The Reading Revolution in the Ukrainian Countryside: Mshanets, 1870–1914

Frank E. SYSYN The Reading Revolution in the Ukrainian Countryside: Mshanets, 1870–1914

n his recent posthumously published memoir about meeting Ivan Franko, the poet Andrii Voloshchak recounts how he had learned to read. 1 He phrases this Iprocess poetically, describing the way “I mastered that great and wondrous secret of capturing human thoughts from a written-on leaf of paper”. Born in 1890, Voloshchak relates that when it came time for him to attend school, the newly built school building in Mshanets stood empty. He attributes this situation to the resistance of the village to a Polish teacher who had tried to force pupils to learn incompre- hensible Polish patriotic songs. Although Voloshchak maintains that this resistance resulted in the closing of the school, he declares that those “commanding power” (vlast’ imuchchi) were wrong in maintaining that the simple folk did not want to learn. He asserts that the village defended itself from darkness (temriava) and in its own way promoted learning. Here and there, children in the village gathered in the houses of those older villagers who were somewhat literate. According to Volosh- chak, it was in these homes by assiduous exercise of an out-of-date and barely effec- tive method of learning, repeating the names of the letters of the Slavonic alphabet, that the youth learned to read. He had learned to read in this manner at the house of his father, who, though a poor peasant, had been among the fi rst nine literates of the village. The literates of his father’s generation had learned to read from an eccentric vagabond who had travelled through distant lands and who in the winter came to the village. 2 There the eccentric was occupied with threshing the grain. He would, after completing some work, run out of the barn, knock a few times with a fl ail, and enter a house. There he would show those who assembled a certain letter and teach how to read it and write it before returning to his task. At this point in Voloshchak’s account he confl ates his own and his father’s experience by saying that the eccentric vagabond recounted “to us” his experiences in Pochaiv and the Caves Monastery in Kyiv and other places where he had been. Voloshchak says that his older brother, who had attended school, had shown him his fi rst written signs, tracing them on a stove plate. He adds that his house was the second in the village of chimneyless houses to have a stove plate and chimney. He avows that books had interested him, and with the help of his brother he had learned to read and write one winter. He

1 “Try momenty z spohadiv pro Ivana Franka”, in Andrii Voloshchak, Moia tuha. Poeziia, proza, lysty, spohady, svitlyny (Lviv, 2012), pp. 164–168. 2 The text says “pobuvav z dalekykh kraiiakh”, a likely misprint for “v” (p. 165). 139 read a primer written in etymological script as well as some old church books of his father’s. At that point Voloshchak recounts how he had come to read Ivan Franko’s famous children’s tale Lys Mykyta (“Mykyta the Fox,” ﬁ rst published in 1890) and then had met Ivan Franko in the village. The account that Voloshchak left contains some quandaries aside from his shifting from his father to himself in describing experiences. Who was this stranger who had travelled from distant lands all the way to Kyiv? Did the older semi-literate householders teach him to read or did his brother, who had somehow attended school? Had the brother attended the new school that stood empty after the Polish school teacher had so offended the villagers or some other school? How did it come about that his father, a poor peasant, had put in the second chimney and stove in the village? How did the church books and primer come into his father’s hands and where were they from? Even the account of Franko, whom Voloshchak describes as frequenting the village, may be problematic. We need to verify Franko’s visits, the best known of which was on the Boiko expedition in late 1904 when Voloshchak was 14, with an earlier attested visit in 1900 or 1901.3 Chief among our quandaries is whether Voloshchak recounts his own experience, accounts of elders and fellow villagers, or even written sources. In relating his experience of meeting Ivan Franko, he introduces the central role of the village pastor, Father Mykhailo Zubrytsky, who he says had published a history of the village of Mshanets in Zapysky Naukovoho Tovarystva im. Shevchenka.4 Though that history did not discuss literacy in Mshanets, Zubrytsky’s unpublished autobiography (written in 1896) did, as did several newspaper articles, all of which will be discussed later. It seems unlikely that any of these writings inﬂ uenced Voloshchak’s account. We cannot be sure when it was written, although this would seem to have taken place some time after the events recounted. What is clear is that Voloshchak’s political credo on the Left, both pro-Communist and anti-clerical, affected his account. He had, after all, written this text before his death in 1971 and surely intended to publish it in a Soviet publication. Whatever its political coloration, Voloshchak’s memoir gives us an entrée into the world of how literacy came to the inhabitants of the Ukrainian Carpathians and how some of those who came into contact with the written word responded to it. Throughout the rural world of Galicia, the spread of literacy among villagers in the nineteenth and early twentieth century marked a revolutionary transformation of

