? Ramon: Como ese, como ese? SH: El internet? Ramon: Ah. Tiene… tiene creo que dos años. SH: Piensa usted que eso tiene algo que veer con la musica que se oye en el pueblo, o no tiene influenca? Ramon: Parece que no, pero… parece que no.

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SH: Diria usted que se oye mas musica estos dias en el pueblo, o se oia mas musica años pasados? Ramon: No. Tiempo de que ya no llueve, se oye mas musica. SH: En los pasados diez añoz, piensa usted que ha crecido el pueblo, o se ha hecho mas pequeño? Ramon: Ha crecido mas, tantito mas. SH: Cuantos tipos de musica puede identificar usted? Ramon: Dos, tres, cuatro. SH: Y cuales son? Ramon: Son dos de la tradicion, uno de la cultura, y otro de ranchera. SH: Dirias usted que la musica es mas popular entre los jovenes o los ancianos? Ramon: Los jovenes. SH: Tienes un instrument favorito que te gusta oir mas? Ramon: Si, un violincito.

Interview #6- Jose [This informant asked that he not be recorded. The following comments are taken from my interview field journal, in which I briefly documented each informant’s responses to my questions. These comments are not meant to be taken as verbatim]

Jose was serving as the community judge of San Pedro Xicoras during 2016.

SH: Is music important to you? Jose: Yes, because it makes people feel nice and fulfills musical yearning. SH: What types of music do you like listening to? Jose: All the styles in the country. SH: What types of music do you hear most frequently coming from the village? Jose: From afar, the music played in the square when people are drunk, at any time of the day. SH: Do you listen to music frequently? Jose: Yes, sporadically during the fiestas. SH: Are there times when you would say that music is prohibited or inappropriate? Jose: Yes, during periods of mourning. SH: Where would you say you here most of music in the village. Jose: There are none now, because everyone is away at their ranches. SH: When people return from the working in the city, do you hear that they bring new styles of music with them? Jose: Not that I hear. SH: Do you own a radio? Jose: No.

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SH: When there is electricity, would you say that more music is heard in the village? Jose: Yes, because everything is then connected to outlets and radios can play. SH: Is it normal for music to not be heard frequently out here? Jose: Yes. It promotes good sleep, and that is harder to do so with music. SH: Would you say that more music is heard in other villages compared to here? Jose: Yes, because there is more movement in the city. SH: Would you say that music is something that should be enjoyed privately or in public. Jose: Private is good for when one is alone, but sometimes public bothers other people. SH: Which apparatus do you see used most frequently to listen to music? Jose: Disks. SH: Would you say that more music is heard now, or in the past? Jose: Less music is heard now because of a weaker sense of community. The cholos tend to be loners. SH: What do you use to listen to music most frequently? Jose: The radio. SH: What is your favorite radio station? Jose: Santa Maria, because of the notes and messages they transmit. SH: When teachers come here from abroad, do they teach music courses or use songs to teach children? Jose: No. They just teach reading and writing. SH: Since when does the public have access to WiFi? Do you think that it impacts the type of music enjoyed by the youth? Jose: For a short while; just two years. Yes, I think it does have an impact, because some people look up music to play on there. SH: Do you think that the village has grown over the past ten years, or shrunk? Jose: Grown. In 1970, there was nobody here. I had fields over where the CDI [school] is now. SH: How many types of music can you identify? Jose: Fiesta music, the music played in public. SH: Would you say that music is more popular among the youth, or the elderly? Jose: Old music is fun because of tradition and its transcending of time. Young music does not seem to share this longevity. SH: Do you have a favorite instrument? Jose: No.

Interview #7- Alicia [This informant asked that she not be recorded. The following comments are taken from my interview field journal, in which I briefly documented each informant’s responses to my questions. These comments are not meant to be taken as verbatim]

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Alicia was the niece of the Segundo, the culture bearer. She frequently hosted the musician whenever he traveled to San Pedro Xicoras for special occasions.

SH: Is music important to you? Alicia: Yes, for whenever I am bored or lonely, to destress. SH: What types of music do you like listening to? Alicia: Any kind. SH: What types of music do you hear the most coming from the village? Alicia: Regional music [?] SH: Do you listen to music frequently? Alicia: Hardly ever. SH: During these times, where would you say you hear the most music coming from the village? Alicia: Nowhere. SH: Are there times when you would say that music is prohibited or inappropriate? Alicia: No. SH: When people return from working in the city, do you sometimes hear that they bring new styles of music back with them? Alicia: Yes. That music comes in English. SH: Do you own a radio? If so, when do you listen to it most frequently? Alicia: Yes. I usually listen in the mornings and evenings, but not during the day. I do not have any batteries but when there are, I listen. SH: When there is electricity, would you say that more music is heard in the village? Alicia: Yes. SH: Is it normal that a lot of music is not heard around here? Alicia: Not for me, because I listen to what others in town are listening to. SH: Would you say that music is something to be enjoyed privately or in public? Alicia: Public, so that people can have their spirits lifted. SH: Which apparatus do you see most frequently used to listen to music? Alicia: Disk. SH: Would you say that more music is heard now, or more music was heard in the past? Alicia: Since the light [electricity] arrived, it went up. SH: Which apparatus do you use most frequently to listen to music? Alicia: A [smart]phone. SH: What is your favorite radio station? Alicia: Santa Maria, because of the music and the news. SH: When teachers come here from abroad, do they teach music courses or use songs to teach children?

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Alicia: No. SH: Since when does the public have access to WiFi? Do you think that it impacts the type of music enjoyed by the youth? Alicia: Two years. I think it does have an impact because on the internet, Facebook and everything introduces all music. SH: Do you think that the village has grown or shrunk over the past ten years? Alicia: Grown. SH: How many types of music can you identify? Alicia: Pop, ballads, Duranguense, Regional. SH: Would you say that music is more popular among the youth, or the elderly? Alicia: The youth, because some are studying it and I think they like music. SH: Do you have a favorite instrument? Alicia: No.

Interview #8- Segundo Segundo is a prominent culture bearer and violinist who once travelled throughout the region performing for sacred festivals. A recent accident has since damaged his hearing and rendered him cautious with regard to music performance.

Segundo: La musica del xuravet, mucha, varios gente habia. Y la pachita, varios gente tambien habia. Si ayudaban, un noche otro, un noche otra, asi. Ahorita como que ya no. Yo, siempre mi carga, hombre, vente, ayudame. Pos canten! Con nuestra idioma se canta. No se canta con Español, ni con Huichol, ni con Cora, ni con Tepehuan. Con Mexicanero se canta. Canten! Enseñense! Quien te va enseñar? La cabeza. La cabeza te va enseñar. Por que otra persona no, ‘te voy enseñar, pero no vas aprender. Vas apreder de lo que te digo no mas. Esto si, canto asi.’ No. Uno solo tiene que piensar, de sacar la cabeza. Como es la palabra para cantar la pachita, estamos tocando en la pachita verdad? Mmmm hmmm, entonces… Entonces asi pero ahorita segun estamos viendo, no pos no. Ya no hay quien cante. Ya no se que- Como la raza, se esta poniendo puro a Tepehuano. SH: Eso si se ve. Segundo: Ey, eso esta en vista. Si, casi Mexicaneros ya no hay. Los Tepehuanes… pos nunca participan en una pachita, el canto del pachito mentado. Canto del xuravet, costumbre alli. Canto del moreno, todo eso. Ya no hay. Pero en fin cantan, al malmente. Pero un tiempo mando el gobierno con un no se cuanto, unos diez mil, ocho mil, no se cuanto, para yo me poniera como maestro, enseñar unos cuatro, cinco personas en la pachita, el canto. SH: Asi que el gobierno te pagaba pos para como mantener la tradicion. Segundo: Andale. Bueno, nada mas yo me pagaban para como maestro de estar trabajando de enseñando lo como maestro, bueno. Pero los que les estoy enseñando

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eso no, no llegaba nada. No ganan nada. Los enseñe como una semana, pero no. Nunca grabadon en la cabeza. ‘Prestame la cabeza, pos yo no se, no puedo aprender. Prestamelo.’ Como lo apresto, si no es tan facil? SH: No pos no. Es dificil. [Chuckles] Y los estudiantes eran como jovenes, o adolescentes, o como mas viejos? Segundo: No, como adolescentes, ey, asi. Y asi hora, la danza, bueno, ya tocamos en la danza bueno. Nos hibamos en las pachitas. Eso… no, total que no hay quien cante ahorita tan facil, no. No mas a mi, y luego mi carnal Ismael, y mi carnal Felipe, pos no mas esos tres. Esos tres ya estamos ancianitos. Pero mi carnal Ismael pues esta nuevo, pero todo modos ya esta media vida. No, pos el unico que le ayudamos alli en el pachita, en el canto. Mi carnal Felipe tambien canta alli en lo li, luego canta en la pachita, canta en el xuravet, todo eso. Toca en la danza, todo tambien sabe como yo. Asi nos enseñamos. Nosotros nos enseñamos, aprendimos, por que es que nos gustaba mucho. Asi de pequeños, asi a monton. Un canto hacer de pachita. SH: Asi que para todos los tradiciones que se hacen en el pueblo nada mas son como los mismos dos o tres musicos, ustedes? Segundo: Si, con los mismos si. Los mismos. SH: No, pos si esta al riesgo que se acabe. Segundo: Mmm hmmm. Bueno, pos asi… Ya no me acuerdo como iba… SH: Estabas platicando de la danza, y usted y el señor Felipe, y otro- Segundo: Aja, ah si. Ah si. Bueno, pos otros, nosotros, eso fue estamos, a tocando en las pachitas, por que asi no ahora, ya no hay quien cante. En fin, estamos viendo que nos acabamos nosotros, los dos, nos secamos, nos queda mi carnal Ismael, pos no los demas ya no van- se va perder. El costumbre de, bueno hay, hay salimos de esa pachita. Ya salio a la mejor la platica. El costumbre del xuravet, igual. Siempre nosotros nos ocupamos, yo y mi carnal Felipe. No mas dos. Mi carnal Ismael si no sabe tocar en el xuravet. No mas nosotros dos. N’ombre. En veces… no hacen el xuravet. Veces, hacen, pero que tiempo no estamos sanos, nos invitan alli. Nos llaman para ayudar alli, tocar el arco. Pero cuando estamos sanos, si les ayudamos, nos vamos. N’ombre, si no nos vamos, pos no hay xuravet. SH: Asi que- Segundo: Asi. Asi dormidos amanecen. SH: Ay caray. Asi que ningun Tepehuano- Segundo: No, pos viera que ningun Tepehuano no se esta enseñando alli. Pos ya estamos muy apenitas de costumbre. Pos no quieren enseñarse. El costumbre cuando bailan… no, pos la gente no se arrima tampoco. Unos tres, cuarto. Hay estan dormidos en patio alli donde esta el mayor. Mas antes yo hay visto, alcance a ver que ya tengo acerca de 80 años: n’ombre, la gente, todo la gente se arrima alli en el patio, acompañar el señor mayor, quien esta a frentando a todo el pueblo, de todo la gente. Quien es el que esta enfrentando? Pos el mayor. Es el que hace el costumbre, es el

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que esta platicando con nuestro padre dios. El mentado mayor. Alli, la gente en la tarde, en la mañana, mas la tarde, se ponen todo la gente asi, a platicar con nuestro dios. Alli estan platicando todo la gente. Lo que hay en este mundo, alli estan pidiendo gallinas, vacas, chivos, burros, caballos, borregos. Bueno, asi estan pidiendo para que no les pase nada. Tambien la gente, los hijos de dios, tambien estan pidiendo favores. Que no pase nada, que no venga viento fuerte, que no venga viento amargoso. Mejor ese viento que lo haga por alla nuestro padre dios en un cerro, donde no hay hijo de dios. Por alli que lo haga. Los hijos de dios nos bajo de nuestro cielo aqui en el mundo. Aqui nos crecimos, aqui estamos pisando en el mundo, aqui andamos, y queremos ver un largo tiempo. Asi como semos muy pecadores o faltosos, no… no, bueno, equis cosas, lo que pasa uno aqui en el mundo. Por que aqui en el mundo, no hay limpio uno gente como dios. No, todo lo estan platicando [praying]. Entonces, ya salen todo los confesiones y ya le dicen, le avisan al mayor que estaba sentado asi en el medio, alrededor son… alli, ya salen esa confesion, ya le platico. Pos hay platicamos, estamos pidiendo las cosas. Alli piden mangos, alli piden limones, alli piden guamuchil, alli piden [?], alli piden papaya, alli piden caña, alli piden platano, alli piden duraznos, manzanas, nopales, petayas, chalates. Todos los arboles lo que hay, todo lo piden alli. SH: Y esto es todo durante el mitote, el xuravet? Segunda: Uh huh, si. Entonces, si como, como ahora este- ayer domingo. Se bañan, bañamos. Nos arrimamos a la tarde alli en el patio, el mayor ya esta hablado, ya va estar alli. A pos cuando en la tarde es cuando se confiesa la gente. Otro dia en la tarde de vuelta, con sus convicciones. Otro dia en la tarde, a los cuatro dias, los cinco dias, estar platicando. Y acaban de confesar los habitantes, entonces ya se levanta el mayor. Ya aprende la hoya, la pipa, como ves, hecha humo por alla, por el viento. Pero no es mucho humo, no mas cinco veces. Entonces ya platica el. Tiene que platicar el mayor todo lo que platica la gente, lo que piden, animales por que los animales son de nuestro padre dios, no de nosotros. Todo lo animal que hay, todo arboles que hay, es de nuestro padre dios. Dejo en este mundo, y asi segun esta la estoria de antes, por que nosotros no, pos si. Estamos viendo, cuidando alli. Pero meramente, nuestro padre dios es el que dejo en este mundo. Asi piden alli en ese patio, en el mayo tambien ya, se hace otro costumbre para el agua. Entonces alli tambien asi igual: piden la gente. Piden mucho. Toda las cosas tambien, a parte el agua. Que lo levante los angeles de guardia, angeles de temporada. Que lo levanten el agua de los cinco mares, so cinco pilas, los cinco lagunas, para que riegan aqui en este mundo donde estan los hijos de dios, por que nosotros no podemos riegar en el mundo. Para sembrar maiz, sembrar calabaza, sembrar frijol, sembral sandilla, bueno, equis cosas lo que hay lo que se consume, para que nosotros no podemos. Dios, nuestro padre dios, dejo cosas con que mantenerse o con que ayudarse los hijos de dios. Que no nos, que no nos quite suerte nuestro padre dios, que mejor que nos de, y que heche agua en el mundo. Todo el mundo. No no mas aqui, todo el mundo. Que haiga las cosas, que comer, que haiga

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las cosas, que cosechar, y asi todo estan platicando alli en el patio ya en el mayo, cuando se hace el costumbre. Alli piden todo eso.

Si no llueve, no pos, hay que hacer el remedio de que va llover. Como ahorita no llueve, a la mejor por alla lo estan haciendo, no se. Entonces, ya ese remedio lo hacen, hacen unas velitas. Ir con el patron cinco veces, cinco mañanas o cinco tardes. Hay lo piden como como que ya no llueve como ahora. No pos si, a los cinco, seis dias, cuatro dias, cinco dias en la noche, ponen el chocolate. Alli le pagan el patron. La gente todos coperan de a diez o de a veinte, o de a cinco; buena voluntad. No es que quien me esta cobrando; no mas buena voluntad, coperar, para pagar alli el patron, para el agua. Y si se hace! Si se hace, pero alla ayunando. Unos dos dias sin comer nada.

SH: Nada?! Segundo: Nada! Ni agua, nada, pero nada. SH: Y eso son para los cinco dias? Segundo: Ey, mmm hmm. Pero por lo mas, no aguantan algunos, pero en que sea un dia, tienen que aguantar hasta la tarde- hasta medianoche! Cuando ya lo ponen, el chocolate. Entonces ya, ya con, pero poquito, no mucho. Asi esta, ya te dije. Ya platique como es que es lo que hay, que es lo que dejo aqui en el mundo, como arboles. Por que, a segun dicen que nuestro padre dios, pos todo lo que vemos, los arboles, lo que fruta, arboles frutales y no frutales, cualquier monte, de todo modo nuestro padre dios dejo. Por eso, como, por que nosotros aqui no, no vamos a riegar; ni siquiera podemos un pedazo. Pos vatallando con mangeras, un pedazito, pero riegar el mundo? No. No podemos. No hacemos ninguno. Ni el Huichol, mas curandero que mentado, mas poderoso pero no puede. No, ninguno, solamente dios. Y asi de que… que podemos platicar mas?

SH: Ummm, me estabas platicando que el gobernador, el mayor gobernador, el habla con dios y la gente habla con el. Uh, y el que toca, el que esta tocando el tahuitol: que diria usted como funciona lo que esta tocando la musica? Como funciona la musica en todo esto, el del mitote? Segundo: Mmm hmm, el del xuravet? SH: Si. Segundo: Como se puede… como se puede traducir? Ya no se. [chuckles] SH: Haver. Si quitaba uno la musica del xuravet y nada mas pos era puro bailar sin musica, pos, que pasaria? No pos, que no es bueno, pero que es lo que hace la musica para el evento? Segundo: Quien sabe… [pause] No, no pos no puedo atenarse… como se require? SH: Como- Segundo: Como el que va participar en el xuravet de musica?

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SH: Si. Segundo: Si, pos todos modos. Falta mucho cuento alli. Mucho cuento, mucho cuento falto. Dicen que cuando estaban los dioses aqui en el mundo por que muy antes dicen que aqui estaban los dioses en este mundo, y tenian cosumbre. Hacian costumbre, el xuravet, por que hay como nosotros, semos los Reyes, como que eres el Rey, los Reyes. Pos sopondremos como los Javieres. Todos los Javieres tienen un mayor, pero particular no hay como uno; particular. Entonces, esos asistaban los dioses, dicen. Pos los dioses, dicen, que los virgines, que eran gente, asi platican; que eran gente los virgenes. Aqui en el mundo pero sabe cuando chingaos seria. Entonces esos hacian costumbre. Quero otra raza, voy hacer el costumbre de cinco dias, cinco dias ayunando. Tu, de otra apellido, tu te va tocar de cuatro dias. En domingo, se bañan, se arriman al patio. En lunes, amarran la pluma, el mentado cuix, lo amarran, y ya no come sal. Y comiendo hasta al mediodia, pero sin sal, hasta los cuatro dias. El de cinco dias, hasta los cinco dias. Los cuatro dias, a los cinco a la madrugada, ya comen sal. Hacen el bailable asi, el xuravet, como nosotros asi hacemos. Los Javieres tambien asi lo hacen. Los de las Cruzes… esos, es que asi mismo dicen los patrones, todos aqui estaban: tu, tu costumbre de toca de hacer de tres dias. Tres dias nada mas, pero sin xuravet; sin musica. Asi, no mas. Pos si, por agua mentado, lo conoce verdad? SH: El agua mentado? Si. Segundo: Ey, pura agua, el que se pone alli en la mesa. Entonces ellos asi le hacen, pero el xuravet no. Pero no mas tres dias. Dos dias, el otro dia ya ponen el tamal. Luego en la tarde, muelen. En tres dias, ya hacen tamales. A los cuatro dias, ya amanezen comiendo bien, entonces ya comen sal en la madrugada, a comer sal. SH: Pero no se hace xuravet? Segundo: No, no se hace. Eso de tres dias, ese costumbre es de tres dias. Hay tres: uno de tres dias, uno de cuatro dias, uno de cinco dias. Pero de cuatro dias, se hace xuravet. Bailan. No mas el de tres dias no. Pero eso esta mas delicada. Dicen el de tres dias, si no completen bien los dias, para pronto te llueva. Pos no saben de que, no vas a saber de que. De pronto te llueva, pronto te jala ese costumbre de tres dias, si tocas la mujer, si hechas un trago, o si te enojas. Esos tres cosas, muy delicados esos de tres dias. De cuatro dias, poquito menos pero siempre. De cinco dias, si; si tienen mucho paciencia mas, porque muchitos dias, dicen. Esos de tres dias, no, es poquito, es que muy delicado. Pero si, nos jala. El costumbre, mire, yo me doy cuenta no mas a me ver: cuando era yo pequeño y me gustaba mucho el xuravet bailar, pero yo no me gustaba jugando hay con las muchachas, niñas, o mujeres, asi. No me gustaba buscar mujeres, niñas, muchachas, nada. Alli bailanda respetablemente, serio, muy agusto, siempre ejudicarse molestar las mujeres, ni hacer se enojar. Asi es como aguanta uno poquito mas. Yo poquito seguro por hay me erre poquito. Por eso asi estoy malo, que me duele la rodilla. Pero… que vas decir con eso? [gestures toward my notepad]

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SH: Mande? O, este es para, son notas que ando tomando del platica para ayudar me con mi tesis, ya de parte de mis estudios. Segundo: [glances at my notes] Andale… andale, los costumbres. Y asi, igualmente, como dicen, como hemos costumbrado, bueno, estoy platicando de lo que dura uno. Mira, mucha gente los miro, y nuevos, nuevecitos, y ya grandes, mucha gente los miro alli en el costumbre, bailando. Hay la abraza una mujer, bailando. La venga para el rio. Por hay se va, la mujer o la muchacha con el hombre. Pues, se van para el rio y se bañan. Dicen, voy ir otra vez alla al costumbre bailando. Mira, pos no durando nada! Se enfermo poquito, se murio. Todo lo que los vi, cuando yo era niño, ya eran nuevos muchachones, todos ya no viven. Todos ya no viven, por de malcuido. Nos platicaba un, bueno, yo no me platicaba, pero hacia comentarios con nosotros: habia un señor que se llamaba Victor de la Cruz, pues. Eso se hizo pero deveras viejo. Bien, cuando salia hace poquito, tenia que pichar le algo en el moralito ese, alli lo hecha. Y lo pone en el homo, en la cabeza. Ay va, haci al pasito, por hay cuidando borregitos. Y vieras que ese señor es que no, no se enfermo. Se siento a descansar, y con un paro sientadito, alli se acabo. Pero no se enfermo, pero ya. Asi platicaban. No, mira. Para que duren, respeten el costumbre. No lo toquen las mujeres. Cuando llegas en un xuravet, llegando, cuando llegas y todavia no bailas, no te arrimas. Hasta cuando ya estan bailanda, arrimate, a bailar tambien. El comienzo, a bailar. Ya se acaba eso, no mas bailan cinco veces, dan vuelta. Dando vuelta cinco no mas, y ya se acaba eso. Entonces asi, ya te arrimas, ya saludas a los de mas de alli. Todas los manos, saludas. Y ya, te invitan a cenar, te vas a cenar. Cuando bailas, ya acabas de cenar, ya van a empezar a bailar ya toda la noche. Tu no andes tocando las mujeres nada. Cuidalo todo, tu vida, tu cuerpo, para que dude. Asi es que no hay enfermedad, no hay nada. No mas cumpliendo bien los costumbres. No hay fevera, nada. Si tu no cumples, no sale bien los vidas. Simplemente, los cinco dias como ahora, como ayer domingo, hora es lunes verdad? SH: Si. Segundo: Como ayer domingo, vamos amanecer. Como hoy es lunes, ya se va contar uno. Martes, dos, Miercoles, tres, Jueves, cuatro, Viernes, cinco, Sabado seis. Se ha salio bien los dias ya. Ya se baña, ya entonces si. Va hacer lo que uno quiere hacer. Ya no hay ningun peligro. Pero si tu no te cuidas en ese costumbre, hombre poco se acaba. El hombre, o el Cristiano. Asi los vi uno, asi platicaba ese señor. Un mentado casinero tambien, muy rado la gente que dura mucho, pero sabe si duro. Ahorita por hay estan unas señoras, ya señoras. Se me hace que ya les pasaron mas de cien años. Uno esta en Agua Fria. Uno esta para aqua por Hierba Nis. Ya cuando me recorde de niño, ellos ya estaban grandes, pero todavia viven. Muy apenas andan, pero hay estan todavia. Si. Los que los vi de nuevos, ya no viven ni una, y los que viven ahorita no estaban. Asi esta… Muy peligroso ese mentado xuravet. SH: Si, pos se oye; si. Pos, hay que tener cuidado. Y como es la musica pachita?

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Segundo: La musica de pachita… no aparece, ese nada mas se toca en violin. Mentado minuetes. Ey, minuetes mentados. Este, uno se llama cimpohual, otro se llama Azucena, otro se llama Francisco, uno se alla Issa, una florecita que esta por alli en el monte. Uno se llama el, me acuerdo, como se llama, pero nada mas cinco. Parece que… bueno, se llama color, por que alli color por que todo de color estan los virgenes. Asi no mas se toca, puro violin. No, tambien si hay quien toca la guitarrita, la danza tambien, si hay quien toca la guitarrita. Tambien lo esta acompañando el violin con la guitarra, y se oye bien, y se pisa bien la danza con violin y guitarra. No mas que ahorita no hay quien… no le gusta la pura verdad, seguro, para que tocan la guitarra. Pos ahora mando la CDI una guitarra.

Por hay esta, para la danza, violin, nos dieron unos cuando fuimos el 22, no… el, que?... 1992, cuando fuimos a Mexico [City]. Alli dejamos el costumbre, pachita, el xuravet no. Por que el xuravet, sacando, donde nos castiga nuestro padre dios. No, eso no es tan cualquiera. No. Pero la pachita, la danza, eso no le importa. No mas el xuravet esta peligroso. Pero eso nunca, nunca lo llevamos, el xuravet, alli. Por que un tiempo, aqui en Santa Maria creo que nos invitadon para la pachita, la danza, el xuravet. Pos alli se presento el xuravet, pero no completo como es. Hay no mas como de vista, no mas. No, pero ya se presento alli dejamos la xuravet, la danza, pero nuestro padre dios no le gusto. Lluego, algunos soñaron: ‘porque llevaron, porque vendieron esos costumbres? Hagan lo de vuelta, vas a ver, vamos a ver. Haz lo de vuelta.’ SH: [chuckles] No, mejor que no. Eso si no. Segundo: [chuckles] No, eso esta carajo. N’ombre, por eso nunca se lleva por alla lejos. Ni por Mexico ni Durango, no. No, pos ya supimos alli en Santa Maria. Santa Maria o Guajolota. Nos invito alli, el que era presidente, Luis Echeverria todavia. Pero si, nos regalaron alli muchas cosas. Muchas cosas, comida nos dieron. Asi como aqui, en San Pedro con los patrones, virgenes, un tiempo vinieron quien sabe como se llaman, como esos que vienen hacienda fotos. Esos traian muchos instrumentos de esos, para sacar fotos. Bueno, todo eso para ver asi, para tomar fotos, aga de cuenta como que ya esta saliendo como se hace el costumbre. Lo de adentro, la iglesia, hay poner un aparato con mucha luz alli. Retrataron bien el patron. No, pero bueno. Pero despues, alguien soño. No le gusto el patron, por que ese luz, ‘por que me quemaban muchos. No quiero que lo vuelvan hacer. No dejen que vuelven hacer. Si vuelven hacer, aver que les va pasar. No, yo no quiero que me quemen. Aqui entrados unos a mi, traigan mucho lumbre, hecharon lumbre, me quemo.’ Vuelvan hacer, igual como aya el costumbre, xuravet, igual a que no le gusto al patron. Asi estubo. Asi esta. Asi no. Ya platicamos alli. No pos si por hay vienen un de repente un dia, ya quieren hacer asi lo mismo como hicieron ya no hay permiso mejor. No por que se enojen; nos va

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castigar el patron. Ellos no, pero nosotros aqui, los hijos, por que los hijos los admiten, en lugar. Mejor ya no. Asi, asi ha pasado. SH: Pero la pachita y la danza, pos… donde quiera, no importa? Segundo: Si, ese si donde quiera se puede llevar. No mas el xuravet no; esta carajo. SH: No, pos aqui se esta en este- Segundo: Ey. Ya, pachita, pos eyyy. Dios dejo esos tradiciones, esos costumbres, pero seguro es otra cuento. Mas limpio hace el cabron costumbre, xuravet. SH: Esa trae la cuenta mas, que se sabe mas? Segundo: Mmm hmm, asi esta. SH: Asi que las pachitas nada mas son esos cinco que me platicastes? El del Francisco, el Azuceno, Cempohual? Cempohualxisa[?], y color? Y asi eso son los nombres de la musica, y pos representan diferentes partes de tradicion? Segundo: Si. SH: Y los danzones, como son esos? Nada mas son para danza, o para distraerse uno? O tambien tienen una historia? Segundo: Bueno, un tiempo, tu mismo venias, cuando tuvimos platicando alli en la iglesia asi en la otra casita. SH: Si, alli por la clinica. Segundo: Andale, bueno. Cuando conte del niño del agua. SH: No, no me acuerdo que me contaste de eso, no. Segundo: No, no se. Se me hace que si, tu mismo. Te platica alli, en la iglesia alli. El cuenta del niño. Entonces que falta alli del costumbre, del xuravet, de la danza? Que falta? SH: Xuravet, danza, pos ese pachita pos casi creo que, pos, yo no se que haiga mas. Yo apenas ando aprendiendo. Que te motive a usted a tocar musica? Segundo: De danza? O de pachita? SH: De cualquiera. No mas que era que te gusto del violin, o de la musica. Que era mas que te agarro la atencion. Segundo: Mmm hmm, asi es. No, pos yo me enseñe bien por que cuando estaba niño, hice un violincito de carrizo. La cuerditas de iste, bien tocar facil, facil, no facil como me enseñe. Y la danza no, pos uno tiene que estar oyendo el que esta tocando, como va, que es lo que esta tocando, uno esta aprendiendo. Ya el dia que ya no vive, pos alla me llevan, pero ya se como se toca. Como va. Ya se, por que si no se fija uno, no aprende nada. Ni que puro eso esta haciendo, pero no aprende. Necesita estar listo, tener cuidado, estar listo de aprender. Pues uno si le gusta. Si no le gusta, pos no. Algunos muchachos por alla pregunta ‘como se enseñaron, quien te enseño.’ Mira, la danza, el xuravet, la pachita, se enseñe quien se enseñe. Quien lo enseñe? La cabeza es que le enseñe a uno. Poniendo cuidado, fijandose, como se oye, como va. Uno lo esta grabando, has de cuenta. Ya sabe uno. Al dia que ya no vive o esta malo el que toca alli, bueno, ya no anda con vida, ya le hablan. Tiene que participar uno en lo que

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se ofrece. El pachita, o la danza, o xuravet, bueno. Tiene que participar. El primero, medio como tiene verguenza uno. Por que el xuravet, se arrima mucha gente. Hay necesita tener valor, no tener verguenza, nada. Con valor, con animo, lo que va tocar en el arco. Hay esta la jicara en meda ensima del arco asi, esta tocando. Y va cantar. Pero no esta mentando tales cosas, el canto. No mas esta cantando como, que te dire? Como cantar un gallo. Pero tiene sus cambitos asi como va bailar, como va pisar el xuravet, asi tiene que cantar uno. No tan facil quien va a tocar. Por que hay si canta la pluma. Hay si canta el [?] grande de la mañana. Hay si canta la orraca. Hay si canta el pajaro amarillo. Hay si canta el, este, el venado. Asi tambien, no mas cantando, esta cantando, pero no esta mentando con palabras, no mas esta cantando asi, pero bien se baila. Bien se acomoda la tocada. No, pos seguro, seguro asi es por que tan cualquiera se enseña. No tan cualquiera le gusta. Mira, como te dije, los poblanos ni siquiera participant de algun costumbre aqui en San Pedro. Ni siquiera ayudan. No. No mas los Mexicaneros pero ya, Mexicanero ya estan incluidos casi con Tepehuan-Mexicanero. SH: Asi que todos- Segundo: Todos oyen Tepehuano con Mexicanero. Todo se oye. Los poblanos, sea algo o no, entienden el Mexicanero, o derecho Tepehuano. No. Y asi estamos diciendo, estamos pensando, bueno, asi hemos platicado, que va llegar el tiempo: se va ir el xuravet, se va ir la danza, se va ir la pachita. Va querar gente puro Tepehuano. Ya, se acaba el costumbre. Si, se va, asi se va hacer. Y ya esta proximo. Eyy, fijate. SH: Y todos eso canciones como me platicaste: el pajaro amarillo, la arranca, todos estan en la idioma Mexicanero, verdad? Segundo: Mmm hmm, todo Mexicanero, si. Mmm hmm. El pajaro amarillo... tambien, si no sera posible eso pero mas al rato… no sera possible el canto. Dicen que cuando uno le gusta mucho el canto del xuravet, necesita ayunarle un mes. Sin bañar, sin comer sal, sin tomar, sin tocar la mujer, bueno, es malo. No salir en el campo, no salir con la gente, donde se va. Poner ayunar, que se dice, hay tiene una ramadita chiquita, y tiene que hacer una flechita chiquito, y un barquito chiquito asi. Y tambien… bueno, esa flechita va poner el arquito asi chiquito, adelantito va poner el, va para la flechita, pero chiquito tambien. Lluego otro arquito chiquito tambien. Ese le va poner aca en el barquito eso, chiquito. Es el que le va ayunar, es que el mes. Alli esta ayunando, ayunando, ayunando hasta los 25 dias, ya se baña. A los 25 dias, ya se baña, pero todavia va andar cinco dias alli. Tiene que costar 30 dias. Todavia no va comer sal, ni miel, ni mujer, nada, todavia esta ayunando el mes alli. Hasta que ya cuando, sale el mes, ya cumple, entonces ya le van a encargar a el que esta ayunando alli. Un escalitos chiquitas el que hay con el monte, en el cerro. Chiquitas, un escalito. Y luego un camote como colorado, le dicimos, lo conocemos… ah, mol. Ese lo machucan poquito asi la… y lo sacan ya como carnita largo. En una hoyita con agua, alli se hecha poquito. Y luego el mezcal, las pinquitas chiquitas tambien alli. Y alli lo cuelga uno. Hay esta todavia el bendito, ese. Dicen que cuando sale, por que tiene que hacer un como,

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un mantel como uno va tener alli, ese esta dando parte en todo, dandole cuenta a nuestro padre dios, por que el costumbre son de ellos. Pos ya, cumplen, ya se rosean con ese amol, con ese mezcal, y una que conocemos ‘pila,’ pero la hoya chiquita. Pos asi es. Ya tambien el ese, flecha, ya, y el arco, y la flechita ya lo aza, el que esta bendito alli. Ya lo aza. Ya se acabo. Ya se va para la casa, los cinco dias alli tiene que estar todo los cinco dias donde sea, y uno al mes. Ya saliendo los cinco dias, ya se va para la casa. Dicen que cuando se ofrece un costumbre como por alla con los Javieres, o por alla con los de Victoriano, ya van a venir, uno te va hablar, para que vayas a tocar, por que ya saben, por que todo el mundo tiene que saber quien fue ayunarse, quien pidio para musico del xuravet. Lleno con vida, lo llevan. Con ese arco, chiquito, y el, la jicarita chiquita, la flechita, ese lo va llevar uno cuando ya lo combidan por alli, los va llevar, pero que nadie lo vea. Nadie lo vea hay. Muy escondido, muy prohibido. Ya llega por alla donde estan haciendo el xuravet. No pos ya le platican, la manden, una rason. ‘Me hicieras el favor de que vengas, para que nos toques. El que entiendes la tocada del xuravet.’ Le platican uno ya, ya se va animar. Entonces ya se va arrimar alli el musico, que ese jicarita y el arquito, con todo flechita, por que tenemos una jicara, por hay esta una jicara de ande asi alto, entonces esta chiquito, lo pone aca. La flecha y el arquito asi, ensima, entonces esta ese jicara grande. Entonces se lleva, el va empiezar a tocar. No, pero que bonita musica el que se oye. Bonita musica de la campada. Bien ladenito, que no esta pesado el xuravet. Agusto estan bailando, y asta mujeres, hombres, viejos y todos se levantan a bailar, por que se oye bonito ese tocada y la cantada. Pero ayunando, pero nadie lo hace. Asi no mas a voluntad, poquito. Asi, nadie lo hace asi, no. Pero asi esta el cuento SH: Asi que uno mismo hace su propio arco. Segundo: Si, asi es. No, si tenemos mucho… dicen que yendo alla en el real de catorze, tambien que por alla esta un banco, que por hay esta uno de los Coras, de los Mexicaneros, de los Huicholes, todo raza indigena. Que hay estan. Alli dicen que tambien hay, tienen los patrones de como enseñarse uno de el xuravet, y para curandero tambien. Pero mas, no se como se ocupa. Como se necesita. Para el curandero mentado, no es tan facil tampoco. Una vez, un tiempo ya hace mucho, habia venido una persona de Mexico [City]. Como se llamaba? Creo que [X]. [X]. Ey. Parece esa es… Ya se me olvido que es lo que iba decir. SH: Uh, de curandero creo- Segundo: Ah si! Ah, lo agarraba uno. Una plumita si de pajarro, un amarillo que hay por hay. Asi, tumbando basurita del cuerpo. No, pero que es curandero se necesita no comer cinco dias, ayunar treinta dias, pero en los treinta dias, no comer sal tampoco, no comer miel, no comer huica [?], no salir del campo. Se aguanta pero cinco dias sin comer nada. Entonces, ya ganas. Por que dicen, platican, seguro ya saben, haci nos platican, asi platican, que cinco dias sin comer. Pero, pero hay esta escondido. Tiene que, parece que esta facil, tiene manojo de pechas, tiene manojo de muchas plumas

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alli, parece que alrede no mas, pero no, no tan alrede. Nuestro padre dios asi lo ordena a uno. Si no lo hace, te exige. Que por hay una cosa que te pasa, algo te pasa, no sabes que te duele, una cosa. O te vas a ilumbrando, o te vas enfermar, es que ese te esta exigiendo nuestro padre dios, para que cumples, haga los esas mentados utiles, hasta que se ayuna uno. Ya va hacer, tiene que juntar mentado cuix, y como dos plumas de aguila, de ese que, como se llama? Como se llama el que tiene cola? Tambien la ala, larga asi, del aguila. Ese tiene que parar alli, pero tiene que colgar las plumas de cuix, y de pluma de un verdu, y la pluma de un perico, la pluma de un guacamaya, y sabe cual. Creo que hasta el huichichil, que el huichichil es muy liviano para que se quite, por que ya, creo que dicen aqui con nosotros, hamos sabido que esta una persona que segun el amigo trae aqui en la frente, en los ojos. Ese mentado hichizo, ese mentado hichizo. Por que dicen, no, yo no se, me estan tratando que yo soy echizero. No puedo yo, no se. No, pero aquel curandero tiene que pedir que nuestro padre dios, por que esta malo? Que cuenta? Que debe? Que hizo falta de, de dios? Tiene que preguntar uno, todo, tiene que preguntar. Para todos, con patrones, con nuestro padre dios, nuestro madre dios, va preguntar. Para eso si hay uno al mes, para que tenga suerte, alcanza, por que esta malo uno. Ya va decir, mira, ‘no, sabe por que esta malo. Hay esta una persona medio le gusta hacer traviesura, por que te agarra bien, no completas el costumbre. No salistes los dias. O no es cierto?’ ‘No, si es cierto, no sali bien.’ ‘Ah por eso el echizero esta buscando. Si no sales los dias, hay te agarra. Entrega aqui los diablos, unos interesados de algo, entregan alli. Por eso asi estas. Pero si quieres aliviar, te questa tanto.’ ‘No, pos tengo que pagar.’ Y se alivio, y se alivio. Dicen que no hay gente echizero, si hay. [section blocked by wind]. Pero ese echizero es muy malo. Les platico, les platico a la gente. No, aqui en San Pedro hay mucho gente, no mucho, con uno que este en medio ese, le guste hacer traviesuras, nunca vamos a tener un mercado de verduras aqui en San Pedro, nunca, por que ese de mal corazon [el echizero] no le gusta ver cosas. No le combiene estar vendiendo.