3 Between 18 August and 24 September 1904, Franko spent 10 days in Mshanets. He reported on the expeditions in “Eine etnologische Expedition in das Bojkenland,” Zeitschrift für österre- ichische Volkskunde, vol. 5 (1905), nos. 1–2, pp. 17–32, published in Ukrainian translation in Ivan Franko, Zibrannia tvoriv, vol. 36 (Kyiv, 1982), pp. 68–99. Mykhailo Zubrytsky’s son Petro recalls two visits to his father. Petro Zubryts’kyi, “Ivan Franko v Liutovys’kakh,” in Mykhailo Hnatiuk, comp., Spohady pro Ivana Franka (Lviv, 1997), p. 438. 4 The history of the village was an introduction to a document publication, “Selo Mshanets’ Starosambirs’koho povita. Materiialy do istoriï halyts’koho sela,” Zapysky Naukovoho Tova- rystva im. Shevchenka, vol. 70, book 2 (1906), pp. 114–167. The entire work is republished in Mykhailo Zubryts’kyi, Zibrani tvory i materialy u tr’okh tomakh, vol. 1 Naukovi tvory (Lviv, 2013), pp. 292–447.Subsequent citations are to the 2013 edition. 140 Frank E. Sysyn. The Reading Revolution in the Ukrainian Countryside village life. The fi rst generation of literate peasants, the village youth who now had the tool to engage with a wider world, served as a catalyst for changing the social order of the traditional village. For the Ukrainian national movement, this generation constituted the foot soldiers and consumers for the national cause, especially because, unlike the Romanov Empire, the Habsburgs permitted education in Ruthe- nian, the term then used for Ukrainian. Yet too frequently the individual stories of how literacy spread and what it meant for those youth who responded positively to its potential have been lost in generalized discussion. A microhistory of Mshanets, a mountain village where widespread literacy came relatively late at the very end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century, permits us to capture some of these individual experiences and to address many of the issues raised in Volosh- chak’s account.5 The written word had always played a signifi cant role in the life of the Boiko- dialect-speaking inhabitants of the village and their few Jewish cohabitants.6 The written word fi rst came to the village from the Orthodox Church (after the late seventeenth century Uniate) in Church Slavonic texts of liturgical services. Priests and cantors in the village were schooled in this script and tongue, though in early centuries their grasp may have been weak. Though we lack manuscript and printed books from the Mshanets church, we can be sure that the rather numerous services of the Eastern Church in Church Slavonic were passed down.7 The inhabitants of the village would have been read to in this language from the sacred books during liturgical services. We also have Biblical passages in this tongue on the fi fteenth- or early sixteenth-century Mshanets icon of the Last Judgment, likely written at the nearby Lavriv or Spas monasteries.8 In contrast to Church Slavonic that we can presume was read from the time of the village’s foundation, we are less sure about the use of Ruthenian, the Ukrai- nian literary vernacular written under the infl uence of Church Slavonic style and orthography. Ruthenian elements appear on the Mshanets icon. A fuller Ruthenian text survives in only one eighteenth-century manuscript, which we know was read