Asi platican, no mas que no, webones, no trabajan. Yo les platico, siempre por alla en otras partes entre gente mestizo, trabajadores trabajan. De alla lo estan traendo las cosas: cebollas, sandias, pepinos, melones, hasta cañas, otras comidas. Cuando aqui se da, aqui se da como otras partes se da, aqui se dan las cosas, no mas que el mal corazon no deja. No, asi les platicon, no, quien nos va mantener. Asi estamos acabando, de a uno de a uno de a uno. Yo de cuando me acorde, ya asi se oye. Nunca se terminan esa gente, de mal corazon, mal espiritu. Otros, asi les gusta hacer de mal corazon, para hacer, de este este este este, maldiciones. Otros congrujos de lidos que hay, se llaman imagines. Con ese hacen, pero los curanderos, todo lo hacen. Todo lo dicen. Por que? Donde que esta haciendo, todo alcanza. Ya te platique. Hasta alli luege.

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SH: Pos mucha ayuda. Ayuda mucho lo que me platicaste. Todavia toca usted el violin? Segundo: En veces, todavio toco. Si, el costumbre, xuravet, igual aunque no oigo bien, pero alli malmente, pos ya no hay, pues, quien toque. Xuravet, tambien la danza tambien. Hay hay otro musico de danza pero ya no. Ya no toca claro. Esta chiyando. Bien, asi esta. SH: Y aqui traes el violin con usted? En la casa? Segundo: No. SH: Esta bien. Seria bien si ya en diciembre, ya mas tarde, si podria regresar aqui aprender mas de la musica, si estaria bien con usted? Segundo: Andale. Cuando sera? SH: No se, no puedo decirte definitivamente pero alli en esos tiempos voy a regresar. Segundo: Andale. Si me presta vida, aqui voy estar. Pero si dios no presta vida, ni modo. SH: Asi es. Segundo: Bueno, pos ya. Nos divertimos bien rato.

Interview #9- Ismael Ismael is another culture bearer and the younger brother of Segundo and Felipe. Although he is not a musician himself, he is also well-versed in the cultural heritage of the Mexicaneros.

Ismael: Aqui, nos han pedido en Mexico, en el museo nacional de Mexico, no hemos presentado [el xuravet]. Por que? Por que dicimos que eso no es juego, es privado. Entonces, este, aqui en nuestro lugar donde hacemos todos los años, si lo hacemos, uno para la bendicion de elotes, otro para hacer tamales donde se pide que no nos pase nada con todo la familia, que no nos enfermemos, mis hijos, mis nietos, mi pareja, todos los que acompañamos de una sola familia en ese patio. Este, pidemos ese confesion entre dios, pero tenemos uno que le deseemos el mayor. Es el que va estar hablando por nosotros. En las tardes, nos juntamos, platicamos con el mayor, has de cuenta como usted es el mayor, y hablamos de lo que el va decir con dios, y nosotros pidimos favores, que nos perdone las faltas o los pecados que tenemos ante dios, ante los patrones. Que nos perdone para vivir en este mundo. No queremos enfermedades, quieremos vivir muchos años en este mundo. Nos confesamos todos los pecados. Has de cuenta que nos vamos en la iglesia con el cura, que curamos nuestros pecados, no? No lo ve dios el mayor, pero hay veces en los sueños, sueña lo que tiene que encontrar en el sueño. Otro dia en la mañana, ya nos esta avisando lo que soño en la noche, lo que le presento en el revelo de sueño. Entonces ya nos avisa, ya dicen los demas es bueno, o es malo, o nos falta algo mas en ese patio. Bueno, este, durante los cuatro, cinco dias, cumplimos donde sentamos los tamales, hay veces encontramos un

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venadito, comemos alli entre todos pero tipo mole, ya el sabado en la mañana. Este, y ya, el domingo nos retiramos. Otros cinco dias nos guardamos pero ya nada mas benditos, ya comemos los tres veces al dia. Entonces, a los seis dias bañamos y libres ya para tomar un vino, una cerveza, lo que uno guste, ya puede enojarse. Pero durante los diez, once dias, nada. No queremos hacer nada. Asi es como lo pasamos nosotros todos los años. Y si no lo hacemos, tenemos muchas simptomas. Calienturas, este, nos presenta muchas enfermedades durante si no hacemos esa costumbre, que le dicimos nosotros. Es un cultura tradicionales, que no sabemos desde cuando iniciadon eso. Cuando nosotros nos acordamos, yo tengo 65 años, pero [X] duro 98 años. El dijo que ya estaba desde muchos años, el dijo que ya estaba desde muchos años ese costumbre, o ese cultura. Por eso nosotros le dicimos que es privado, es mas respetoso, y cualquier otro mitote o otro costumbre, no, no es casi. SH: Como los que hace la otra gente por estas partes? Ismael: Mmm hmm, asi es. SH: Y para el mitote, pos, que diria usted que la musica contribuye al mitote? Al xuravet? Ismael: Como contribuye? SH: Que es lo que diria que hace la musica para la gente? Ismael: La musica tocan, pero cuando bailan el Viernes en la tarde, durante toda la noche, hasta amanezer, bailando. Baila la pluma, baila el venado si lo hallamos. Baila cinco la pluma, cinco veces, y cinco veces el venado. Durante los ratos, baila la gente. Van muchos para bailar, pero benditos tambien. Otros que no son de los Reyes tambien van a bailar tambien en ese lugar, pero benditos. Ya otro dia en sabado, todos comemos tamales y el mole de venado cuando encontramos. Y eso es, para eso se require la musica, para bailar, pero nada mas el viernes en la noche, para amanezer en sabado. SH: Usted dijo que durante esos cinco dias antes del baile- Ismael: Alli no mas estamos confesando nos ante dios, que nos perdone, que estamos cumpliendo lo que dios nos dejo, ese mandado en este mundo desde hace muchos años. Que nuestros tatarabuelos, abuelos, nos dejadon, y nosotros siguimos cumpliendo, como dios nos mando, como dios nos mando, siguimos cumpliendo. Bien o mal, pero estamos cumpliendo. Eso es lo que estamos confesiando en esos dias. En las mañanas, en las tardes, con el mayor. SH: Asi en esos tiempos: nada de musica? Ismael: No, nada de musica. SH: Y despues, pos ya normal? Ismael: Si. SH: Tambien esos cinco dias de purificando se uno, Tambien alli no se toca musica? Ismael: No. No, nada. Ya nada mas cuando ya llega el viernes, a mediodia se toca no mas cinco sones. Nada mas y ya, descansa hasta la noche ya. Para poder empezar a

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bailar, tienen que tocar primero cinco sones, pero los cambios se hacen durante la musica. La gente todavia no baila. Hasta ya cuando terminan esos cinco sones, entonces ya bailan. Hasta cuando ya bailan un ratito, entonces ya pueden comer, ya pueden tomar agua, pero el viernes en la noche. Antes, no, no pueden bailar tambien. Segun. Segun la tradicion. SH: Y esos cinco sones siempre son los mismos sones o depende cada ves en cuando? Ismael: No, son los mismos sones, de todos los años. Mi hermano precisamente es musico. Tengo dos hermanos, el otro hermano esta aqui arriba, tambien es musico. Son mas mayores que yo. SH: El otro es Felipe? Ismael: Felipe, si. Ese toca aqui, el patron. [noise interruption] SH: Asi que esos dos son los musicos que tocan todos los mitotes, todos los xuravets- Ismael: Si, con un arco. Ponen en un arco, y luego barritas y lo pisan, lo ponen el arco. El arco se pone en un bote, y lo pisan. Con los barritas, tocan. Barritas de madera, de la region. SH: Y tambien cuando son mitotes de como otras familias que hacen- Ismael: Tambien lo hacen igual. Lo unico que hay familias, se apellidan Jabier, puede decir, ellos no mas siguen cuatro dias. Hay familias que sea con un apellido, y siguien tres dias no mas, pero asi son desde un principio. SH: Asi desde muchos años pasados antes que se acuerda uno, son tres dias esos? Ismael: Si, son tres dias. Pues otros son cuatro dias. Nosotros lo bailamos, son cinco dias. SH: Y con todo eso, siempre es el señor Segundo y Felipe tocando? Ismael: No van, son otros musicos. Si salen, son otros. SH: De esos familias? Ismael: Uh huh. Bueno, hay veces los invitan ellos mismos a tocar en otra parte, por que los sones es el mismo. Asi, mas o menos. Asi esta nuestro cultura mas importante para nosotros. El costumbre. Bueno de alli, pero viene otros, otras tradiciones, que el cuchiste, como este pequeño ya tiene, lo mandamus a un curandero con dos collares, y algodon, carrizo chico. Ya le pegamos en la frente, le damos un curandero que le deseemos reza unos tres dias, ya le quita. Para que no se caiga, para que no se quebre, todo eso. Otro costumbre cuando se nos muere un hijo o un hermano, tenemos que mandar nos tambien segun para dispachar el espiritu que queda en la familia, para que no nos persiga. Para que no nos estemos empazando, para que no nos peregallo, para que no se caiga en remura, para que no se caiga en troca, todo eso nos trozamos el curandero. Lo dispacha. SH: El curandero canta? Ismael: Canta, reza con dios, y ya nos troza con un hilo, y ya nos troza con unas plumas de aguila. De aguila negra y aguila amarilla. Con esos dos nos troza, en el hilo

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no mas va siñalando. Y otros que ayunamos el mes complete sin comer sal, con el fin de que nos limpien curandero con todo aquel alma que queda sufriendo, el espiritu del penado. Entonces, este, durante treinta dias no comemos sal, hasta que el curandero diga que ya comemos sal, ese dia comemos. Entonces, otros cinco dias mas para poner tortillas, todos los dias durante cinco dias, ya para comer sal para adelante. Quiero decir que llevamos cuareinta dias del ayuno de sal. Sale uno bien craquiado, bien debil, pero lo tenemos que hacer. SH: Para purificarse uno? Ismael: Andale. Si no lo hacemos, puede ser un accidente, puede ser algo grave a la familia. Si no me toca a mi, le toca a un hermano, un hijo, una hijo. Muy malo esos compromisos que nos dejadon nuestros antepasados. SH: Como ves usted que los jovenes ven los tradiciones, los costumbres y todo eso? Ismael: Pos, se van olvidando por la educacion. Por que la educacion ya esta el uniforme, les piden hasta corbatas. Ya no quieren poner ni la manta por que en las costumbres, siempre debemos de vestirnos todo de manta, del algodon. Puro vestido de algodon. Entonces, ya los muchachos, como este pequeño, pos ya. Ponle al fin ahorita esta chiquillo pero ya mas grande, ya no quiere poner los calzones de manta. Por que? Por que las escuelas ya no visten de manta. Puro pantalon, de fabricas, y ya los maestros quieren que hablen el español, y ya, como te dicia el otro dia, hasta ingles. Este, ya los muchachos, las muchachas, pos ya no quieren hablar su idioma, hasta eso lo van perdiendo a traves de la educacion. SH: Usted como ve la musica moderna, que escuchan todos los jovenes por aqui? Tienes un opinion sobre lo que piensas de todo eso? Ismael: No, pos son musicas… son musicas… son musicas no mas para no andar… para no andar este, siendo musica, no mas para que oigan ruido. Para mi, nada es importante. No mas eso para no andar sin ruido. SH: Si traen musicas nuevas los jovenes cuando van a ciudades grandes? Oye usted? Ismael: No, no llevan musica. Alla es donde escuchan musica. SH: Alla nada mas? Y aqui llegando nada mas- Ismael: Aqui no mas por que no hay ruido, no hay musica. SH: Y como ves usted que usa la gente mas frequentamente para escuchar? Usan un radio, celular, o disco? Que es lo que- Ismael: Casi mas, ahora los ultimos años, mas usan los celulares. SH: Cuantos años trae el pueblo con electricidad? Ismael: No completa el año, apenas. SH: Apenas? Ismael: Asi es. Cinco, seis meses. SH: Asi apenas lo instaladon? Ismael: Eyy. SH: Es muy proximo.

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Ismael: Si, pero no mas llega y se va, con los rayos de la sierra, corto. Se corta. SH: Diria usted que cuando instalaron electricidad, se oyia mas musica moderna. Ismael: Si, si por las casas. Algunos tienen grabadoras. Algunos de disco, pero no mas no hay luz, no hay ruido. SH: Diria usted que se oye mas musica en otros pueblos den aqui? O la contra? Ismael: En otros pueblos? SH: Si. Ismael: Pos igual que aqui. SH: Asi como la misma: electricidad, costumbre tradicional, y todo eso? Ismael: Mmm hmm, si. Entre los Tepehuanos y nosotros los Mexicaneros, es la misma la tradicion. Este, lo unico que lo mentados indigenas Huicholes, esos si son otros costumbres. Cuando ellos hacen la costumbre, toman cerveza, toman vino, y nosotros no. Mentados Huicholes, que estan para Jalisco, pocos aqui en Durango tenemos, y Nayarit. Pero la mayoria esta en el estado de Jalisco. Mentados Huicholes. SH: Y ellos pos toman cerveza. Ismael: Si, ellos toman, hasta pelean. No tiene caso, el costumbre de ellos. SH: Pienso que ya, casi es todo. Ismael: Muy bien.

Interview #10- Felipe Felipe is a prominent culture bearer and violinist, the brother of Segundo and Ismael. According to various villagers in 2017, and my own observations, Felipe is currently the most active musician in the area, performing for various festivals despite his declining hearing due to age. This recording started late in the discussion, after Felipe affirmed that I could begin recording. As such, my first question is a recap of the topics we discussed before the start of the recording, so that Felipe could confirm that what I understood was correct.

Felipe: El mitote ese, todavia no se acaba. Eso va a siguir, hasta ya ultimo. Y al ultimo, bailan todos bien rato. Ya para poder terminar. Entonces ya, terminando ese, entonces ya recurran tantito pa’tras, pa’tras todos. Una trincha, puros mujeres, una tincha puros hombres. Se recurran todos pa’tras un tanto. Entonces, otra vez corren, corren hasta ya hasta la mesa, otra ves recurran, cinco veces. Otro mas cortito, otro mas cortito. A los cinco, ya. Ya lo pisan siguidito, ya lo terminan ya. Alli se acaba. SH: Asi nada mas para aseguar me que si agarre todo bien: asi empieza con el tiempo de ayuno, de que no se toma vino, todo bendito, no tocar la mujer, no enojar se uno. Y la sal tambien no se come, o si se como? Felipe: Andale. Bueno, de la comunidad, se come. Comen la sal. SH: Y luego, pos, alli en el patio cinco dias. Felipe: A los cinco dias, ya van a tocar alli.

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SH: Si, y alli el capitan, el platica con el Señor, ya cuando empieza todo eso, empiezan cinco hombres que- Felipe: Pero ves, mas que me falto un punto. A los cinco dias, a mediodia, tocan alli pura musica. Puro musica cerquita de la mesa. Cinco sones. Pura musica no mas. A medio dia. Ya en la tardecilla, ya bailan. SH: Y esos cinco sones, son los mismos sones de la pachita o- Felipe: Andale. SH: Y esos son como minuetes, verdad, de violin? Felipe: Y luego, me falto otro punto. La mayora, la mujer es el mayor, tambien hay una mayora que tambien trabaja en la cocina. Uno no mas. Tambien tiene bandera. El mayor lleva otro bandera, chiquitos, blancas las banderas. SH: Asi que son dos banderas? Felipe: Si. Va dibujado aguila del hombre, y de la mujeres lleva dibujada Guadalupana, el medio va dibujada. Ahora si. Ya el costumbre personales que tenemos chiquitos, por hay cara quien. Como yo soy Felipe Reyes, todos los Reyes tenemos otros sagrados particulares asi. Otros, los Paulinos, tienen otro sagrado, otro patio particular. Alli si no comemos sal. SH: Asi que son diferentes patios sagrados para diferentes familias? Felipe: Andale, asi sus particulares. Alli si no comemos sal. Cuando bañan tambien asi, ya otro dia se arriman, a donde tenemos el sagrado, el lugar, alli tienen que estar todos presentes. SH: Todos de la familia? Felipe: Niños, nuestros hijos, todos. Alli vamos amarrar plumas de un gavilan que le dices un cuix, un colorado que sabe andar por alla en el viento asi, un cuix, el compañero del aguila. Ese lo amarramos, las plumas, no cualquier pluma. El cuix mentado. Esa si no comemos sal, los cinco dias. No comemos sal, ni frijoles tampoco. Ni miel tampoco. Ese es mas duro. A los cinco dias, tambien ya se toca. Tambien los mayores que estan adelante hablando con el dios, tambien se ayunan, no comen nada, ni agua ni tortillas hasta la noche ya como las ocho de la noche, ya bailan un baile para poder cenar tambien. Entonces si ya tomen agua, ya van a cenar. SH: Asi que toda la familia en cinco dias no come nada? Felipe: Si. Comen tortilla. El unico, la sal no comen. Ni frijoles no comen, ni miel tampoco. Esta prohibido. Y si comemos, nos va doler los sentidos. Nos hace daño, nos afecta. Entonces los cinco dias, tambien tocan el mediodia tambien, pura musica tambien, asi como esta el otro. SH: Mismo canciones, o estan diferentes? Felipe: Cinco sones tambien. SH: Y esos sones son los mismos como del comunitario o tiene cara familia sones especialies?

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Felipe: Si, bueno, esta alla la familia hacienda las ramaditas alrededor otros mas para alla, otros aca si no todos. Hay estan al pendiente. Entonces ya en la noche ya bailan para poder cenar. Y luego ya acabando de cenar, sigue el baila igual como del comun, igual. Ya en la madrugada, alli esta un platito de sal. En el tapestia. La coperan toda la familia la sal, poquito de a poquito, para cuando ya en la madrugada, al manecer, ya cuando se termina la pluma, ese que lo amarramos, uno con carrizas con pluma, eso lo bailan. Lo lleva el mayor. Hay lo siguen, cinco veces, cinco vueltas, al rato otra vez, al rato otra vez, al rato otra vez hasta que se ajusta cinco. Entonces si, ya termino. Entonces si, como a las tres de la mañana o las cuatro, ya nos hablan ‘ahora si, venganse, para comer la sal ya.’ Primero, el mayor va empiezar a comer poquito, y un pedacito de tamal, y hechar al lumbre la sal tambien. Ya todos estan arrimando alli, comiendo la sal y hechando la lumbre, y ahora si, ya adelante van a comer sal ya. Asi, ya otro dia, si hay venado, otro dia el mole de venado ya comen todo la gente ya les dan alli, de platito de platito alli. Y ya amanezer alli, hay vamos azar todavia, ese dia amanezemos, hay dormimos. Pero ya comiendo sal ya. Esas plumas se van estar, entonces ya otro dia vamos encaminar esas plumas. Ya lleva el mayor esas plumas con carrizo ya. Hay nos paramos un lado asi, hay damos vuelta entonces para el mayor asi agarrandolo. Hay dan vuelta, cinco vueltas, los mujeres asi, los hombres asi. Entonces si ajusten cinco vueltas. Entonces si ya se para uno ya. Ya lo van asi, haciendo aqui, con las plumas, todos que van pasando ya. Todos. Acaban los hombres, las mujeres tambien. Hay van pasando asi de uno, asi, casi otro, otro igual, todos: ancianos, niños, todos. SH: Y esto es ya en la mañana? Felipe: Eyy, otro dia en la mañana, cuando amanezen otro dia. Entonces si ya, ya lo buscan una persona quien va ir a dejar esas plumas alla, en una cueva, donde dejamos todo el tiempo. Y ya lo llevan esas plumas, luego la cabeza del venado, hay lo llevan alla. Alla esta una cueva arreglada asi donde los meten, alli en una cueva. Aqui el del comunidad tiene alla en aquel cerro. Alla esta la cueva, hay estan cabezas de venados grandotas, hay esta el cuerno. SH: Asi que hay diferentas cuevas tambien por comunitario y por familia? Felipe: Si, andale. Y nosotros alla particulares, aparte tenemos alla. Aparte esta una cueva, alla tenemos. Y ya, ahora si. Ya nos despidimos todos, muchas gracias, tuvimos juntos, ya amanezimos el costumbre, ya cada quien. Bueno. Alli se acaba… SH: Y la musica; que diria usted que hace para el mitote? La musica es nada mas para ayudar a la gente bailar, o tambien ves que la musica hace algo sagrada para el festival? Felipe: Si. Si, la musica. Hay una musica que la cantan: Estrella grande, y la aguila. Otro, pajaro amarillo se llama los tonos de canciones para el mitote. Y luego las plumas, tambien tiene su cancion, su cantada. Las plumas. Y cuando los elotes, igual. Bendicimos elotes.

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SH: Asi que como para los diferentes costumbres comunitarios, son diferentes canciones? Felipe: Ese es el costumbre que ya terminamos, ese de en Abril, Mayo, hacemos tamales. Ese el de elotes, como septiembre. Donde vamos a comer para poder, primero vamos a bendicir alla. Pero cuando no bendicimos, no podemos comer nada. Ni calabaza ni elotes. Primero llevamos a lo sagrado, para cuidar veniendo de alla pero alla, esa ves comen sal. No se entrege la sal. Cuando el elote, no. No mas cuando el tamal, como en Abril, Mayo, entonces no comemos sal. SH: Si. Pero para el elote, pos, sal esta bien? Felipe: Si, el elote si. Estamos comiendo sal. Pos hay terminamos el costumbre. SH: Nada mas hay visto videos, unos pocos videos de que pos, cuando vienen otros que graban de aqui del costumbre. Y cuando yo los oigo, pos, oigo que el tahuitol hace el ritmo como el du-dun du-dun du-dun du-dun1 y ese ritmo tiene significado? Hay razon por que ese ritmo especifica se toca, o nada mas por que es costumbre? Felipe: Si, pos, es que falta, por que cuando… si tocan las barritas, unas barritas, hay gente que tocan bien bonito. Hay gente que no toca bien. El que ya esta practicado, esta sabido muy bien, pos, bailan agusto la gente. El que no toca bien, no bailan bien tampoco. Que no se baila bien. SH: Y asi como que diria usted que es la diferencia de como alguien que si sabe bien como a tocar el tahuitol, y alguien que no sabe muy bien? Como sabe uno que uno sabe muy bien? Felipe: No, pos el que no sabe, no toca. No toca, el no sabe. No todo la gente sabe. Algunos no mas… Como yo soy el primer musico de todos la, la cultura. Yo soy el medo. La danza, y la pachita, y de tarima. Todo lo se, los sones. Soy el medo principal, yo. Gente de antes. Ya el juventud no le hace la lucha. No. Ya lo estan perdiendo, la cultura. Ahorita nosotros, semos cuatro consejeros de la cultura. Estamos pidiendo a los demas que no se pierda, que no se le olvide el costumbre. Fiesta, el costumbre, como se hacia. Ya no lo hacen ese, ya lo hacen muy malmente. Ya estan perdiendo. Por eso nosotros nos posieron de consejeros, y trabajamos en eso. SH: Y usted dijo que son cuatro, asi que son usted, el señor Segundo, el señor Ismael, se llama, pienso? No se si estoy diciendo correcto. Y el cuarto quien es? Felipe: Que… del… no mas que yo no, que no me ayuda. Lo que me ayuda es, estoy sordito medio. Por eso, pero con voz mas tantito, si oigo bien. SH: Oh no, lo siento; es mi culpa. Estaba preguntando que usted dicias que son cuatro consejeros. Felipe: Si, de la danza, de la pachita, del costumbre. Somos los cuatro, estamos hablando alli.

1 Rhythm sung in compound meter, with du- being an eighth-note (quaver) and -dun being a quarter-note (crotchet).

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SH: Si, y ese es usted, el don Segundo, el don, creo que se llama Ismael? Felipe: Yo me llama Felipe Reyes, el otro compañero se llama [X] de la Cruz. SH: [X]? Felipe: [X] de la Cruz. SH: Y el vive por aqui, no? Felipe: Alla vive en el rincon, si. Y otro… ya termino? [Regarding my note-taking] Otro [X] Reyes. Otro Segundo Reyes. Otro: Juan Cumplido. Mmm hmm, esos cuatro. Ahora que vamos empiezar? SH: A ver. De cuales materiales esta construido el tahuitol, y si representan- Felipe: Un maguey, que por alla hay, lo traen el puro corazoncito asi no, que este duro. Para que no se troza. Entonces el hilo que lo hace son de tres hilos, de tres hilitos que lleva, pero bien parejitos para que suene bien. Si… materiales viscle mentado, le dicimos viscle. Que por alla anda otros plantados, unos magueyes. Ese no es de nylo. No es de ese, natural de viscle. SH: Asi que el arco esta hecho de maguey, y tambien los cordones son de maguey. Felipe: Eyy, andale, y lo que lleva. El guaje, el jicara sabe que, puede ser de hule de esos que tengo alli, no mas que se hacen grandes. Entonces ya lo trozen, de estos. [Felipe shows me some nearby gourds] SH: Ah, si, como los del agua? Felipe: Eyy. No mas que grandes se hacen de por si, asi no. Otros, otros, pero son de esos. No, cuando estan nuevos, lo corta uno bien parejito asi, todo le hecha agua, hasta que ya se pure todo la carnita, por adentro quera limpio ya. Con cucharita, viendo limpiando. No, suena bonito. Como un tololoche. Si, recio suena. Sino, sonido bonito. SH: Y hay cuentas de por que se usan esos materiales, o nada mas por que asi eso salen que suenan bonitos? Felipe: Si, no mas se pone alli… En un banco, mas grande por aca, sino, pero de este material. Hay lo ponen el palito para pisar el palo, para pisar el arco, para que no corre para aca, la esta pisando. SH: Y asi luego lo toca uno con las barritas. Felipe: Si, tocando con la barrita. SH: Y los barritas de, pos nada mas son barritas de cualquiera? Felipe: Si, las barritas de macicitos. Un lado le esta pegando recio, un lado al pasito. Un lado recio, un lado al pasito. Lo esta segundiando. Esta respondiendo. Alli en el costumbre, lo que nos pertenece nosotros nos admite el patron, nos admite el dios con puro traje de manta. Hombres con puro traje de manta, y los mujeres puro opelina. SH: Opelina? Felipe: Opelina. Y huaraches tambien. Hule no. No nos admiten. Puro huarache de cuero, vaqueta o cuero crudo. SH: Asi como los que trae ahorita señor, o son otros tipos?

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Felipe: Si andale. Si hay vaqueta, vaqueta. Si no hay, que cuero crudo. No mas lo mojan. Ya lo cortan, los huaraches. Alli ese nos pertenece, el costumbre asi: huaraches, y calzones de manta. SH: Tambien los calzones de manta. Felipe: Andale, las mujeres popelina. Las mujeres, huaraches tambien. Alli, zapatos de plastico no. No, pero hora ya lo estamos perdiendo ya. SH: Asi que mas andan saliendo sin los trajes de costumbre, o de zapatos diferentes? Felipe: Si, si diferentes. Entonces cuando bailan el mitote alli, no, se hoyen los zapateadas recios por que llevan puro cuero crudo. Vaquetas. Se hoye recio, se hoye bonito. SH: Asi que los zapatos tambien contribuyann a el sonido de como la musica y todo. Felipe: No, pos no se oye.2 Por eso ya, pero ahora el juventud como los empecamos de chiquillos, con zapatistos, con pantalones. Ya grandes, ya no los quieren poner. La manta, el costumbre, ya no lo quieren. Pero ese es el obligacion. Nosotros nunca nos va olvidar el patron por que nos dejo muy antes ese, hay que ir haciendo, ir cumpliendo. Por que nos afecta. Si no lo hace donde hacemos particulares, mas bien particulares, de la comunidad, pos ese hay no mas. Alli lo amarran, la comunidad. Alli amarran, no amarran del gavilan ese. No, alli amarran pluma de perico, de guacamaya, de un pajaro orraca, las palomas, las plumas de la paloma, y diferentes plumitas asi. Menos de gallena, no. No, ese no. Y guajolote, tambien. Alla lo amarran. SH: No mas de gallena no? Felipe: No, ese no. Ni el gavilan tampoco, ese que roba pollitos. Tampoco ese no. Ni de tecolote tampoco. Pos alli, hasta alla llegamos. Ahora que? Vamos empiezar la danza? SH: Si, esta bien. Perfecto. Felipe: La danza mas antes, yo cuando era danzante, era joven. Bailaban… usaban, ese se llama la danza conquista, de palma. Se llama la danza. Bailaban con pura ropa de manta, igual. Paños colorados todos, y luego con collares aqui. Con collares, no se ve la cada del danzante. Estan con puros collares asi, todo, todos los danzantes. SH: Para covijar toda la cada? Felipe: Puro xaquira. Asi bailaban. Y luego la palma, aca lleva la palma asi como los dedos, asi. Aca van agarrando asi, el palito. Aca el sonaja.3 Ya cuando hacian el portecilla asi, luege le hacian asi, con la palma, todo le hacillan asi. Cuando esta perdido un danzante, le asi señas con la palma, cuando esta perdido un danzante, no le va bien. No no no, asi le hace, asi seña con la palma. Alli… alli bailan de diferentes

2 My accidental use of the term “zapato,” which translates as “shoe” and is different from the sandles we were discussing, is perhaps the justification for Felipe’s response.

3 “Sonaja,” also known as “Sonajitas,” refer to maracas that are carried by all danzantes in San Pedro Xicoras.

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sones. Se llama la danza vibora, otro se llama trensa, otro se llama tortuga, otro se llama cruz, otro se llama antivo, otro se llama rueditos, otro se llama encuentres, otro se llama… otro se llama alva. Otro se llama quiberador, otro se llama enredador, otro se llama entrada de dos. Pos alla, me falto poquitos. Ya no me acuerdo como sea, pero ya pos son poquitos que faltan. Unos dos, tres por alla. Pero por la mayor parte, hay estan. SH: Asi que son como catorze, quince por alli danzas? Felipe: Si, van oyendo los sones. Yo tenia violin aqui, no mas que les preste el otro dia que fueron los alumnus a Durango anticipados. Los invito el gobierno. Entonces les preste el violin, ya no me lo han entregado. Por hay sabe donde lo dejaron [chuckles]. Ya me robaron mi violin. SH: No, ni lo mande dios. Ojala que regrese. Felipe: Si. Aqui lo tenia, el violin. Tocaba todo. Pero ya estoy que tengo ganas de tocar, pero ya no me entregaron mi violin. Sabe donde lo dejaron. SH: Asi que si querias a tocar, tendrias que- Felipe: Pos si. No, si habiera, yo lo tocada, como se oye la danza, la vibora. Todo. No mas que no tengo violin. Me lo robaron. Por alla lo tienen, pero saben donde. SH: Ya desde cuando lo traen? Felipe: Pos si. Aqui vive el que le preste, el que trabaja es maestro alli. Trabaja en el albergue. No mas que se vino pero luego se fue a Durango. Por hay esta todavia. Por hay seguro lo tiene en la escuela, mi violin. Sabe donde lo dejo. SH: Aqui en Xicoras, en la escuela? Felipe: Alla si, esta uno en la iglesia. Uno nuevo. Uno nuevecito esta. Ahora que dia, martes verdad? Mañana miercoles. El viernes, se va? SH: Si. Felipe: Ah. Y Segundo, no lo hay visto por alla? SH: Segundo todavia esta por Agua Calientes. Yo camine hasta alla a verlo. Felipe: Si, pos alla vive. Alla sembro. Pero hay veces viene para aca. SH: Unas veces, si. Ya tiene rato que viene. Alla estaba preguntando unos pocos dias ha ver si llegaba. Pero pos no, rapido se fueron los dias, alli nada mas estaba preguntando a la gente. Felipe: Si. Pero si esta todavia, ya aver si hecho una vuelta mañana para alla que te tocamos la danza. Para que lo grabas, la danza. SH: Seria bueno. Muchas gracias, si. Felipe: Las ocho, las nueve voy estar por alla. SH: De la mañana? Perfecto. Ya para que no agarras calor usted señor, para el regreso. Pos tambien mañana dice el señor, el don Juan que tambien si dios quiere, vienen los musicos. Felipe: Ah, si me dijo adelante. No, dijo no mas que me falta el compañero, el grupo completo, los cuatro, faltan. Pero aver si lo consigo por alla.

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SH: Si, es que me imagino que el quiere que llegan todos, para que le pueda ser un disco. No, pos si, esta bien, yo digo que si, perfecto. Yo le hago su disco y aqui se los mando. Es lo que quiere el señor, que esta bien, si. No, si se lo agradezco mucho si podria venir mañana. Felipe: Cuando viniendo a un año, el año pasado, viniendo otros tambien, aqui llevadon grabado, aqui les toque unas polkas, llevadon grabado. Les dije, le encargo cuerdas, y me trajieron cuerdas. Si, no mas que no me trajieron de violin, de guitarra me trajieron. No, les dije, de ese no, de violin les dije. Hay no. Me trajieron de guitarra, de nylo. Prietos cuerdas. No, les dije guitarras no tengo, de violin les dije. Ha, pos no le escuche bien, dijo. Pero bueno, a la otra, pero no, ya no vinieron. SH: Asi que usted para el violin usa cuerdas de nylo? Felipe: Si, me trajieron las cuerdas de nylo. SH: Alli casi todo se vende de nylo. Felipe: Si, de nylo. Por alla los tengo, pero no tengo guitar. Pero si tocar la guitarra tambien. No mas el unico, el tololoche si no pude enseñarme. El violin si, guitarra, torelito [?], tambien. SH: No si tambien yo tambien, pos, nada mas un poquitito de todo nos han enseñado todavia. Nos falta mucho. Y con el tololoche, alli le dicen el violoncello,4 y no, tampoco, estamos, no. Tampoco. Felipe: No, si. Esta carajo. Aver Juan, aver si va tocar. Cuando dijo? Al rato? Mañana? SH: Dice que mañana, ya mas tarde, o en jueves, mas tarde tambien. Es que, pos, no sabe cuando van a llegar los musicos. Felipe: Si, pos esta consiguiendo por alla compañeros. SH: Si. Y pos yo le digo que pos yo no tengo prisa. Yo pos, cuando llegan, llegan. Nada mas quieria saber hoy para que podia subir hablar con usted, señor, por que ya estaba como no, ya se me esta hacienda tarde y todavia no hablo con el don Felipe, y que no es bueno, y pos. Y es lo que me platico, que ya por mañana o jueves si dios quiere, pero aver que pasa. Felipe: Mañana miercoles. Jueves. Dos dias todavia hay chanza. SH: Si. Tan rapido que se vino. Pero tambien el pobre señor pos, trabajando en las milpas, no tiene mucho- Felipe: Si, por hay andan. Ocupados. SH: Si. Asi que tambien usted pos conoce de las pachitas, verdad? Felipe: Si. Si quieres, pos lo vamos a calar un son, un canto. SH: O, un canto? Felipe: El que cuando se comienza la pachito. El primerito, se va empiezar. SH: No, pos yo no puedo escribir nada de eso, pos mejor nada mas grabar lo.5

4 This is incorrect. A more accurate parallel is with the 3/4th sized double bass.

5 The pachitas are traditionally sung mostly in Nahuatl, an indigenous language in which during the time of this research, I only carry a rudimentary understanding. There are occasional uses of Spanish

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Felipe: Si quiere grabarlo? SH: Si, esta, alli esta corriendo, nada mas que esta cosa levanta todo. Que se vallan ellos. [regarding a truck passing by]. Felipe: [sings pachita]6 Felipe: Alli se acaba. Ya salen para afuera. Alla van con el mayordomo, alla en la cocina. Alla ya va siguir otro canto. [sings pachita]7 Felipe: A donde dice, aqui viene la bandera, viene pidiendo pinole. [sings pachita verse]. Entonces ya salen los mayordomos con sus bolsas de pinole para a vientar con la gente, todavia no le hacen la cabeza ceniza, luego lo avientan las banderas. La gente, toda, alrededor. Ya entonces ya le van a dar primero el canturr, primero le van a dar eso ya enseguida ya lo demas. Asi sigue, asi sigue, todo, todo, los tinanchis, mayordomos, pasioneros, todos alli lo van acompañando. Ya acabando entonces ya, ya van a cantar otra vez. Luego van a decir: [sings pachita].8 Ahora si ya van a despidir. Alla van a decir que… le van hablar el huiscal y el topili, le van hablar: [continues pachita]. Ahora si ya van a decir: [continues pachita]. Ese lo mentamos el cabildo, son los juezes. Van a venir con ellos ya alli, con los juezes. Cabildo. Vamos ir a saludarlos, el cabildo. SH: Asi que cada linea es como a saludar a otro grupo? Felipe: Si. Por eso ya le cantan, ya cuanto oyen, le cantan [phrase in Nahuatl]. Pronto, ya se va levanter con la luz al locote, alla va con locote. Ya lo siguin, la lo llevan pos, la cuadrilla. Ya llegan con los autoridades, alli lo cantan alla tambien. Alli con su pinolito los niños, todo en bolsitas asi, alla lo van echando, todos los niños los que van alli, la cuadrilla. Entonces ya se van. Cuando van, solamente que van la visita, en las casas, como suben para ca, hasta qui, tambien hay veces hay animo. No van con los mayordomos. Saliendo de la iglesia, se vienen para aca. Una visita, si hay invitacion. Alla hay pinole arriba, alla hay que comer. Andale, pos se vienen. Entonces, aca ya vienen, aca andan con una casa. Alla, la canta es otro modo: [sings new pachita]9 Felipe: Si, por que en los martes, se acaba la pachita. El martes, ese dia hay mucha gente, mucha rosita lo hechan. A la iglesia, hasta el cruz. Hay manto, gente lo hechan,

loanwords in the songs. However, during Felipe’s singing, I mainly restricted myself to commenting on musical qualities in my field journal.

6 The pachitas are not a critical component of this thesis. Coupled with the fact that they are sung in Nahuatl, the songs are omitted from this transcript. Interpreted in 4/4 time, every verse is four measures long with a one-beat anacrusis, and sung to the same melody.

7 This pachita is also four measures long in 4/4 time with a one-beat anacrusis, with strophic verses. The melody is different.

8 This pachita has the same musical qualities as mentioned with the previous two.

9 This pachita has the same musical qualities as mentioned previously. However, the melody here stresses a higher vocal register than the previous examples.