5 For reading and literacy in East Central Europe, see István Györy Tóth,Literacy and Written Cul- ture in Early Modern Central Europe (Budapest, 2000). Although it deals with the early modern period, many of its topics apply to Galicia at the turn of the twentieth century. On the late spread of literacy among the Ruthenians/Ukrainians of the upland areas of Galicia, see Micha Bacz- kowski, “Analfabetyzm w Galicji w dobie konstytucyjnej,” Naród-Pastwo. Europa rodkowa w XIX i XX wieku. Studia ofi arowane Michaowi Puaskiemu w pidziesiciolecie pracy naukowej, ed. Artur Patek and Wojciech Rojko (Cracow, 2006), pp. 97–113. 6 For Boiko traditional culture and the printed word, see Ivan Fylypchak, “Z istoriï shil’nytstva na zakhidnii Boikivshchyny (vid 1772–1930 r.),” Litopys Boikivshchyny, vol. 1 (1931), pp. 49–50. 7 Zubrytsky mentions having a copy of the Univ Sluzhebnykk of 1752 in the Mshanets church and being ready to send it to the Shevchenko Scientifi c Society Library if it were needed. Letter of 17 December 1903 to Volodymyr Hnatiuk, Vasyl Stefanyk Library of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine in Lviv (Hereafter Stefanyk Library) fond 34, spr. 226. 8 John-Paul Himka, “The Last Judgment Icon of Mshanets,” Tentorium Honorum: Essays Pre- sented to Frank E. Sysyn on His Sixtieth Birthday, ed. Olga A. Andriewsky, et al. (Edmonton- Toronto, 2010), pp. 219–226. 141 in Mshanets, but may not have been written there.9 On a copy of a will from 1779 made from record books in Limna in 1831, part of a Ukrainian song about battles between Cossacks and Poles (Liachs ) is inscribed in Latin letters.10 The Mshanets manse had letters written during the revolutionary events of 1848 from Father Ivan Lomnytsky to Father Antonii Nazarevych, then pastor of neighboring Ploske and from 1851 pastor in Mshanets. 11 The early letters of the priest were in Polish, but the published letter of 16 December 1848 and all subsequent ones were in rather colloquial Ruthenian/Ukrainian, marking the clergyman’s national and cultural mani- festo rejecting Polish as the literary language for Ruthenians. Our next evidence for Ukrainian chronologically is a letter in Latin script of 1880 written by Kateryna Salvytska, a priest’s wife and the daughter of the former pastor of Mshanets, Father Andrii Minchakevych, to Father Nazarevych from the Russian Empire.12 Although well into the twentieth century Polish was not widely spoken in Mshanets, Polish-language documents abounded in the village.13 In part they, like Latin- and German-language documents, came from the administrative organs that controlled Mshanets, and village matters are carefully recorded in Polish in the record books of the Sambir economy to which Mshanets belonged.14 Throughout this period the village had scribes who were literate and created the Polish-language documents inscribed in local offi cial books. We cannot be sure how many inhabitants could read the documents that village households retained, but there were certainly a handful. We do know that well into the nineteenth century almost all village inhabitants signed with a cross, though this did not exclude that some might be able to read and possibly to write. We assume the literacy of the males of the few Jewish families in Hebrew, and we have one eighteenth-century document with a Hebrew signature and an early nineteenth-century signature in Latin letters.15 We do not have sure signs of how literacy came to or was maintained in the village before the advent of Habsburg rule. We can assume that the bishopric of Peremyshl saw to the literacy of the Mshanets priests, and the Spas monastery near Staryi Sambir housed an episcopal school that may have spread literacy.16 Some role

9 See “Pîsn’ o plachlyvom stanî Nyshchaho studenta,” in “Dodatok VIII. Rukopys o. Teodora Popovycha Tukhlians’koho,” in Ivan Franko, Zibrannia tvoriv, vol. 32 (Kyiv, 1981), pp. 274–278. 10 Zubryts’kyi, “Selo Mshanets’ Starosambirs’koho povitu,” pp. 332–333. 11 Mykhailo Zubryts’kyi, “Pys’mo o. Lomnyts’koho z Kromeryzha 1848r.,” in Zubryts’kyi, Zi- brani tvory, vol. 1, pp. 71–73. 12 Mykhailo Zubryts’kyi, “Halyts’ki sviashchenyky v Kholmshchynï”, in Zubryts’kyi, Zibrani tvory, vol. 1, pp. 475–476. 13 Zubryts’kyi, “Selo Mshanets’ Starosambirs’koho povitu”, pp. 292–447. 14 Vasyl’ Inkin, Sil’s’ke suspil’stvo Halyts’koho Prykarpattia v XVI–XVIII stolittiakh: Istorychni narysy Instytut istorichnykh doslidzhen’: Seriia monohraﬁ chna, vol. 2 (Lviv, 2004). 15 Zubryts’kyi, “Selo Mshanets’ Starosambirs’koho povitu,” p. 340. For 1837 a Jewish leaseholder signs “mp.” in Latin letters. Ibid., p. 431. 16 Mykhailo Shved, Spas’kyi ta Lavrivs’kyi monastyri – oseredky dukhovosti y kul’tury v Haly- chyni (Lviv, 2000). We have a Polish document from 1707 in which the priest Pavlo (Pawie) and the priest’s son Vasyl (Bazyliy) signed the document, with a "mp" after Vasyl’s name. Zubryts’kyi, “Selo Mshanets’ Starosambirs’koho povitu,” pp. 308–309. 142 Frank E. Sysyn. The Reading Revolution in the Ukrainian Countryside may have been played by the Lavriv monastery, which possessed a valuable manuscript collection. In the eighteenth century, the Basilian order conducted a seminary there, and a few lay students studied alongside the monks, but they were from upper strata of the nobility and did not come from the surrounding villages.17 Other chan- nels of literacy came from the noble leaseholders who called upon the labor services of the corvée peasants (piddani) in the village and held the leaseholder’s allotment, a situation that ended in the 1780s. 18 The petty nobles of Mshanets who were more mobile may have gained literacy in times of military campaigns and other peregri- nations.19 We know considerably more about paths of literacy reaching the village after the onset of Austrian rule. The new administration demanded record-keeping and administrative tasks from the Greek Catholic clergy in Latin and Ruthenian or Slavonic, and over time required that the Greek Catholic eparchy of Peremyshl organize clerical education as well later a school for cantors.20 There is evidence of at least one Mshanets family that defended its noble status sending a son to schools in Lviv.21 Though decrees to form schools in Greek Catholic parishes do not seem to have affected Mshanets, schools did appear ephemerally in other parishes of the Zhukotyn and surrounding deaneries.22 The center of the Limna district to which Mshanets belonged in the early nineteenth century had a two- or three-year school (Trivialschule) from 1817, though we have no evidence that Mshanets youth attended it.23 The major source of literacy for Mshanets and nearby villages was Lavriv monastery, near which it had the good fortune to be located. As of 1788 the Lavriv monastery maintained a four-year school (Kreishauptschule) primarily in German with Polish as a subject. The Austrian state had required the Basilian monks to

17 See the introduction by Roman Lukan to Ivan Fylypchak, “Ts.K. Okruzhna holovna shkola v Lavrovi 1788/89–1910/11: Istorychna monografi ia,” Zapysky ChSVV, vol. 4 (1937), pp 1–5. 18 On the last leaseholder in the Polish period, Jan Piorkowski, see Mykhailo Zubryts’kyi, ”Pan- shchyna v seli Mshantsy v XVIII v.,” in Zubryts’kyi, Zibrani tvory, vol.1, pp. 79–82. The article includes documents of the villagers’ complaints against him and mention of oral tradition that he drowned after returning from Warsaw carrying documents for his rights in the village (wittily pointing out in village lore the documents drowned with him). 19 A member of the founding village noble family, Ivan Mshanetsky Stetskovych (Iwan Msza- niecki Steczkowicz), signs a document with his own hand in 1678 (coming down in a later copy), Zubryts’kyi, “Selo Mshanets’ Starosambirs’koho povitu,” p. 305. 20 The institutionalizing of clerical education was a slow process. Zubrytsky published the early nineteenth-century directives of the Peremyshl eparchy that called on the clergy to teach their sons Slavonic prayers and Ruthenian letters as a time when Polonization of the clergy was at its height. Mykhailo Zubryts’kyi, “Prychynky do istoriï rus’koho dukhovenstva v Halychynï vid 1820–1853 r.,” in Zubryts’kyi, Zibrani tvory, vol.1, pp. 516–541. 21 In his will of 8 January 1823, Ivan Stetskovych mentions that his son Ihat was in school in Lviv. Zubryts’kyi, “Selo Mshanets’ Starosambirs’koho povitu,” pp. 405–406. 22 Of villages near Mshanets, Galivka is listed as having a parish school in 1836 and Bandriv in 1867. Fylypchak, “Z istoriï shil’nytstva na zakhidnii Boikivshchyni (vid 1772–1930 r.),” pp. 79, 107. 23 Fylypchak, “Z istoriï shil’nytstva na zakhidnii Boikivshchyni (vid 1772–1930 r.),” pp. 58, 101. 143 teach in German, but in general they were Polish in language and outlook. In its initial phase students attended Slavonic liturgies, but had no other instruction in the traditional sacred language of the Ruthenians. Only as a result of the revolution of 1848 did “Ruthenian” begin to be used in the administration and instruction of the school, and only from the period of Father Narkys Pankovych (1854–1874) did a patriotic Ruthenian spirit dominate the school in which monks were now required to use Ruthenian among themselves.24 The changes after 1866 in the administration of Galicia removed the school from the administration of the Greek Catholic consistory and brought it under the provincial school board, thereby opening the school up to Polonization in its administration despite the monks’ opposition and attempts to retain German. Even though the autonomous Galician school administration required that offi cial documentation be in Polish, the school was declared to be Ruthenian in language, with Polish and German as subjects, by the 1870s, and Ruthenian in the various forms and scripts in which it was written was taught during the next 40 years.25 The school attracted children, including some daughters, of offi cials, priests, cantors, and burghers, Jews from towns and villages, members of the petty nobility as well as peasants from surrounding villages.26 Regrettably the records are spotty, especially for the later period, and were published with only partial information for periods such as the 1830s. The social status of the school varied. Under the leadership of Father Mariian Maksymovych in the 1830s and 1840s its high standards attracted nobles, though the school also provided support for poor students. The social origins of its students declined at the end of the nineteenth century. After 1895 the school had lost its status of recognition from the government, thus limit- ing its uti lity as a path to further education. It existed as a private school until 1911, and the proportion of peasant children in attendance from surrounding villages increased. In the 123 years of its existence, the Lavriv school educated an entire array of priests, cantors, and scribes active in the area.27 These literate villagers and their relatives provided cadres more likely to see the benefi ts of literacy and attendance at the Lavriv school. Nine students were recorded as coming from Mshanets. The fi rst student recorded from Mshanets at the Lavriv school is Hryhor Mykhalykovsky, the son of