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las rositas, entonces ya cuando sale la virgen para alla, lo van hechando rositas asi donde va caminando, va volando flores asi, y diferentes flores. Es el dia madre. [continues pachita] Felipe: Si, el martes en la noche, a las once, cantan el ultimo ya. Si quieren visita en las casas, si no, hay no mas en pueblo, pero ya los quebran. Vienen quebrando las banderas ya, en las once de la noche. Por eso dicen, algo, ya lo vamos a ver, las once de la noche, luego lo que le va pasar a la bandera. Lo que eso es severo, ya cuando lo quebran, ya lo cantan: [continues pachita] Felipe: Ahora si el cazero ya va salir con su pinole tambien. Acabando entonces, va, ya va cantar otra vez el cantor. Va decir: [continues pachita] Felipe: Ahora si ya va decir, muchas gracias. Ya, ya se van. Otra parte, otro casa. Hasta alli terminamos. Algo, algo. SH: Asi que las pachitas estan cantadas nada mas? No tienen ningun acompanimiento, nada de violin, ni guitarra, ni nada. Felipe: Si, cantadas. SH: No, pos estan muy bonitas. Y tienen nombres los pachitas, o nada mas asi canta uno? Felipe: Si, asi no mas. SH: Y eso no mas para asegurar me, eso se hace durante tiempo de- Felipe: La bandera cuando lleva, lleva la muchachita, malinche. La malinche. Donde va el malinche, hay van puros mujeres. Atras del malinche. Los hombrecitos aca puros hombres, donde van nosotros. Son cuatro banderas nada mas. SH: Y por cada bandera, una pachita? Felipe: Si. SH: Asi que este es parte tambien de la conquista? De el re-enacto de la Conquista? O es nada mas de la malinche? Felipe: Las banderas llevan campansitos de la iglesia que se para una bandera adentro. Otro alla en la cocina tambien tiene una campansita chiquita asi. Y luego una cola de gallo, del que estan en largos asi, alli tambien lo amarran, lo puntan la bandera tambien. Ese si es todo, llevan la cola de gallena, de gallo, por que la polla no tiene cola, el gallo si. Todos los banderas, las campansitas no mas el mayordomo aca alla en la cocina y luego aca en la iglesia. No mas dos banderas lluevan campansitas. No, ahora ya no costumbran asi. Ya lo van perdiendo ya. Pos alla hasta alla pude. Algo, algo. SH: No, esta bien. Esta muy bien. Felipe: Eyy. Aver si mañana, los sones. Los de la danza. Por alla esta el violin alli, abajo. Y aqui, pos me robaron. Lo tenia.

Inverview #11- Juana

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Juana is the local doctor, assigned to work in the community from the city of Durango. She has lived in the community for several years and is well-loved by the locals.

[This informant asked that she not be recorded. The following comments are taken from my interview field journal, in which I briefly documented each informant’s responses to my questions. These comments are not meant to be taken as verbatim]

SH: Is music important to you? Juana: Yes, because it is relaxing. SH: What types of music do you like listening to? Juana: None. I hardly listen to it. SH: What types of music would you say you hear the most in the community? Juana: Rancheras. SH: Do you listen to music frequently? Juana: No, but I hear music coming from the street, or the neighbor. Not in here, however [the clinic]. SH: During these times, where would you say that you hear most of the music in the village? Juana: Here in the center, as the trucks pass. Sometimes musicians pass by for the fiestas. SH: Are there times where you would say that music is inappropriate or prohibited? Juana: No. SH: When people return from working in the cities, do they sometimes bring new styles of music back with them? Can you explain these musics? Juana: Yes, they bring back city music. Like the youth, who like narco music. They learn from the movies. SH: Do you own a radio? Juana: No. SH: When electricity is available, would you say that more music is heard in the village? Juana: Yes. It is easier to connect the A/C adapters. It is even louder then. SH: Is it normal that not a lot of music is heard in this region? Juana: Music is heard. Even in the school, music is heard. SH: Would you say that music is something that should be enjoyed in private, or in public? Juana: Public, I guess, so that everyone can hear. SH: Which apparatus do you see used most frequently to listen to music in the village? Juana: Smartphones and stereos. Small speakers are sometimes used too. SH: Which apparatus do y ou use most frequently to listen to music? Juana: None. I have no money. As my family keeps growing, there are more expenses. Music is a city expense, for leisure, and I already have loads of expenses.

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SH: What is your favorite radio station? Juana: I don’t have one. SH: When the teachers come by, do you see that they teach music courses, or use music to teach certain topics? Juana: No idea. The teachers normally just stay in the school. SH: Since when does the village have access to WiFi? Juana: This clinic used to provide WiFi. It lasted for a year, but it malfunctioned last year. [X] has had his WiFi set up for a year. SH: Since when has the village had access to electricity? Juana: A year and a half. SH: Do you think that the village has grown or shrunk over the past ten years? Do you think that this has had an impact on the types of music that the youth listen to? Juana: Grown. I think this has encouraged the youth to listen to more modern styles. SH: How many styles of music can you identify? Juana: Rancheros, cumbia, polka, and narcocorridos. SH: Would you say that music is more popular among the youth, or the elderly? Juana: The youth. The elderly do not really like hearing music. They are cross. SH: Do you have a favorite instrument? Juana: No.

Interview #12- Samuel Samuel is a young Mexicanero drummer that has recently formed an amateur grupera group with three of his friends. He hopes that one day he and his friends will be able to start a new family tradition of musicianship.

SH: Para que es importante la musica para usted? Samuel: Pos, para nosotros es, pos, una diversion, nada mas. Hemos formado este grupo para divertirnos para hacer, este, con vivos asi. Por eso es importante a nosotros. SH: Para distraerse uno? Samuel: Si. SH: Muy bien. Y asi tambien eso fue el razon por que se juntaron a ser este grupo, o tambien habia otros motivaciones atras de eso. Samuel: No pos, pues, posimos de acuerdo. SH: Mande? Samuel: Hicimos un acuerdo para hacer este grupo. Si. Tenian esos pensamientos tambien. Tal vez lo que hacemos pos, tocamos. SH: Y aqui, pos todavia andan aprendiendo, me dijiste, verdad? Samuel: Si, si estamos. SH: Cuanto tiempo tienen?

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Samuel: Practicamente somos un año. SH: Muy bien. Y que tipos de musica, como, te gusta escuchar, te gusta tocar? Como, cuales tipos? Samuel: La musica que tocamos nostros es, como, la moderna que hay ahorita. SH: Moderna. Asi como que se oye ahorita? [referring to speakers that are playing music] Samuel: Si. Duranguense, lo que hay. Las rancheras. Tocamos esos. SH: Asi que pos, como lo que se oye aqui. Lo que le gusta escuchar la gente en el pueblo? Samuel: Si, si. Lo que le guste a la gente. SH: Y esos son los tipos de musica que oyes mas aqui en el pueblo, o dirias que escuchas unos diferentes tipos por estas partes tambien. Samuel: Es la que oyen aqui la gente. SH: Y usted escucha musica frequentamente? Samuel: Si si. SH: Hay tiempos donde diria usted que la musica es prohibido o inapropriado? Samuel: Mmm, no se eso. SH: Y donde toman inspiracion para sus canciones? Como, como determinan que van a tocar o que van aprender? Samuel: Aqui mismo nos reunimos. Escuchamos canciones de… a veces mentamos en nuestra lengua. Estamos sacando canciones de nuestro idioma de aqui, Mexicanero. SH: Asi que unas veces ustedes escuchan, y luego le cambian la letra a Mexicanera? Samuel: Si. SH: Muy interesante. Y unas veces ustedes componen musica, o nada mas es, ahorita, que andan escuchan y- Samuel: Si, estamos escuchando. Escuchar y traducir lo en nuestra lengua. SH: Asi escuchar y traducir? Samuel: Si. SH: Pero ahorita, no componiendo ni nada? Samuel: No no, todavia no. SH: Muy bien. Y los cuatro de ustedes son Mexicaneros? O son revueltos? Samuel: Bueno, dos somos Mexicaneros. Yo y mi compañero y el que toca la bateria. Los otros dos son de aca arriba, en [?]. No hablan ese idioma, pero pertenece en este pueblo. SH: Usted tiene un radio? Samuel: Pos ya en las tardes. A veces las programas de los sabados, tocan musica. Entrenamos. SH: Muchas veces escuchas usted el radio, o prefieres escuchar lo que tienes aqui ya descargado?

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Samuel: La que tengo descargado por que, como le digo, pos traducimos lo que se puede. SH: Es normal que no se oiga mucha musica por estas partes? Samuel: Si. Casi no hay. SH: Diria usted que se oye mas musica en otros pueblos den aqui? Samuel: Si. En otras partes, en otros pueblos. SH: Y tienes opinion por que seria eso cierto? Samuel: Mmm, pos lo mismo, que, no, que les guste la musica. SH: Ah. No entiendo. Como, espera… por que piensa que no hay muchos musicos por estas partes por que bien que, pos, nada mas puro radio esto, pero ustedes son un grupo y andan tocando y todo eso. Por que piensa usted que no hay muchos de estos? Samuel: Pos, una parte es que no les gusta a algunos. Hemos invitado varios amigos de aqui, del pueblo. Queriamos enseñarlos pero, no quieren. No les gusta. No mas les gusta otro tipo de musica, como tocar el violin. Son otros. Si hay musicas, pero ya si en el violin, la verhuela [vihuela], la guitarra. SH: Asi como grupo conjunto? Samuel: Si. SH: Asi que hay muchos que son, como, que tocan violin y tololoche y todo eso, y luego hay ustedes. Asi que ustedes diria que son, como, un grupo unico, que esta aqui por este pueblo? Samuel: Si, es el unico. SH: Como vez usted que se oye la musica mas por aqui? Se oye mas por el radio, celular, el disco? Como? Samuel: La musica que hay descargado. SH: Y usted trae pos, los ‘speakers.’ Pero la otra gente, cuando lo descargan, lo descargan en su celular, o otra cosa? Samuel: En el celular, cuando suben para Durango.10 SH: Tienes un estacion del radio favorito? Samuel: Mmm, no mas la del la voz de los tres pueblos, esta en la comunidad de Santa Maria. SH: Y usted anda estudiando ahorita? Samuel: No. SH: Cuando vienen los maestros para estas partes, diria usted que enseñan musica o usas musica para enseñar cursos por aqui? Samuel: Pos aqui, nuncan han hecho eso. SH: Desde cuanto tiempo tiene el pueblo acceso al WiFi? Samuel: Un año.

10 Here, the capital of the state, Victoria de Durango, is frequently referred to as simply “Durango.”

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SH: Y la electricidad diria usted que tambien como un año? Samuel: Si. SH: Asi que antes que habia electricidad, ustedes pos, no podiaran hacer esto. Samuel: No. SH: Hacian otras cosas ustedes, como, para hacer musica? Samuel: Pos si. Compramos primero de esas. Los pianos. Pos asi en el solar, aprendimos, enseñarmos. SH: Ah, con el solar. Y eso ya tiene bien rato aqui?11 Samuel: Si. SH: Cree usted que la musica es mas popular entre los mas ancianos, o entre ustedes, los jovenes? Samuel: Es mas popular entre los jovenes. SH: Tienes un instrumento favorito? Samuel: Si. Me. Cual? Samuel: El piano. SH: Han tocado ustedes en publico para, bien que todavia estan practicando pero nada mas para saber, han tocado ustedes para eventos o para fiestas en otras partes? Samuel: Bueno. Yo cuando estudiaba, estudie en la comunidad de Guajolota, y toco una vez tocar, pero con otros grupos. Alli me enseñe primero y le enseñe aqui a los demas. Si, me ha tocado a tocar. SH: Asi que usted estudio musica? Samuel: Si. SH: En Guajolota? Samuel: Si. SH: Asi que entre todo el grupo, usted es el que tiene mas entrenimiento en musica? Samuel: Si. Yo fui el que organizo este equipo. Si. Si, pos ya les enseñe. Les estoy enseñando, mas o menos. Lo visto, ya estamos avanzando. SH: Muy bien. Un poco diferente que la primera pregunta: por que piensa usted que la musica es importante para la comunidad? Samuel: Pues… una parte es, como, a veces hacen fiestas aqui. A veces no hay nada con que haiga, para ponerlo la musica. Que no haiga nada de ruido, pos, nos invitan. Nos invitan. Rentamos el sonido a veces, pero para los reuniones. Rentaban el sonido por que se, cuando llega mucha gente. Si. Eso es importante, que, como le dire… pos, es importante pos, es la primera vez que hemos, han salidos unos musicos de este tipo. Andale. Para la gente que viven aqui, a sus hijos, les podimos enseñar. SH: Asi empiezar un nuevo tradicion?

11 Although the village was only recently included in the electrical grid, many of the houses have had small solar panels installed for a while. They provide little electricity for a limited amount of time a day, so that electricity is normally reserved for emergencies.

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Samuel: Si. SH: Y solo si trae opinion usted: que es su opinion de los tradicions viejos como el violin, la verhuela [vihuela], el tololoche; por que este tipo y no avanzar el otro? Samuel: Pos, es con la modernidad que hay, pos, nos gusto tocar esos. SH: Usted ya me platico que estudiastes en Guajolota pero, sus padres eran musicos, o tienes familiares que son musicos? Samuel: No tengo. No tengo familiar musico. SH: Y ya. Eso fue todo; muchas gracias.

Interview #13- Javier Javier is a middle-aged man living in La Hoya, immediately adjacent to San Pedro Xicoras. Although he is no longer active, Javier once performed secular music throughout the region to make extra money.

SH: Por que es importante para usted la musica? Javier: Bueno, mas antes, como uno ve un trabajo asi, por aqui, entonces para ganar se un peso, para comer, algo asi. Entonces, empiezamos a praticar, a enseñarze la musica que mucha gente, cuando hay fiestas asi, contrataban, o una iba a tocar alla. Ya como quiera, ayudaba poquita para la familia, algo asi. Y sobre todo, para unos como les gusta la musica, tiene que ir practicando canciones asi, y esos canciones que uno ya lo saben en memoria, ya otra gente lo mandan tocar. ‘Ey, toca me eso cancion. Cuanto cobran?’ No, pos, a veinte la cancion. ‘No, pos yo quiero cinco canciones.’ Son cien pesos. Y mucha gente donde hay fiesta, pos ya forman algun baile alli. No, pos, polkas y todo eso. Se divierta la gente. SH: Que tipos de musica te gusta escuchar a usted? Javier: Pos, a mi me gusta de todo. Corridos, o canciones, asi, que de amorosas, algo asi, verdad? SH: Asi los mas romantica? Javier: Si, romanticas. Y, este, polkas, cuando se trata de algun baile, tienes que escuchar polkas, verdad? Para la gente que le gusta bailar, verdad? Aqui hay much gente que les gusta formar el baile, y las muchachas tambien ya se arriman a bailar alli. A veces hasta amanecen alli por que siempre el costumbre, lo hacemos en la noche aqui. Y amanecen hasta en la mañana, no mas que se desvelan mucho. Y luego los borrachos, pos alli se forman alla, el baile y todo eso. Todo se baila poquito, pero ya sale para comer algo asi. Y sobre todo, me gustaba a mi la musica por que antes no se escuchaba radio, nada. Algunos por hay tenian, pero casi no se usaban grabadoras. Como ahora hay muchos aparatos, verdad? Que grabadoras, que memorias, antes no se oyia nada, por esa musica romanticas, corridos. Tenia que comprar guitarra uno. Violin, tololoche, o acordeon, para aprenderlo uno mismo, a praticar.

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SH: Que tipos de musica diria usted que se escucha mas en el pueblo? Que se oye mas en el pueblo? Javier: Pues, en las fiestas es cuando se escucha mucho, como corridos, romanticas. Y asi, polkas tambien. Pero que les gusta mucho la gente de la sierra: ranchera. Asi, todo eso. SH: Asi, pos muchos tipos verdad? Javier: Si, muchos tipos si. SH: Escucha musica usted frequentamente? Javier: No, casi poco, no mucho. A veces cuando se forma algun convivio por alli, si se junta la gente alli, escuchar musica cuando contratan algun musicos. Dicen ‘no, pos vamos organizar una musica, para convivir.’ Es donde va escuchar uno, alli. SH: Esta bien. Durante estos tiempos, donde diria usted que se escucha la mayoria de musica en el pueblo? Javier: Pos, casi los mas, donde hay fiestas es donde vienen los musicos aqui, al pueblo. Ya por hay como Julio, ahorita como se manejan las escuelas: las clausuras alli es donde tambien se arriman musicos. En las escuelas alli. Contratan musicos los pares de familia, ya vienen de lejos. ‘No, pos que tanto nos cobran?’ Pos, ya vienen a tocar alli. SH: Y eso es en- Javier: Julio. Alla, el aquel parte de la comunidad, pos en las fiestas patronales. Como el dos de febrero, 29 de junio, la semana santa. Es cuando escucha mucha musica, vienen muchos musicos de diferentes partes, a tocar. SH: Hay momentos en los que diria usted que la musica es prohibido o inapropriado? Javier: Bueno, en tiempo de fiestas, no esta prohibido. Pos aqui, con nosotros, pues. Esta amplio, pues. Y tambien cuando quiera hacer algun quinceañera alguna gente, puede tambien escuchar musica alli la gente. SH: Aqui si hay quinceañeras? Javier: Algunos, pero casi poco. Aca en Huazamota es donde se ve seguido. Pura gente de usted, alli. Pura gente mestiza. Es cuando siempre hacen coliaduras, las fiestas, quinceañeras, o cuando se casan alli tambien, ya ves que hacen mucha musica tambien de otras partes. Aqui, la region indigena, no mas los fiestas tradicionales asi, cuando llegan. Pos, cuando llegan los musicos aqui, ya se escuchan en los clausuras tambien, en las escuelas. SH: Cuando regresa la gente de trabajar en ciudades grandes, unas veces oye usted que traen nuevos tipos de musica? Javier: Bueno, ahorita como ya entro la carretera, si. Si, pos algunas memorias, otras partes, verdad? Pos, musicos que no les escucha uno aqui, verdad? Todavia traen de alla, para aca. Diferentes. Musicos. Diferentes canciones, tambien. Como norteños, algo asi. SH: Usted tiene un radio?

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Javier: No. Bueno, aqui los muchachos tienen un chiquito que agarra Santa Maria, Jesus Maria. Ya en la mañana, como las ocho, las nueve, ya, escuchan musica tambien de alla. Mandan. Estan grabados alla, y los traducen para aca. En la forma del radio, se escuchan musicas corridos, asi, romanticas. Bueno, de todo alli. Boleros, rancheras, todo eso. SH: O, tambien boleros salen? Javier: Tambien, salen alli. SH: Muy bien. Es normal que no se oiga mucha musica por estas partes? Javier: Si, es normal. SH: Diria usted que se oye mas musica en otros pueblos den aqui, o no? Javier: Si, en otras partes, si. Como en otras partes donde se ve mas gente, verdad? Es donde llegan. Por ejemplo, aca en Nayarit, aqui en Jesus Maria, por hay en otras partes, si hay visto que siempre hay musicos alli. Toman a tocar, mucha gente. SH: Cual aparato ves usted que en cual se oye musica mas? Javier: Bueno, ahorita la moderna casi ya puro teclas. Teclados. Todavia se ve el musica eso, del acordeon tambien. Del violin. Como aca por la region de los Huicholes, puro violin usan. SH: Pos, ya me dijistes que los maestros si usan musica unas veces verdad? En las escuelas? Javier: Si, cuando las clasuras. Los fines de los ciclos escolares, es cuando hacen fiestas tambien. Los mismos pares de familia son los que organizan eso. Los que van a salir del sexto grado, los que van a salir. SH: Desde cuando tiene el pueblo electricidad? Javier: No, tiene poco. Como, que sera, unos dos años, asi. SH: Diria usted que la musica es mas popular entre los ancianos o los jovenes? Javier: Casi los- Bueno, antes era mas popular en los que ya murieron, pero ahora casi los jovenes, los nuevos que estan saliendo la musica, en teclas. Casi ya va a parte de los jovenes, si. Los ancianos no, casi ya no manejan los instrumentos de antes. SH: Y ya, la ultimat: tienes un instrument favorito? Javier: El acordeon. SH: Y ya, eso es todo. Muchas gracias.