24 Fylypchak, “Ts.K. Okruzhna holovna shkola v Lavrovi 1788/89–1910/11,” p. 90. 25 See a report of 25 April 1877 published in Fylypchak, “Ts.K. Okruzhna holovna shkola v Lav- rovi 1788/89–1910/11,” p. 125 26 Fylypchak, “Ts.K. Okruzhna holovna shkola v Lavrovi 1788/89–1910/11,” pp. 1–192 (and separately) and Shved, Spas’kyi ta Lavrivs’kyi monastyri, pp. 78–85. 27 The records are partially published, with in some instances names and villages mentioned. Lavriv as the village where the monastery was located has the most children. Groziova, next to Mshanets, fi rst appears in 1800–1801 and has 14 students mentioned with information on the village, including Ivan Kopach and Father Antin Fedorak, whose memoirs are published in Fylyp- chak, “Ts.K. Okruzhna holovna shkola v Lavrovi 1788/89–1910/11,” pp. 175–183. Galivka fi rst appears in 1813 and has a girl (probably a priest’s daughter Paslavska) in 1817, for a total of 7. Judging by names the numbers would be higher. Ploske, Mykhnivets, Bystre, and Vytsiv are also represented. 144 Frank E. Sysyn. The Reading Revolution in the Ukrainian Countryside the cantor, in 1801, followed by Iakiv Demianovsky, almost certainly the son of Fa- ther Ivan Demianovsky, pastor of Mshanets, in 1811.28 They came from the groups valuing literacy in the village, and their attendance at the school illustrates the signifi cance of the Greek Catholic clergy’s married status in creating a literate stratum in the village. The proximity of the Lavriv school to Mshanets and surrounding villages ensured that a steady fl ow of village youth attended the school from these villages, not least because religious services at the monastery attracted the villagers and introduced them to a world beyond the village.29 Attendance was possible not only because of scholarships for the poor, but also because parents from nearby could cart victuals to their children. Although there were almost certainly more students from Mshanets whose records were not kept, their place of origin mentioned, or their information published, pupils from the village next appear in the documentation during the 1870s, a time when changing attitudes toward literacy were afoot in the village. By then the Lavriv pupils were attending a school conducted primarily in Ruthenian and staffed by Ruthenian patriots. The next students for which we have information are Fedir Gula in 1876 and Mykhailo Stetskovych, the son of An- drii, in 1877. An Andrii Stetskovych had been village scribe in Mshanets in the fi rst decades of the nineteenth century and may have been an ancestor, and one branch of the Stetskovyches had obtained documentation affi rming their noble status.30 Ac- cording to his relatives, Mykhailo Stetskovych later studied at the university and became a court counselor in Lviv.31 Despite these few outliers, the vast majority of villagers were illiterate until the 1870s. When change came to Mshanets, including

28 Fylypchak, “Ts.K. Okruzhna holovna shkola v Lavrov 1788/89–1910/11,” pp 28, 29, 34. Hryhor is described as the son of the cantor. Presumably this is the Mykhailo who frequently signed documents in Mshanets at the end of the eighteenth century. Zubryts’kyi,“Selo Mshanets’ Starosambirs’koho povitu,” pp. 344–345, 353. See the testament of 5 March 1837 of Father Demianovsky, in which he mentions his sons Iakiv and Oleksander, in Zubryts’kyi, “Selo Mshanets’ Starosambirs’koho povitu,” p. 429. (An Olek- sander Demianovsky is mentioned at the Lavriv school in 1804). Fourteen of the signatories placed a cross. Three in addition to the priest signed, including the scribe of Galivka and the priest of Galivka and Ploske as well as “Grzegorz Kogut”. (A Hrytsko Kohut attended the Lavriv schook in 1820–1821, Fylypchak, “Ts.K. Okruzhna holovna shkola v Lavrovi 1788/89–1910/11,” p. 43). Father Demianovsky’s son Oleksander was the scribe of Mshanets, so he could not be involved. Zubryts’kyi, “Selo Mshanets’ Starosambirs’koho povitu,”pp. 428–429. 29 Fylypchak, “Ts.K. Okruzhna holovna shkola v Lavrovi 1788/89–1910/11,” pp. 158–183 contains seven memoirs from pupils of the Lavriv school, including the two from villagers from Gro- ziova (Ivan Kopach and Father Antin Fedorak) that are especially valuable as testimonies of the reactions of youth from the surrounding villages They also illustrate the importance of the Greek Catholic clergy families in promoting literacy. Kopach was the nephew of a priest in Groziova who had brought his sister, Kasia Skobelska, to the village as a nanny for his children. The sister, Ivan’s mother, had married a villager (p. 177). Father Antin Fedorak was the brother of Kasia’s second husband in the village (pp. 177, 179) and was encouraged to go on to schooling by Ivan Kopach. 30 Fylypchak, “Ts.K. Okruzhna holovna shkola v Lavrovi 1788/89–1910/11,” p. 142. On the Stetskovyches’ obtaining confi rmation of noble status, see Zubryts’kyi, “Selo Mshanets’ Sta- rosambirs’koho povitu,” pp. 374–379. On Andrii as scribe see ibid., pp. 357–358. 31 Mshanets Interviews. Cassettes 6 and 7 (20 August 1986). Anna Barylo-Stetskovych (Staskovich). 145 what appears to be an increase in villagers attending the Lavriv school, it arrived not through the foundation of a school in Mshanets, but through an individual tutor hired by village families and groups. We fortunately have the autobiography of the later enlightener of the village, Father Mykhailo Zubrytsky, who recounts the fi rst spread of literacy in Mshanets through the teaching of the mysterious fi gure of Vasyl Segin (Sygin, Voloshchak’s eccentric vagabond).32 Segin’s life exemplifi es that the rural communities of the partially pastoral Boikos, subject at times to crop failures such as that of the potato in the 1840s, were far from confi ned to a certain place, especially after the abolition of labor services in 1848 increased opportunities for movement. Indeed the 1870s were a time when many young men from Mshanets went to the distilleries in Buko- vyna, especially to Storozhynets, to earn funds to pay off debts and to buy land.33 Segin from the village of Groziova, next to Mshanets, appears to have travelled to the Russian Empire and to the monasteries of Pochaiv and possibly Kyiv. It is in- teresting that the departure of Father Salvytsky and his family to the Kholm region to take up the need for priests willing to undertake the tsarist policies occurred at the same time. What prompted Segin’s journey is not known. It occurred after the institution of Galician autonomy in 1867, which many Ruthenians saw as giving the province over to Polish rule, thereby leading many clergy to turn to Russia as a source of support. The most infl uential of these was the priest Ivan Naumovych who published the widely read journal Nauka (began publishing in December 1871) and founded the Kachkovsky Society in 1874 to spread enlightenment in the Ru- thenian villages. Whether Segin was already literate cannot be deduced, though it seems likely. What we know is that he came back with a beard and the aesthetic of a monk, though he was married. He became a partner in a mill in Groziova and was involved in a whole series of economic enterprises that changed the nature of the villages in the area. He worked on building the railroad in Ustryky, an enterprise bringing new transportation and communication means closer to Mshanets. He also constructed a brick house with window panes in Groziova that in Zubrytsky’s time also served as a reading room for Prosvita where Segin was the shopkeeper. Segin’s major infl uence on village life was the promotion of literacy. He had brought church books with him from the Russian Empire that were initially seized from him by the authorities in Staryi Sambir but then returned to him. As Zubrytsky recounts, Segin served as a tutor in reading and sometimes writing for youth in Mshanets by going from house to house and teaching children in a free room. Zubrytsky also recounts that the teaching was through the syllable sounds of the Slavonic alphabet, the same method Voloshchak mentions, and tells us that the pupils later created a secret language speaking in syllables. We have information

32 The autobiography will be published in the second volume of the works of Mykhailo Zu- brytsky. The manuscript is in the Vasyl Shchurat collection at the Stefanyk Library, fond 206, papka 27, spr. 122 (30 str.) Hereafter Zubryts’kyi, Autobiography. The material on Segin appears on pp. 22–23. 33 Zubryts’kyi, Autobiography, p. 22. 146 Frank E. Sysyn. The Reading Revolution in the Ukrainian Countryside from Father Zubrytsky that Segin read to his pupils from the publications of the Kachkovsky Society and the journal Nauka , which is dissonant with the information that he ran a Prosvita society. He had been accepted as a member of Prosvita in 1877 and established the Groziova reading club, the only one in the Staryi Sambir district in a village in the early 1880s.34 This formation of a Ukrainian populist institution might be unexpected at a time when the Russophile movement was at its height and the founder had gone to Orthodox monasteries. It might however be an indication that at this incipient stage of the mass Ruthenian movement the differ- ences between the Russophiles and Ukrainian populists were not yet seen sharply at the village level.35 In his teaching Segin ensured that the ﬁ rst wide spread of literacy would come in Ruthenian, albeit in the version using the etymological script and inﬂ uenced by Russian, and would not occur through learning the Slavonic liturgy at church or in Polish at a government-sponsored school. The Kachkovsky Society publications were often aimed at imbuing practical knowledge and Ruthenian identity, and to reach the masses these publications employed a language closer to colloquial Ukrai- nian than that seen in literature aimed at other strata. Literacy came hand in hand with economic changes promoted by Segin in the region and with, at least in the eyes of Zubrytsky, changes in mentality. We know from Zubrytsky that Segin sang songs about the ills of drinking, a favored topic among the Greek Catholic priest enlighteners. Zubrytsky described Segin’s activities in a positive tone, maintaining that “that man brought innovation into the village, new viewpoints. Until that time, people thought that nothing could be otherwise than it was among them, that all their customs and behavior were holy. In truth, this was only the beginning of the new Weltanschauung (svitopohliadd)”. The epochal change of Mshanets life came with the appointment in 1883 of Father Mykhailo Zubrytsky, an activist populist priest intent on implanting a new Weltanschauung. He was named the assistant pastor of Mshanets, the parish of his wife Olha Borysevych’s grandfather Father Antonii Nazarevych.36 Zubrytsky’s ti- tanic collection of ethnographic material and publication of documents changed the entire fabric of village life, especially after he became pastor upon the death of Fa- ther Nazarevych in 1888. Even his collecting documents held by the villagers stimu- lated their interest in the written word, although he tells us that the villagers were