Interview #14- Juan Juan is the leader of the local conjunto regional, through which he performs on violin and sings. He also participates in many traditional festivals, and is recognized as one of the community’s official culture bearers.

Juan: Aver, salemos. Semos tres personas, que tocamos juntos, del area, todo el tiempo pues, asi. SH: Y asi muchas partes tocan?

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Juan: Si, asi pues. SH: No mas frequentamente diria usted que tocan, como, aqui en San Pedro o mas en otras partes? Juan: Andale, si. Otras lugares, pues. Otros pueblos. SH: Y ya cuantos años juntos traen ustedes tocando? Juan: Pos ya tengo tiempo. Como unos treinta años, por hay. No mas que eran otro mi grupo. Ellos ya se dejaron. Ahora ya andan otros con migo. SH: Asi que usted inicio un grupo? Juan: Si. SH: Y luego esos musico, pos, ya se salieron? Juan: Si. Ellos ya despues se valagaron. Ya despues me junte con otros. Otros dos. SH: Y estos son los que estas con ahorita? Juan: Andale, si. SH: Muy bien. Se llama [X], el que toca el tololoche. [X]. Y el que toca le vihuela se llama [X]. [X]. Y el toca el violin, pos yo: Juan Cumplido [X]. Y que fue lo que te motivo a formar este grupo? Juan: Como? SH: Que fue su motivacion para empiezar estos grupos, a tocar por estas partes? Juan: Ah no, pues que, como ellos tambien sabian [musica], aquellos, pos se juntaron con migo. SH: Por que diria usted que es importante para usted la musica? Juan: No pos es que a veces, por que me gusta tocar tambien. Me gusta las canciones. Por eso a veces salimos a tocar. A veces nos mandan por hay, pedir unas canciones. Les gusta pues, la musica de violin alguna gente. SH: Y ustedes, como un grupo, toman inspiracion de otra banda o otro grupo, o ustedes nada mas hacen lo que, pos, lo que ustedes se les oye bien a ustedes? Juan: No, pos nomas nosotros. Por que otros grupos, no. Una banda, accordeon, no. Tocar uno nomas puro violin, y vihuela, y tololoche. SH: Y ustedes como aprenden nuevos canciones? Los aprenden escuchando los de otra gente, o por discos, o como? Juan: Por, pos esuchando por otra gente, y a veces pos, por los memorias que hay, casetes, todo eso. Otros por que les gusta ya, lo escriben. Como saben leer y escribir, verdad? Ya lo aprenden. SH: Y ustedes no usan musica escrita? Juan: Como? SH: No usan la musica que esta escrita? No la leen? Juan: Si, si. No, asi no mas ya, pero primero lo estudian los que saben, como esos muchachos saben leer. No mas yo soy el que no sabe leer. SH: Asi que los otros dos leen, pero usted lo haces por oreja? Juan. Si.

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SH: Escuchas musica usted frequentamente? Juan: No, pos… como? SH: Como si tienes un radio, o- Juan: Ah no, pos a veces, a veces lo oigo asi por hay, no diario, pero cada cuando. SH: Cuando andas componiendo nuevos canciones, como los corridos de usted que compones, que dirias usted que tomas de inspiracion para la musica? Juan: Pos a veces, mira, hasta eso que nunca hemos compuesto. No se aquel muchachos si ya traen unos compuestos, estos, por que estos que van a tocar junto con migo ahora son otros, pero son mis sobrinos. Son mismos de aqui. Antes tocabamos juntos pero ya despues, se apartaron ellos. Entonces nosotros composimos apenas ese, pero todavio no lo tengo grabado bien para cantar. Pero, para a ver si para la otra vuelta, si. SH: Y para esa, el de que estan, con lo que estan trabajando ahorita, la nueva, tomaron inspiracion de, como, lugares de aqui, o historias, o algo asi? Juan: Pos si, algunas no mas. Asi es. SH: Y por que usted escogio a tocar musica? Juan: Pos es que ya, a veces, sera por que nos gusta, mas bien. SH: Por que piensa usted que la musica es importante para la comunidad? Juan: Pos no, pos no es muy importante, pero de todos modos, se ocupa. Se ocupa, a veces. A veces tocamos aqui los minuetes, aqui en la iglesia. A veces las mañanitas, a veces. Asi es. SH: Y, pos, mencionaste que la musica no es tan importante. Piensa que la comunidad piensa igual, que no es tan importante? Juan: Bueno, bueno si importa por que a veces, como digo, se ocupa. Si no hay musicos, pos hunde. A veces, si hay, o si no estan unos pero unos estan, lo ocupan aqui siempre. SH: Tenias padres o familiares que eran musicos? Juan: No, no. Un hermano, pero el tocaba el acordeon. Medio hermano, tocaba el acordeon. Yo no mas ya aprendi ya solo, ya de alla aprendieron mis sobrinos, ya, pero ya son sobrinos mios no mas. SH: Asi usted aprendio solo? Juan: Solo, si. SH: Y como usted te enseñaste? Te enseñaste, como, escuchando- Juan: Eyy, escuchando. Y asi empieze a tocar, poco a poco. No, pos ya despues andamos, ya con tocando conjuntos. Duramos un tiempo tocando bien, no mas que ya se fue halagaron los que yo tocaba con. Dure tiempo que no toque, ya me junte con otros pero ya no eran, ya no era igual. Entonces ya despues, econtre otros, esos que digo que andan con migo. Asi es. SH: Cuando ustedes andan practicando juntos, como es estilo que ustedes practican? Escuchan musica y tratan de copiar, o usan la escrita, o combinacion? Como?

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Juan: No, pos escuchando la musica nada mas. Empiezamos a tocar de alli. SH: Para usted, que es la diferencia de el sonido de un musica que ya esta practicado, y otro que no tiene experiencia? Juan: No, pues, ya esta practicado. SH: Usted puede oir, como escuchando un musico como se estaba tocando alli, usted podiera oir si el es practicado o no? Juan: Si, puedo oir. Por eso asi toca uno como le hacen esos. SH: Y que diria usted que se oye mas en los que no estan practicado? Como, que son el tipo de error que comiten? Juan: No pos es que a veces, a veces por que no, no lo atinan unos por que tocan diferente poquito, no es como praticar primero, ahora si, para tocar igual, parejito. SH: Asi que el ritmo esta como medio raro? Juan: Si. SH: Diria usted que los jovenes estan interesado en tocando como ustedes tocan en conjunto? O se ven que estan mas motivados- Juan: Pos hombre, ahora creo que no. Como que no tienen ganas, los nuevos. No, como que no hay ganas para eso, lo veo. Solamente enseñando los, solamente asi. Por que solos, como que no le hacen la lucha los jovenes ahora. Mas antes, les gustaba mas. SH: Y usted antes has sido como maestro por estas partes? Juan: La musica? SH: Si. Juan: No, hasta eso todavia no. Bueno, algunos, otra gentes por hay que me preguntan, les digo, verdad? Pero algunos que llegan a la casa alli. SH: Asi que unas veces si vienen a preguntarte cosas? Juan: Si, andale. SH: Y como ves, si tienes un opinion, como ves la musica que escuchan los jovenes estos dias? Juan: No, pos creo que ahora ya no. Se estan acabando, los musicos de violin aqui se estan acabando. Solamente apenas hacienda como, enseñanzas, enseñando los, a la mejor asi esta bien. Pero no, pos, solamente asi. SH: Diria usted que se oye mas musica en otros pueblos o se oye mas musica aqui? Juan: No, otras partes, se oye mas. Otros pueblos. SH: Y tienes opinion por que piensas que asi es la cosa? Juan: No, pos yo creo si. Es que aqui hace falta, como digo, enseñarlos. Por que hace falta tocar aqui en la iglesia, la danza, los minuetes, todo ese, otros sones que se tocan, que se bailan, la tarima. Ese ya casi no hay quien toca. Todavia necesitaria enseñar, pues. Mas antes, sabian tocar muchas. Mucha gente. Ahora no. Ya se acabaron los que tocaban. Con ese?

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SH: Ya no mas quiera… Asi que diria usted que la musica es mas popular entre los jovenes o a los mas ancianos? Juan: No, pos, era bueno que hubiera mas para los jovenes pero como digo: no hay. Pero si, era bueno de que enseñieran mas a los jovenes, para que hubieran mas musicos. SH: Y ya, eso es todo.

Interview #15- Mayra Mayra works with the elementary school in San Pedro Xicoras, serving as one of the directors but not teaching in an official capacity. Her continued supervision of the students has granted her valuable insights into youth culture.

SH: Es importante para usted la musica? Mayra: Si. SH: Por cuales razones diria usted que es importante? Mayra: Este, hay muchas razones. Una es para divirtirme, relajarme. Otras veces se utiliza para una fiesta patronal, musica tradicional, asi como diferentes musicas que se ocupan para diferentes cosas. Entonces, para mi la mas importante son las tradicionales, las que hacemos, este, digamos que cara año, cara fiesta patronal y en nuestros costumbres, por ejemplo, cuando hacemos el, el, dicen los Mexicaneros el xuravet. Eyy, el mitote. Pero los nosotros, los Tepehuanos, le dicimos xiotalh. El xuravet y el xiotalh es lo mismo, nada mas que el xuravet es en lengua Nahuatl y xiotalh es en Tepehuano. Son las principales que se usan, pues, y no cambian. SH: Diria usted, como, tambien los tradiciones como las danzas y las fiestas patronales, diria usted que esos cambian un poco mas, o tambien queda igual como la xuravet. Mayra: Este, son las mismos nada mas que a veces se utilizan algunos sones y al otras veces se ponen otras, pero son los mismos. SH: Ah, y los diferentes sones son como por diferente año o son diferente en la misma fiesta? Mayra: No, hay veces que se pueden utilizar la misma danza en una fiesta. Y en otra, pos, pueren, quieren cambiar, igual. O sea, es que depende de el señor que vaya a ensayar a los danzantes. Si no se sabe aquellos pasos, entonces pone el que si sabe. SH: Ah, asi que es mas flexible, dependiendo quien esta hacienda la instruction? Mayra: Si. SH: Ah. Muy bien. Que tipo de musica le gusta escuchar a usted? Mayra: De, como esas? [referring to a boombox that is playing music in the background]. SH: Si.

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Mayra: Casi romanticos. O sea, todo depende, el momento, el tiempo, digamos, el lugar. SH: El lugar? Mayra: El lugar lambien. Por ejemplo, vamos estar en un baile. Pos obvio no vamos a concordar a poner musica romantica. Entonces, una musica asi mas movida, mas alegre. Igual, si estas solo, pos ahora si que ya la, la musica mas, asi algo mas sencillo. SH: Muy bien. Y tienes preferencia usted sobre si prefieres la musica de baila, o romantica o canciones asi? Mayra: No, yo de todo. Como le digo, es que todo va dependiendo de el momento. SH: Asi que depende? Mayra: Mmm hmm. SH: Que tipos de musica diria usted que se oye mas frequentamente en el pueblo, que oye la otra gente? Mayra: Este, la duranguense. Bueno, aqui por la este, aqui en la comunidad es lo que mas disfrutan. SH: Mande? O, por aqui.12 Y usted pos, afuera de la escuela por que pos hay musica ahorita todo el tiempo, pero afuera de la escuela, usted escucha musica frequentamente? Mayra: Si, e, incluso para, como yo, en mi casa vivo yo sola. Entonces necesito que poner ruido para todo, para estar hacienda que hacer en la cocina o sea, cocinando, lavando ropa, tengo que poner musica para no sentirme tan sola. SH: Muy bien. Y cuando escuchas esa musica, que aparato usa usted mas frequentamente? Mayra: Este… pos, el modular. Asi, unas vocinas. SH: Y utiliza usted como un radio, o un celular? Mayra: Si, tambien. SH: Tambien los dos? Mayra: Si. SH: Ah… hay momentos donde diria usted que la musica es prohibido o inapropriado? Como a tocar musica? Mayra. Si. SH: Como cuales ejemplos, diria usted? Mayra: Bueno, para mi, este, la musica en semana santa, toda la semana santa, esta prohibido a poner la musica, por que si ya nosotros, creemos que nuestro padre dios, bien que aqui lo acuestan, lo bajan y lo acuestan, y pero no hacerle tanto ruido segun por que, este, nuestro jesucristo esta enfermo. Segun, asi se cree, que eso, no debemos hacer tanto ruido. Como, por ejemplo, si alguen esta dormiendo, hay que

12 Mayra was referring more specifically to the albergue, which refers to community housing used by indigenous Mexicans.

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dejar lo descansar. En ocasiones tambien cuando hay, por ejemplo, un cuerpo en alguna familia, igual. SH: Me acuerdo que unas veces en el pueblo, unas veces entran los jovenes con trocas en la noche y tocan musica alta, como un tipo de baile o algo privado de ellos. Tienes opinion sobre eso, usted? Mayra: Pos de repente, a la mejor esta mal pero, pos ya donde estas, ya en estos dias ya no se puede hacer nada. [chuckles] SH: Como que no se puede hacer nada? No entiendo. Mayra: Pos que ya los jovenes de alla son muy rebeldes. SH: Cuando regresar la gente de trabajar en la ciudad, hay veces cuando escucha usted que traigan nuevos tipos de musica? Mayra: Si, esta… hay veces que los muchachos jovenes que se van a estudiar, ya hasta, muchos de ellos dejan de hablar su idioma, hasta la forma de vestir, de caminar, muchas cambian. Pero, la mayoria casi no, pero hay muchos que si. SH: Asi que ellos mas o menos vienen escuchando musica como urbana, de esos tipos? Mayra: Si. Salsa y asi otros tipos de musica que, o, por ejemplo, esos [gesturing to boombox]. Ese que se oye ahorita, que musica es esa, asi como tipo reggaetón, asi como que de otras, pues. SH: Y los estudiantes, pos, ellos son como, por ejemplo, son diferentes como los que se estan aqui, verdad? Los jovenes de aqui? Mayra: Ah, si. Si, claro. SH: Y los tipos de musica, tambien se refleja que escuchan diferentes tipos? Mayra: Si. Si, tambien. Es que ya el momento de salir del rancho, cambia, todo cambia. Pero ya con el tiempo, si ya no salen a trabajar fuera de su comunidad, pos tiene que dar entarrar uno del bien al pueblo, pero si salen, pos ya obviamente van a cambiar. SH: Y si salen muchos? Mayra: Si. SH: Me imagino que si, verdad, para trajabar? Mayra: Si, si. SH: Ya me platicastes que si tienes un radio, verdad? Mayra: Mande? SH: Tienes un radio usted? Mayra: Si. SH: Es normal que no se oiga mucha musica por estas partes? Mayra: Si, pos, muchas familias no tienen, este, la facilidad de comprar algun radio, algo para poner musica. Es que la mayoria de los que tienen son los maestros, los que tienen su trabajo. Pero, familias que son campesinas, pos obviamente no. SH: Y tambien diria usted que se oye mas musica en otros pueblos, aqui, o casi igual?

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Mayra: Es que va dependiendo, yo creo este, de la comunidad. Por ejemplo, si hay mas viviendas, obvio se va escuchar mas ruido, mas musica, mas movimiento, eso de la gente, va haber mas gente. Y aqui, a lo que se ve, pos no, el pueblo no esta tan grande. Las casitas estan muy redadas, asi casi no. SH: Y con los musicos, no solo como los del tradicion, pero como los conjuntos, o- Mayra: Ah, si vienen. Si vienen. En cada año de los graduaciones de cada escuela, los de pre-escolar hasta preparatoria, todos ellos traen su grupo para la musica, el baile, todo eso. SH: Afuera de esos tiempos, tocan muy frequenta los conjuntos o casi no? Mayra: Si. Si, seguiditos asi. El mes de julio, como el diez de julio. SH: Diez de julio? Mayra: Mmm hmm. En esas fechas son las graduaciones. Y es cuando se oye mas la musica, si hay mas gente. Pos hay bailes. SH: Es como una temporada de baile, verdad? Mayra: Si. SH: Tiene una preferencia usted si piensa si la musica se debe escuchar mas en privado, o en publico? Mayra: Yo digo que, pues, puede ser en publico, pero siempre cuando no ofendamos alguna familia, ninguna otra persona. Cuando la musica es sana, yo creo que no hay ningun problema. Pero igual como le digo, hay que respetar, hay que ver a nuestro alrededor, que es lo que esta pasando. Si todo esta bien, entonces si, yo creo que no hay ningun problema para la musica. SH: Asi que si hay como tipos de musica que son como ofensibles? Mayra: Si, alla algunos. Por ejemplo, el de los Razos, que trae corridos que son muy agresivos. Entonces, como que ese tipo de musica de repente cae mal. Y aparte de eso, pos no se bien por que, por ejemplo, aqui en el pueblo, viene alguen y pone ese tipo de musica y aqui hay niños entonces, pos no, no se mira bien. Se miraria mal. SH: Y esos tipos de musica: si hay instancias donde si se oyen por estas partes? Mayra: Si, si se oyen. Cuando hay mucha gente borracha. SH: Asi cuando se emborracha la gente? Mayra: Y a veces que llega gente de afuera haciendo su escandalo, y es cuando ya se arman los pleitos y ya hasta con la musica se ofende. Se contradicen. SH: Asi que hasta la musica si, unas veces causa instancias donde se pelean la gente? Mayra: Uh huh. SH: Muy interesante. Me platicaste que le gusta escuchar musica mientras que estas en la casa, y mi proxima pregunta es: es importante para usted el silencio? Mayra: A mi, pocas veces me hay gustado estar asi en silencio. Hay ocasiones que tiene que estar uno en silencio cuando esta, por ejemplo… bueno, a mi, que yo siempre hay estado sola pero igual, por lo mismo escucho musica para no, por que estar sola, entonces de repente ya la memoria empieza pensar otras cosas que no te traen nada

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buena. Entonces, yo para distraerme, para no estar pensando cosas malas, a la mejor, entonces pongo la musica. SH: Asi que es mejor para usted la musica? Mayra: Uh huh, a mi por eso me gusta. Para mi, pues, personalmente, a mi me gusta tenerlo. SH: No, esta bien. Cual aparato ve usted entre el pueblo que crees que es el mas comun, con que se escucha musica? Mayra: El modular. SH: Y como no estoy entiendo muy bien que es el modular? Mayra: Un radio, asi tipo de esas [like the boombox], con vocinas grandes. El celular, y vocinitas de esas chiquitas asi. Esas son las, los que, instrumentos musicales, pos nadie tiene. Pues en el pueblo, si hay algun grupito que sabe tocar el guitarra, violin asi. Pero eso no se escuchan en seguido. SH: Si, la ultima vez que vine con ellos, estaba un rato. Tocaron unas canciones, ellos. Pero ellos no se oyen tan frequente, verdad? Mayra: No, no. No. SH: Y muchas veces creo que se van a la ciudad tambien, no? Mayra: Si, pero esos son por alla, muy retiradas. SH: Diria usted que se oye mas musica estos dias, o se oyia mas musica en el pasado? Mayra: Es que como yo tengo, apenas el año pasado, a pesar de que soy de aqui, siempre me la hay llevado afuera por la necesidad de trabajar. Entonces en el pueblo, casi nunca hay estado. En el año pasado hasta ahora, pos creo que se ha escuchado mas este año. SH: Y desde su juventud, no se acuerda si se escuchaba mucha musica? Mayra: Este, si. Nada mas que mucho antes cuando yo estaba mas pequeña, este, yo miraba que venian grupos musicales de afuera, por que venian Coras, Huicholes, este, de muchos otros lugares. Y ahora ya veo que ya gente de, por ejemplo los Coras, los Huicholes, ya no vienen. Nada mas los de aqui. Vienen cuando son contratados, y antes no. Venian, como, a cumplir una manda con el santito. Entonces, venian a tocar gratis, a ahorita ya no se ve eso. SH: Asi que seria correcto si diria que ya no oye mas frequente la musica en vivo, pero se oye mas como en radio, por modular? Mayra: Uh huh. SH: En las escuelas, pos, afuera de este tiempo de instruccion cultural: unas veces se usan canciones o musica para enseñar temas escolares? Mayra: No. Por que, bueno, a la mejor, por que no los maestros que estan no saben de, por ejemplo, tocar una guitarra. Y aqui lo que se deberia, si hubiera pues, un maestro de danza, de musica, puede que los niños practicaran en esto. Pero, hasta ahorita no hemos podido trabajar on eso.