34 Andriy Zayarniuk, Framing the Ukrainian Peasantry in Habsburg Galicia, 1846–1914 (Ed- monton-Toronto, 2013), pp. 143–144, 219. As late as 1905, the Peremyshl eparchy directory listed a Prosvita reading room with 30 members Shematysm vseho klyra hreko-katolycheskoho eparkhii soiedynenykh perermyskoi, sambrskoi y siantskoi... 1905 (Peremyshl, 1904), but there is no lis- ting for 1910 in this village that appears to have been Russophile under the leadership of its priest. Zayarniuk, Framing the Ukrainian Peasantry, pp. 397–398. 35 This coincides with the fi nding in Anna Veronika Wendland, Die Russophile in Galizien: Ukrainische Konservative zwischen Österreich und Russland, 1848–1915 (Vienna, 2001). 36 In 1881 Father Nazarevych was a subscriber to the Russophile newspaper Prolom, so that Zubrytsky’s arrival may have also meant a change in what branch of the Ruthenian movement the priest supported. Zayarniuk, Framing the Ukrainian Peasantry in Habsburg Galicia, 1846–1914, p. 389. 147 suspicious that the contents of the documents might be dangerous to their interests.37 Part of Zubrytsky’s program was the spread of literacy. The manse and the church had now become a center for promoting literacy. Zubrytsky recounts how he gathered village youth after vespers in the parish house and after the service would teach reading through mobile letters (rukhoma azbuka).38 We do not know if he taught in Slavonic or Ruthenian, though Zubrytsky’s populist inclinations would seem to sug- gest the latter. In many ways Zubrytsky’s own methods of achieving lite racy, as the son of illiterate parents from a village without a school, were replicated in his own practices.39 He had also brought his personal library to Mshanets. It was a collection that grew constantly in the manse of a priest who was engrossed in academic, cultural, economic, and political life. Through his numerous reports on life in Mshanets and the surrounding villages, he made the village a focus of attention to a literate public throughout Galicia. Indeed this frequent customer of the Austrian post even sought, albeit unsuccessfully, to have a post offi ce opened in Mshanets that would not only connect the village more closely with the outer world without using the post offi ce in Liutovyska (Litovyshchi), but also would have given it the benefi ts of serving as a hub for surrounding villages.40 Zubrytsky was a conduit for dissemina- ting literature throughout the mountain region as evidenced by his correspondence with Ivan Franko, and he served as a colporteur of the Lviv author’s works, including Lys Mykyta, the work that fascinated Voloshchak.41 In the late 1880s and 1890s, the Laviriv records include fi ve more students from Mshanets, Andrii Parashchak in 1887 in the third class, Andrii Piznak and Iakiv Stetskovych in the fourth class in 1888, Hryhor Voloshchak (Andrii’s brother) and Osyp Gula, son of Mykhailo, both in the third class in 1898.42 Andrii Parash- chak (b.1877), who later wrote under the pseudonym Andrii Verkhovynets, attribu- ted attendance at school to the pastor.43 Mykhailo Parashchak, later the scribe and cantor of the village, may have been away in these years at the cantors’ school in Peremyshl.44