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SH: Diria usted que la musica es mas importante entre los jovenes o los ancianos? Mayra: Creo que esto se escucha mas entre los jovenes. SH: Que piensa usted que influencia los jovenes sobre los tipos de musica que les gusta escuchar? Mayra: …como le digo, me relaciono muy poco con los demas entonces, casi no… SH: Ah. No problema. Y no has sido musica antes, no? Mayra: No, no. SH: Piensa usted que, pos no personalmente, pero entre la comunidad total, hay escenarios donde la musica esta mas importante? Mayra: Si. Digo que si, por ejemplo, lo de la musica tradicional. No se ve, no se oye tanto asi de que digamos ‘hay, hasta me dan ganas de ir a bailar.’ Pero son mucho mas importantes, que, los mentados bailes. Por ejemplo, las danzas son, son pocos los movimientos que hacen. Es como que la musica es mas sencilla, pero es mas llamativo y mucho mas importante. SH: Llamativo por… pues la tradicion? Mayra: Eyy, por la tradicion. Por que igual, creemos que ese tipo de baile, ese tipo de musica, nos trae algo mejor que el baile. Y por eso que, yo diria que esa es mucha mas importante que musica de esa entre mexicana que escuchamos. SH: Muy bien. Pos, yo pienso que ya es casi todo. Vees usted si los estudiantes aqui tienen un tipo de musica preferido? Mayra: No, como pos yo, aqui los niños casi no, igual, pos ya ve ahorita el tipo de musica que los pongan a bailar, ellos se ponen a bailar. SH: Ah. Piensa usted que la musica, como, solo es musica, o la musica necesita otros componientes como cancion, poesia, o bailar? Algo asi? Mayra: Pos no, la verdad yo, no se. A veces yo mismo digo, pos por que pongo tanto musica. A veces no sabemos ni por que, pero asi escuchando. SH: Yo pienso que eso es todo, señorita. Muchisimas gracias.

Interview #16- Ernesto Ernesto is another one of the directors for the community’s elementary school.

SH: Es importante para usted la musica? Ernesto: Si. Par mi, si. SH: Y porque diria usted que es importante? Para cuales razones? Ernesto: Bueno, dependiendo la musica que uno escucha. En lo personal, a mi me gusta lo relajante. Este, es importante para mi por que en un momento de stress, te relaja. Te relaja y lo puedes estar escuchando cuando estas trabajando. SH: Y tienes tipos preferidos de musica que piensa usted que es relajante, o no sea relajante? Ernesto: Me gusta mas la romantica y la relajante.

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SH: Y eso es el tipo de musica que prefieres escuchar usted en lo personal. Romantica como canciones asi como… los que cantan unos? Ernesto: Si. Solistas. SH: Que tipos de musica diria usted que se oye mas frequentamente en el pueblo? Ernesto: Aqui en el pueblo… Musica como en grupos, o en lo regional. SH: Lo regional. Asi como, cuales ejemplos traida usted? Ernesto: Pos es que, de aqui es puro la gente, cuando anda, este, asi no mas sin hacer nada, escuchan los grupos, la banda. SH: Ah, como musica en vivo? Ernesto: Andale, eyy. Pero cuando son fiestas de la iglesia, lo tradicional, alli es otro tipo de musica. Es con violin, cuando bailan la danza del pueblo. Alli si usan la musica en violin. SH: Muy bien. Y la musica que tocan los grupos y la musica que se escucha como en el radio, o por los celulares, diria usted que es el mismo tipo de musica, o son diferentes? Ernesto: Son diferentes, totalmente. SH: Como cuales tipos de musica diria usted como se escucha en los celulares? Ernesto: Ahorita, yo veo que escuchan muchos los chavos que ya empiezan a usar celulares, veo que escuchan muchos narcocorridos. Lo cual es preocupante no, por que del alguna forma, incita un cierto estilo de vida, esa musica. SH: Pero como la musica viva, eso no es narcocorrido, verdad? Ernesto: No. SH: Son como polkas como- Ernesto: Puras polkas. Los de aqui que tocan alli en vivo, ‘el trio’ que le dicimos, usan mas las polkas.13 SH: Y usted escucha musica frequentamente? Ernesto: No mucho. SH: Hay momentos donde diria usted que la musica es prohibido o inapropriado? Ernesto: Pos, yo diria que es inapropriado los narcocorridos. Para mi, en lo personal, es, pos no es apropriado para mi. A mis hijos, yo no tengo una niña, pero no se me hace bien que ese escuche ese tipo de musica. SH: Cuando la gente regresa de trabajar, como cuando se van a la ciudad a trabajar, y luego regresan: diria usted que unas veces traen nuevos tipos de musica? Ernesto: Si, lo que anda de moda en la ciudad. SH: Usted tiene un radio? Ernesto: En la casa? SH: Si. Ernesto: No. La musica que escucho, lo tengo en una computadora.

13 The trio here most likely refers to Juan’s conjunto trio.

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SH: Y la musica en la computadora lo descargas del internet, o compras memorias? Ernesto: En memorias. En memorias, USB. SH: Y donde consigues estos memorias, usted? Ernesto: En la ciudad de Durango. SH: Muy bien. Y ese es el aparato que usa usted mas frequente para escuchar musica? Ernesto: Si, la computadora. SH: Bueno. Es normal, pos ahorita pos es tiempo de fiesta: en otros tiempos, diria usted que es normal que no se oiga mucha musica en vivo por estas partes? Ernesto: Aqui pos, los dias normales no. No hay musica. Se utiliza mas cuando ya sean fiestas tradicionales, o fiestas de la escuela. Es cuando se empieza a escuchar la musica. SH: Y la musica del radio: diria que se oye mucha musica por estas partes o-? Ernesto: Del radio? SH: Si. O de, como, el esterio de un carro, o un celular? Ernesto: Pos, tenemos un radio que esta aca en Jesus Maria y es la que mas escucha la gente. El radio. Si, es la unica estacion de radio que agarra por este region. SH: Diria usted que se oye mas musica en otros pueblos, o este pueblo, o es casi igual? Ernesto: Es casi igual. SH: Piensa usted que la musica es algo que se debe escuchar en privado o public? Ernesto: Pos dependiendo el tipo de musica. Como la relajante, yo no lo puede escuchar por que pos estamos platicando y eso. Eso yo lo puedo escuchar en privado, en casa, solito. Y la otra musica que es para bailar o banda, pos esa si se debe, pienso que se debe escuchar entre varias personas, conviviendo. SH: Es importante para usted el silencio? Ernesto: Si. SH: Y por que diria? Ernesto: Ultimamente he tenido mucho dolor de cabeza, tal vez por el stress, y necesito el silencio para bajar el dolor de la cabeza. SH: Muy bien. Cual aparato diria usted que se usa mas frequentamente en el pueblo para escuchar musica? Ernesto: Una grabadora. Una grabadora normal. SH: Diria usted que se oye mas musica estos dias, o se oyia mas musica en el pasado? Ernesto: Creo que estos dias, se escucha mas. SH: Y la musica en viva… se escucha mas musica en vivo estos dias o en el pasado? Ernesto: En vivo, nada mas yo escucho en las fiestas tradicionales del pueblo. SH: Y casi no afuera de las fiestas? Ernesto: No, casi no escucho. Nada mas en esos dias.

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SH: Sabes si unas veces en las escuelas usan, como, musica para enseñar temas, como canciones para enseñar temas escolares, o nada mas se utiliza durante esta semana como de la cultural? Ernesto: Eh, los profes lo utilizan en los salones para poner algun video de refleccion. Alli incluye una musica, un cierto tipo de musica, depende el video. Es donde yo ha visto que utilizen los profes. SH: Cuantos tipos de musica diria que puede identificar usted? Ernesto: Yo identifico la relajante, la romantica, las polkas, la grupera, y las rancheras. SH: Muy bien. Diria usted que la musica es mas importante entre los mas jovenes o los mas ancianos? Ernesto: Yo diria que para todos, es importante. SH: Quien ves que escucha la musica mas frequentamente: los jovenes o los ancianos? Ernesto: Los jovenes. SH: Y los jovenes escuchan los mismos tipos de musica como los adultos, o escuchan un diferente tipo? Ernesto: Es diferente. Son diferentes. SH: Y como, como ejemplos; pos, ya me platicaste de los narcocorridos, pero hay otros ejemplos que sabe usted que es diferente? Ernesto: Yo escucho que los señores les gusta mas las polkas y los corridos, pero que no sean narcocorridos. Los corridos, pos, de que alguien se murio, algun personaje importante, verdad? Y los jovenes, pos, pos las romanticas y las rancheras. SH: Que piensa usted influencia los jovenes mas sobre los tipos de musica que les gusta escuchar? Ernesto: Que influencia tiene? SH: Como, que piensa usted que influencia los estudiantes mas? Como la escuela, los musicos, o las fiestas, o la ciudad? Ernesto: Pos yo creo que la ciudad. La ciudad, el estilo de vida que tienen. SH: Y como si para el pueblo total: diria usted que hay unos escenarios donde la musica es mas importante? Ernesto: No. No le veo a ningun. SH: Y has sido usted musico antes? Ernesto: No. No ha sido musico. SH: Sabes si los estudiantes, como en este albergue, ves que tienen un tipo de musica preferido? Ernesto: No. Todos escuchan lo mismo, casi. SH: La musica que se utiliza, como en ese tiempo de expression cultural: es principalmente musica de baile, o tambien unas veces usan otros tipos? Ernesto: Principalmente son polkas. Casi siempre, pos, se ponen polkas.

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SH: Cuando ves los estudiantes bailando, cuando estan como practicando, que diria usted que es lo mas importante que hagan los alumnus? Ernesto: Yo veo en ellos que se divierten mucho, y a parte se despegan su mente, y se desestressan. SH: Muy bien. Y pos, sabes cuantos años tiene, este, la practica de haciendo instruccion cultural el fin del año? Ernesto: Desde que yo tengo conocimiento, desde que yo tambien estuve en la primaria, asi se ha estado haciendo la demonstracion de canciones o bailables en el fin del ciclo escolar. SH: Asi que es una tradicion muy vieja, tiene muchos años? Ernesto: Si, muy vieja. Muchos años. SH: Y eso es todo. Muchas gracias.

Interview #17- Manuel Although he is not an official culture bearer, Manuel has been a danza coordinator for fifteen years and is very knowledgeable about the lore surrounding Mexicanero culture. He is not a trained musician, but he is knowledgeable regarding songs as they pertain to the danza. As of now, he is training his nephew to take his place as a coordinator.

SH: Es importante para usted la musica? Manuel: Si. Como no? SH: Y por cuales razones diria usted? Manuel: Pues, es importante por que, para poder conservar mas tiempo. SH: Y como de conservar? Manuel: Conservar es… por ejemplo, siguir, no olvidarlos, por que si lo dejamos, se olvida. Se acaba todo. Entonces por eso es importante siguir para adelante. SH: Ah si, mantenerlos con la musica, verdad? Manuel: Eyy. Conservarlos, para que nos de tiempo, por que como digo, si lo dejamos, se pierde la tradicion. Por eso, veemos que es importante. SH: Y que tipos de musica te gusta escuchar a usted? Manuel: Pues, casi todos los sones que toca, este, el musico de la danza. SH: Ah, de la danza? Manuel: Eyy. SH: Y casi nada mas ese tipo solo le gusta a usted? Manuel: Pues, bueno, hay diferentes maneras de musica. Tal vez el borrachera pero es otro tipo de musica. [chuckles] Pero la tradicion es otro tipo de musica. SH: Esta bien. Y usted prefiere la tradicion? Manuel: Si, la tradicion. Este, conservandolo siempre. Igual adelante todo lo que se necesita, cuando se ofrece.

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SH: Esta bien. Y en el pueblo, diria usted, que hay muchos esfuerzos, como efertos, mantener esos tipos de musicas tradicionales asi? Manuel: Si, es que hay unas cuatro personas que se le nombra, este, conservo de anciano. Son los que mas o menos este hacen las platicas acerca de eso. SH: Para mantener esos tradiciones? Manuel: Si, asi es. SH: Y si hay personas como, no como esos cuatro, pero hay casos donde hay personas que no son esos cuatro que tambien ponen esfuerzo para mantener eso? Manuel: Pos la meda verdad, casi ya no por que, por medio de los estudios, vienen otros pensamientos. Otros cambios, mas bien. Ya, la gente nueva, lo que es la tradicion antigua como que ya no les interesa. El que nos somos los que, somos mayor de edades, y los jovenes pues, casi no tienen el tira (?). Por esas razones se esta perdiendo. Ya como le dije haze rato alli en la puerta de la iglesia: se esta perdiendo por que la gente joven ya no le da importancia. SH: Y con los jovenes, me dijistes ahorita que es como de los estudios, de los estudiantes. Solo es un fenomeno de los estudiantes, o tambien pos, como explicarlo: es como que los estudiantes traen y todos los siguien, o tambien hay otros grupos de jovenes que tambien ellos, por su propia voluntad, encuentran otros tipos de musica? Manuel: Pues este… algunos, no todos. Una parte, mas bien. Por ejemplo, si somos diez, si semos veinte, pos nada mas unos diez y unos diez como que ya no tienen interes. SH: Ah, asi que es como la mitad de los jovenes? Manuel: Si, algo asi. SH: Asi que hay unos jovenes que mas o menos si les gusta la tradicion? Manuel: Si andale, algunas como que no. SH: Y la diferencia entre esos dos grupos? Que diria usted que es lo que los separa? Manuel: Pues… pues le siguen mas este, algunas cosas que es… lo que viene la moderna. Ya los antepasados, casi ya no les dan importancia. Nada mas lo que viene mas adelante, son los que requieren algunos. Es la diferencia de los jovenes. SH: Y usted escucha musica frequentamente? Manuel: Pues… pues si. No es como… como el musico que estaba platicando al rato. Pos si dice, este, como que me falla, dice, el oido. A veces, dice, ni se que musica estoy tocando. Agarro el violin, afino las cuerdos, pero no me quiera claro por que me falla el oido. Bueno, yo todavia, pues, escucho bien todo. Nada mas que los sones, algunos se me olvidan. Tal vez por que ya, la memoria se esta acabando. SH: Hay momentos donde diria usted que la musica es prohibido o inapropriado? Manuel: No, la musica siempre se ha conservado cuando se necesita. No es prohibido en ninguna parte. En la hora que se ofrece. SH: Y que son ejemplos donde diria usted que la musica se necesita?

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Manuel: Pos, hay unas fechas que se necesita. Por ejemplo, la musica se necesita el 15 de enero. Y luego, se necesita el dia 2 de febrero, es la fiesta de la Candelaria. Se necesita la musica en esa. Y luego que es la fiesta de la Semana Santa que no se realmente como se le llama esa fiesta, pero esa fiesta es el cuando le hacen el Jesucristo. Algunos aca por Nayarit, por Mazatlan le dicen la quaresma. SH: Ah, si, tambien alla. Pos no, alla en los Estados usamos los dos: semana santa y quaresma. Manuel: Eyy, aqui tambien. La semana santa es cuando se ocupa esa fiesta. Es cuando se ocupa la musica. Y luego, dia hay, pos si, esta fiesta que ya termino, el dia de San Pedro. SH: Y tambien el de Santiago, verdad? San Santiago? Manuel: Hmm, casi no se necesita la musica en esa, en esos tiempos. Nada mas lo que se ocupan son caballos. SH: Ah, deveras? Eso es rado. Manuel: Si, puros caballos. Bueno, si, se necesita la musica, pero un ratillo no mas, como digo, cuando se necesita. Asi un momentito nada mas, pero no todo el tiempo como ahora, cuando hacen la danza. SH: Y cuales sentidos, como en estas fiesta como la danza, cuales sentidos trae la musica a la fiesta, diria usted? Manuel: Pues, como tipos de sones? Me. Mmm hmm. Manuel: Pues el sentido de los sones, como por ejemplo, como le menciono el musico hace rato, que es la trensa, que es la tortuga, que es la antivo que le menciono, y luego las ruedas que le dicen, y luego la vibora, que es el, no se, bueno, aqui se conoce la vibora y en otras partes le dicen la cobra, pero es igual. Y hay otros tipos de sones pero, pues ya se nos esta olvidando. Y como se estan acabando la gente mayor que conserva la musica, pues ya como digo, la moderna ya no les interesa. Por eso se esta perdiendo ya el tipo de sones. Y luego hay unos sones que se llaman sones de tarima. No se fijo el 27 por la noche, en la tarde a las diez, once de la noche? SH: 27? Martes o miercoles? Manuel: Algo asi SH: Cuando sacaron la virgen, o? Manuel: No, cuando sacaron una madera, en tarimada estaba bailando un señor alli. SH: Ohh, eso no me fije. Manuel: Fue como las diez, once de la noche, algo asi. Alli siempre se necesita la musica tambien. No se como se le llama pero le dicen, bueno, conocidos sones de tarima. SH: Ah. Esa me la perdi… Y como, con los danzas, los titulus como los ruedas, la vibora, la trensa: de donde vienen esos nombres? Por que esos nombres?

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Manuel: Pues… no, pues… ahorita ya no me doy la idea. Yo creo que la gente, los antepasados, sacaron esos nombres, yo creo. Por que ahorita, ya la moderna no sabemos de donde provino esos nombres. Pero nada mas cuando se baila, siempre se forma como la vibora, y luego la cruz. Ese es forma de cruz, forman los danzantes asi, en forma de cruz. SH: Asi que, pos, como explicamos alla afuera, son como direcciones tambien? Manuel: Eyy. Algo asi. SH: Y la musica… pues, es una pregunta sencilla a la mejor pos, pero nada mas para estar seguro cien perciento: la musica para estas danzas es la misma? Como la vibora tiene un son? Manuel: Es otro. Por eso siempre la, bueno la pisada esa no, solo una pisada. Nada mas las entradas es de otro modo. Las entradas, las salidas, todo es de otro modo. Y luego el sonido es diferente. SH: Es diferente. Por cualquier danza, verdad? Manuel: Mmm hmm. SH: Asi que si hay sonido de la vibora? Manuel: Eyy, es otro sonido. Pero la pisada es una sola pisada nada mas. Nada mas, como digo, las entradas, las vueltas, es diferente. SH: Y, lo siento, todavia ando un poco confudido: asi que si, como aqui tengo grabado, con nada mas la musica, pudiera, por ejemplo usted, identificar que danza era? Manuel: Este, puede ser que si no mas oir la musica cual es. Y ya dice este es la musica, va asi, va asi, las entradas de danza. O sea, el grupo de danza se da por esa asi, por que en la danza hay un, el que direge se llama el capitan, y aqui es conocido la monarca. Y es el que va dirigiendo las entradas, las salidas. El de la otra fila que lleva la niña, esa se llama la malinche, y es el que hace la segunda. Primero, este, el capitan es el que hace las entradas, y luego la malinche le hace la segunda, pero igualito tambien. No mas que lo, si, lo secundia, mas bien, la malinche. SH: Asi que los dos lideres, el de los dos grupos, es el capitan y el malinche? Manuel: Si, y la malinche, si. SH: Y estos, como los danzantes ahorita, que apenas acabaron de bailar: como los escojen ustedes? Manuel: Este, primero… el mayordomo el que hace la fiesta, se acuerdas del mayordomo? El que se manea la cocina, para la comida, todo eso? Para forma esa danza, el mayordomo acude con los autoridades. Y los autoridades mandan con el papa de los jovenes. Le hablan al papa, la malinche, bueno, todo el grupo. Si no esta el papa, pero el chavo, el joven alli que llamar, preguntarle si esta dispuesto para participar. SH: Asi que los autoridades escojen los padres, y luego los padres declaran si estan disponibles?

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Manuel: Si, asi es. Y ya cuando se junta el grupo, los juntan alli en la oficina, y luego le hablan a los mayordomos: oye, mayordomo, ven para aca. Ahora asi. Dicen las autoridades, ya esta el grupo aqui. Que usted lo necesita. Entonces ya el grupo se le entrega al mayordomo. SH: Ah, asi que el mayordomo pide, los autoridades juntan, y luego les presentan el grupo a los mayordomos? Manuel: Se los entregan. Entonces ya en siguida, ya queda en cargo de los mayordomos. SH: Y luego desde ese momento, ellos toman de las practicas y todo eso? Manuel: Mmm hmm. Y luego, si, todo el grupo es cargo del mayordomo. Le da la comida, los manda a bailar, todo eso. SH: Y siempre son diez? Manuel: Eyy, a veces son doce. Cuando hay mas jovenes, siempre son catorze. Pero, minimo debe de hacer diez. Pero si hay muchos jovenes que estan dispuestos para participar, ajustan lo doce o catorze. SH: Asi que el maximo, pero tradicional, es catorze? Manuel: Eh… diez. Como digo, si hay muchos jovenes que queren participar, que tienen voluntad, son los catorze. SH: Y si hay casos unas veces que los jovenes si se volunteran, si se hacen voluntarios sin el dicho de sus padres? Manuel: Si. Si, si hay. SH: Y eso es normalmente aceptado? Que los jovenes pueden- Manuel: Si, pueden participar. SH: Y sin el apruebo del padre? O es importante? Manuel: Pues si, vuelo. De todo. Si esta pequeñito, siempre de acuerdo con el padre. Si ya esta joven, ya grandotote pos no, ya no se necesita el padre. Solo el chavo, si el quiere participar voluntariamente, puede participar sin consentimiento del papa. Como digo, si esta pequeño de unos diez, doce años tal vez, necesita que este de acuerdo el padre. Si, asi esta en las fiestas. SH: Afuera de tiempo de fiesta, diria usted que se oye mucha musica por este region? Manuel: No. Ya terminando la fiesta, queda todo tranquilo, ya todo silencio. Hay musica por alli, probablemente, pero de la borrachilla, pero un celular, algo asi no mas, esa musicquilla por alli. Pero por alli, pos, donde vas por las orrias, pero no musica de tradicionalmente, ya, queda en paz. SH: Asi que nada mas durante estos tiempos, se oye la musica tradicional? Manuel: Eyy. Si. SH: Y es prohibido como, por ejemplo, si un musico tocaba danzas afuera de la fiesta? Afuera de tiempo de fiesta, o algo asi. Eso es prohibido, es inapropriado? Manuel: No, no es prohibido. Puede, este, el que sepa tocar, para que vaya enseñando se un poquito, pos debe de estar tocando. Si quiere aprender, pos no es prohibido.

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SH: Asi que para la practica, si esta- Manuel: Eyy. Por ejemplo, el que quiere cantar, quiere enseñarse cantar canciones, pos puede cantar la hora que quiere, y asi pos la musica tambien de eso de la tradicion, lo puede tocar la hora que sea. Para poder, este, practicar. SH: Diria usted que se oye mas musica en este pueblo, o en otros pueblos, o es casi igual? Manuel: No, es diferente en otros pueblos. SH: Y como? Manuel: Como, por ejemplo, aca en Santa Teresa, es otro tipo de musica. O sea, otros sones, pero usan el violin tambien pero es otro tipo de son. Tambien por aca por San Antonio [de Padua], tambien hazen la danza pero es otro tipo de danza. SH: Y que diria usted… que diria usted es lo que es distincto de la cultura aqui de San Pedro Xicoras de la danzas? Que es distincta de la danza aqui, den en otras partes? Manuel: Pues… como es este, es diferente la musica de otro lugar. Ese… es diferente, por eso no compara con lo de aqui. Lo de aqui es otro modo, y por las otras partes es otro modo. SH: Asi que la musica de aqui es diferente? Manuel: Si, es diferente si. Y tambien los sones de tarima es diferente de otra parte. SH: Piensa usted que la musica es algo que se debe escuchar en privado o en publico? Manuel: Pues, las dos, las dos cosas: en publico o en privado, como sea. No es prohibido. SH: Piensa usted que el silencio es importante? Manuel: Pues, cuando hay algo interesante, puede ser que si. Que no tienes que, que no se oiga nada, pos muy bien. En unos momentes, es mas bien. Pero hay momentos que si, puedes escuchar tales horas que sea. SH: Y que es como un ejemplo de un momento importante donde no se debe escuchar la musica? Manuel: Por ejemplo, como ahorita cuando sucedio el caso del accidente, de la persona que esta atendida alli. Alli esta un poco prohibido arrimarse con musica. Haga de cuenta que el que esta tendido lo estamos vacilando, como que no lo vemos para nada, no estamos respetando. Si, se debe de respetar todavia. Por eso, no, pues, que no se oiga nada por que es algo tristeza. Por eso no, no hay que escuchar tantas cosas malas. Hay que escuchar cosas buenas que nos lleva buen camino. SH: Diria que estos dias se oye mas musica en esta region, o se oyia mas musica en el pasado? Manuel: En el pasado, se oyia mas musica. SH: Y porque piensa usted que eso era el caso? Manuel: Que se oyia mas musica? SH: Si.

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Manuel: Por que venia gente de muchas partes. En la fiesta, venian de Nayarit los musicos de la fiesta. Venian de Llano Grande, a la fiesta. Venian de San Buenaventura a la fiesta, venian de San Antonio a la fiesta, de Huazamota. Se concentraba mucha gente, y traian cosas de vender, por que no habia carretera. Entonces, habia mucha musica. Mucho borracho. Ahorita, pos ya muy poco por que hay las carreteras y las cosas se traen en trocas, y ya la gente ya no entran en remuras [?], ya no traen cosas por que hay tiendas aqui. SH: Ah, asi que por las carreteras, esta mas facil a mandar cosas? Manuel: Eyy. Por eso la gente ya no viene por que ya no hay, este, ambiente aqui. Ya no hay dinero, pues, que agarrar. Los musicos, pos, tampoco ya no entran por que, pos, ya no hay dinero. Ya todo el dinero que traen, pos, compran las cosas en las tiendas con que mantener la familia. SH: Asi que antes, como, se hacian mercados, no? Manuel: Eyy, uh huh. Algo asi. Y como no habia tiendas, no habia que comprar aqui. Y traian cosas que a vender aqui. SH: Como tianguis, mercado asi? Manuel: Eyy, andale. SH: Y ya sin esos mercados, pos, ya no esta igual de la economia; esta peor. Manuel: No, pos no, Ya esta… ya cambio mucho. Por eso ahorita ya no hay casi mucha gente. Muchos borrachos ni mucha musica tampoco. SH: Asi que menos se juntan ya estos dias? Manuel: Si, menos se juntan ya. Anteriormente, hacian hasta coliaduras, con los becerros.14 A vientar los al suelo. SH: Ahh. Y ya no se hacen eso? Manuel: No, ahorita ya no. Por que como digo, pos ya, el dinero se esta acabando. En aquellos tiempo, como no habia que comprar, pos tenia buena feria la gente. Ahorita como hay las tiendas, hay mucho que comprar. Pos mejor hay que comprar maize, hay que comprar maseca, hay que comprar ropa, todo eso, algo que comer. SH: Asi que pos, a comprar todo, menos sembrar y todo eso, verdad? Manuel: Si, asi esta. SH: En las escuelas, sabes si unas veces encenian estudiantes temas de musica, o unas canciones, o si, pos porr cualquier razon? Manuel: Pues, yo creo casi no. Nada mas pos alli estudian nada mas la pura letra, nada mas. Algunos maestros que quieren enseñar algunas cosas importantes, pero ya como digo, la gente moderno, los jovenes ya casi no les gusta. Lo que les gusta es la vagancia: andar por las calles, tomando cerveza y cantando. Pos ahorita ya casi toda la raza por donde quiera ya, ya agarra cada quien por su lado, los jovenes. Ya no quierren

14 Coliaduras refers to a game in which herders on horseback compete to see which of them can most quickly grab a calf by the tail and pull it to the ground.

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hacer cosas buenas. Ya no, por alli a la vagancia, por las calles por la noche. Entonces pos, las cosas importantes, pos ya no les dan interes. SH: Antes me platicabas pos alla en la iglesia de como la ley, como que, no puedes a pegarle a un niño porque te hechan al bote. Tambien piensa usted que hay otros casos, otros factores, que tambien motivan los jovenes a tomar esos tipos de cultura? Manuel: Pues, estaba este, no pos ahorita esta un poco dificil ya. Si esta dificil para ya motivar a los jovenes. SH: Y por que piensa usted que esta dificil? Sera tambien por los, como, lo que me platicastes antes de- Manuel: Si, uh huh. Eso. Ah, ya se me vino. Es la ‘libertad del niño.’ Eso era la palabra, la libertad del niño, y es por eso, el respeto se esta acabando, por la libertad del niño. Anteriormente, que no habia esas leyes, la libertad del niño, es cuando habia mucho respeto. SH: Asi que son colecciones de leyes? Manuel: Si, uh huh, por el gobierno, no se por donde vino esos leyes. Entonces por eso ya, ya no respeta todo eso. SH: Y sin el respeto, pos, se van tambien los costumbres? Manuel: Si, uh huh. Por eso se estan acabando. SH: Aver, y por cuantos años usted, como, coordinador de las fiestas, de los danzas y todo eso? Manuel: Pues… no, pues… no me acuerdo muy bien pero por hay como unos quince años ya. SH: Ah. Muchos años. Manuel: Si, muchos años. SH: Y que me puede decir usted de la historia de la danza de las palmas. Manuel: La danza de palmas… Pos no se muy bien la historia pero, como, como ese rato le comente de que ya no quieren utilizer todo lo que se menciona; lo que es el traje. Pos, se le llama la danza de palma por que como digo, siempre traen una palmita, como tipo de palma. Usted lo conoce, la palma, verdad? SH: Si. Manuel: Entonces, eso que traen el de madera. Si traen, traian muchos pero como digo, ya no los quieren utilizar. No mas hay visto como unos dos chavos que los estaban cargando alli, las palmas. Y por eso se dice la danza de palma. Y las sonajitas tambien. Las sonajas, eso es lo de, aca tengo uno, por que tenia yo un chavo que bailaba la danza; alla que entro ahortia. No mas que, pos, ya esta grande. Ya cuando estan grandes ya, se salen de los compromisos. [shakes sonajitas]. Es de un arbol. Entonces, el arbol da unas bolitas asi. SH: Ah, son como los de, como agua, quiero decir? Manuel: Es otro tipo. Y, los listones que se utiliza, alla lo tengo. No mas que la corona, pos, es de puro papel que no dura, el papel.

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SH: Puro temporario, verdad? Manuel: Y no mas la maderita, se guarda. La madera. Pero ya lo que es el adorno es de puro papel sencillo. SH: Pero lo demas es como para durar mucho timpo, verdad? Los sonajitas, las palmas, la xicarita tambien? Manuel: Si. Las sonajas y las palmas. Eyy, [las xicaritas] tambien. SH: Y sabe usted como llego la danza de palmas estar afiliado con las fiestas como de San Pedro? Manuel: Pos fijate que no se. Yo creo que eso ya tiene varios años. Vamos hablar de unos 200 años para atras, y no se como llego aca ese tipo de danza. De donde dependio, de donde provino, alli si, no se muy bien; para que le hecho mentidas. SH: Pos se oye como una tradicion muy vieja. Manuel: Si, yo creo si de muchos años. Como digo, pues, podemos hablar de unos 200 años para atras. Esa musica de esa danza. SH: Asi que es antiguo. Que es bueno, es tradicion. Manuel: Si. SH: Cuales dificultades encuentras mas usted cuando estas trabajando con los danzantes, de cualquier tipo, pos tambien de aqui, pero tambien de otras partes? Manuel: Pues… pos la dificultad es en, no seria, de otra cosa. Solo de los mismos chavos. Por que no entienden, como digo. Es por lo mismo que estamos hablando de ‘la libertad.’ Quieren hacer a su manera nada mas. Pos le dicen una cosa, no hacen caso. Alla andan como le dan la gana. SH: Ah, como no esta motivado. Manuel: Eyy. Como que no tiene interes el chavo, el joven. Y es la dificultad tambien que uno a veces ya le da flojera. Mejor no le dice nada, no mas hay anda como anda. Pero, de todos modos, no esta bien eso, por que las cosas no salen bien, no se ve bien. No es como esta organizado bien, organizado el grupo. Alli si esta uno contento, muy tranquilo por que todo sale bien, como debe de hacer. SH: Y que sentido le trae un actuacion buena a la… pos como explicar, como preguntar: por que es importante hacer un actuacion como perfecta, como la mas buena posible? Manuel: Pues… la importancia es que… que no se pierda todo esos tradiciones. Es la importante de no perder. Por que si no hacemos el esfuerzo, se pierde. Ya despues, pos ya se pierde, mas bien. A la mejor viene otro tipo de danza, pero de otra parte. SH: Ah, pos si, pero ya no es la original. Manuel: Ya cuando se pierde, se pierde pues la original. Pos tal ves los jovenes traidan otro tipo de danza pero de otra parte. Pero el que es original de aqui, yo pienso que se va a perder. Ya si no les da importante, pos los jovenes que vienen adelante. SH: Asi que diria usted que es algo malo que cambien los danzas del original a algo nuevo?

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Manuel: Pues… no, no seria tan malo si es un beneficio para el pueblo. Podia cambiar, pero pos no, ya va quedar en el viento el original. Pero, pues yo creo… este… no creo que se pierda pronto. Se perdera, pero unos años mas para adelante, por que ya como digo, los jovenes ya no les dan importancia. Como que ya tiene tiempo la danza original, ya no los jovenes casi ya no les dan importancia. Quieren otro tipo de sones, otro tipo de vestuario. SH: Mas como de los tipos de las borracheras? Manuel: Andale, si. SH: Por que me fijaba que tambien pos cuando estaban los danzas, que oyia muchos de- Manuel: Eyy, si, otros tipos. Por ejemplo, los que venian aca, pos como nunca los miraba, alli se se amontonaba la gente. Pero cuando ven de otra parte la danza de nosotros, tambien les da mucha importancia. Por ejemplo, cuando nos invitan a San Antonio, como nuncan ven la danza de aqui, aunque es feita la, el vestuario todo eso, pero como la gente de otra parte nuncan ven, se acercan, se amontonan. SH: Ah, asi como: los de San Pedro van para alla y todos van aver, y cuando vinieron los de Canoas aca, todos vinieron aver. Pero no es igual con el grupo local, verdad? Manuel: No, y no. Eso es otro modo, otra forma. Como por ejemplo, usted que nunca mirabas, se te hizo bonito. SH: Si, estaba muy bonito. Manuel: Pero ya las que estamos aqui pos, casi no lo vemos muy importante, los mismos. SH: Asi que los que, los veen mas tiempo entre los años, entre los años, menos y menos se arrima la gente? Manuel: Si, menos. Por ejemplo, pos ya vistes ayer, pos no se arrimo mucha gente. Pero si estuvieran los de Canoas todavia, a la tarde si van a cercar mucha gente todavia. Pero como digo, si nosotros vamos a otra parte, no, la gente se acerca porque nunca lo ven. SH: Ah, asi que es como un… pos, no como exotico, pero como un interes de las practicas cuando vienen visitantes? Manuel: Eyy. SH: Cuando andas mirando los danzantes, como observando los, que diria usted es la calidad mas importante de los danzantes? Manuel: Pues… lo importante es no dejar lo que anden jugando. Por que algunos se agarran la ropa, se terronean, como una vaganza nada mas en que no estan silencio. Agarran un liston, y lo jalan. O alguno le agarran la oreja, le jalen. Entonces por eso los anda uno vigilando, para que no este se anden, pues, terroniendo. SH: Ah. Asi que este que se quieden serios? Manuel: Eyy, uh huh. Que pongan atencion mejor la danza, que no en el este, poniendo atencion en la vaganza. Y luego dirigir los, por ejemplo, la malinche, como

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ella no sabe, por que es pequeña. Dirigirlo, por aca, ya dele, por aca y por alla, sale, dale vuelta para aca. Para eso es el viejo de la danza. Es el nombre de el viejo de la danza. SH: Y la malinche normalmente esta asi de joven? Manuel: Si. Puede ser jovencita. SH: Y nada mas pos una pregunta personalmente: que sentido tienen los pasos, por que miro que es mucha fuerza con los pasos. Queria preguntar: que es el significado? Manuel: Es que… como le dire… pos es algo, este, nada mas como contestarle a la musica del violin. Haga de cuenta como le esta secundiando. Aca esta tocando el musico, y aca con los pasos de los danzantes, como lo esta secundiendo. SH: Y pos ya la ultima: me platicaste que la guitarra antes acompañaba el violin. Habian otros instrumentos que acompañaban tambien, o nada mas era violin y guitarra, tradicionalmente? Manuel: Anteriormente, segun habia otro tipo de musica. Pero yo no alcanze a verlo. No mas me platicaban que otro acompañante estaba aca en la puerta, pero no se como, pero segun platicaban que habia otra en la patio. De, no no, bueno, no se de que tipo de instrumentos utilizaban. Pero si me platicaban que habia otro. Pero ya no, no pos yo creo hace mas de 100 años que se perdio eso. Ahora no mas quera la guitarra pero como los jovenes ya no quieren participar, pero alla tenemos la guitarra. No mas que falta la persona que es voluntaria. SH: Pos eso es todo, señor. Muchisimas gracias.

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Salvador Hernandez is a student at the University of Florida, where he is pursuing his master’s degree with specializations in ethnomusicology and horn performance. His interests revolve around indigenous Mexican music in northern

Mexico, and the relationship between music making and death anxiety. At UF, he holds a graduate assistantship under Dr. Larry Crook, and is a member of Dr. Paul Basler’s horn studio. He has also performed with UF’s symphony orchestra, new music ensemble, steel band, and Brazilian ensemble.

In 2015, Hernandez received a B.A. in Music and a B.S. in Music Education from

Alabama State University. During his time at the University, he was selected as the

Presser Scholar for his department and remained on the Dean’s List throughout his period of enrollment. He was active within the wind ensemble, marching band, pep band, brass ensembles, and theatre productions. Hernandez also assisted with recruiting efforts and volunteered for activities held by the Department of Music. He completed a 16-week internship in the Montgomery Public Schools system after observing numerous schools and their music programs for over 120 hours. Hernandez is certified by the Alabama Reading Initiative in teaching the foundations for beginning reading. At ASU, Hernandez studied the Horn under Dr. Brenda Luchsinger.

Hernandez has presented his research at conferences hosted in various institutions throughout the southeastern United States and Zacatecas, Mexico.

Hernandez plans to further explore his research interests in the future, focusing on death anxiety as a motivator behind music, rather than as a theme within it.

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