37 See Zubryts’kyi, “Selo Mshanets’ Starosambirs’koho povita,” p. 292. 38 On Zubrytsky teaching literacy as part of his religious service, see Frank E. Sysyn, “Religion within the Ukrainian Populist credo: The Enlightened Pastor Mykhailo Zubrytsky,” Journal of Ukrainian Studies, vol. 37, nos. 1–2 (Summer–Winter 2012), pp. 92–93. 39 On Zubrytsky’s early education see his “Lisy i pasovys’ka (Spomyny),” in Zubryts’kyi, Zi- brani tvory, vol. 1, pp. 542–550. 40 See his letter of 5 March 1894 to Oleksander Barvinsky in the Stefanyk Library, fond Bar- vins’koho 1262. 41 See his letter of 1 January 1892 to Ivan Franko in Roman Horak, “Lysty Mykhaila Zubryts’koho do Ivana Franka,” Naukovyi Visnyk Muzeia Ivana Franka u L’vovi, vol.4 (Lviv, 2004), pp. 290– 291. Among the publications he ordered from Franko were 15 copies of Lys Mykyta. 42 Fylypchak, “Ts.K. Okruzhna holovna shkola v Lavrovi 1788/89–1910/11,” pp. 144–145. There is also a Fedir Voloshchak. Regrettably the records were poor for these years, and Fylypchak does not provide full lists for those extant. 43 Letter to Ivan Franko from Peremyshl of 11 April 1900, IL im. Shevchenka NAN Ukrany, f. 3, Spr. 1633, ark. 219–222. 44 Zenon Shandrovych, V boiakh za voliu Ukraïny (Lviv, 2002), p. 28. 148 Frank E. Sysyn. The Reading Revolution in the Ukrainian Countryside

The institutionalization of teaching literacy in the village came in 1891–1892 with the establishment of both a school and a branch of the Prosvita society in Mshanets. The period was of tremendous importance for the Ukrainian national movement in Galicia because the school administration in late 1892 accepted that Ruthenian in schools would henceforth be written in the phonetic ( zhelekhivka) and not the etymological alphabet, a great victory for the Ukrainian populists that facilitated learning to read and write.45 One might expect the school to have been the primary impetus for spreading literacy in Mshanets. Yet in most of the 1890s and the fi rst years of the twentieth century this was not the case. The school building the community erected in 1891 stood empty. Although the memoir of Voloshchak recounts the villagers had boycotted the school because the teacher had forced the children to memorize Polish patriotic songs, it would appear that it was the priest who had led the struggle against the schoolteacher. Voloshchak may have chosen to exclude the priest from his discussion both because of his anti-clericalism and his desire to attribute leadership to the peasantry.46 Zubrytsky recounted his version of the actions of the Polish school teacher Maria Gilovska (he gives her name in Ukrai- nian form) during an inspection of the school by Father Canon Sylwestr Dzierzyski from Tysovytsia on 8 July 1893, who was visiting in response to complaints against the teacher, obviously fi led by Zubrytsky.47 He described Dzierzyski as a “big fi sh” and a Mazur (Pole from Polish ethnic territory) who did not know Ruthenian or who at least wouldn’t speak it. In his account, Gilovska emerges as an unbalanced, indeed hysterical, woman. He describes her as taking her charges to gather lilacs to decorate a classroom, in the course of which they destroyed a farmer’s haystacks. More grievously she had gone to the store to buy notebooks, pencils, belts, and other trinkets to hand out as presents to those who came to the inspection, and then tried to get the community to pay for them. In staging her examination, she had gone around the village and demanded that the parents also come or face a fi ne. At one point after the accusations, Zubrytsky describes her as beating her head against a cupboard and then calling out “Father, save me” as she seized Dzierzyski’s hand and pressed her lips to it.

Gilovska’s transgressions in Zubrytsky’s account are both moral (she is de- picted as cavorting with young men in the village, one of whom pulled her around by her hair) and national. She had brought in Polish books and in the ﬁ rst class some of the children could read better Polish than Ruthenian, which pleased Dzierzyski. Zubrytsky makes clear his charges are that she was ineffective, in that only 15 of the

45 On the problems caused by the etymological script for a student of the Lavriv school in 1891, see Father Antin Fedorak’s memoir in Fylypchak, “Ts.K. Okruzhna holovna shkola v Lavrovi 1788/89–1910/11,” pp. 180–181. 46 The scenario of an amoral Polish teacher remained in village memory and was recounted by Anna Barylo Stetskovych (Staskovich), born in 1920. Mshanets Interviews. Cassete 6, side A. Interview 20 August 1986. 47 [Mykhailo Zubryts’kyi], “Z Staromis’koho povitu (Ispyt v shkoli narodnii v Mshantsy. Pry- chynka do kharakterystyky narodnoho shkil’nytstva),” Dilo, 1893, no. 144 (1/13 July), p. 3. 149

75 children were permitted to answer questions and that the only children who read were those were already literate upon entering school( here there seems a certain inconsistency in his evaluation of her effectiveness in teaching Polish). But for Zu- brytsky the case of national discrimination and the attempt to use the school against the Ruthenians was clear-cut, as he declared that were the teacher a Ruthenian man or woman he or she would have been disciplined for one-tenth the transgressions of Gilovska, but that she taught in Polish allowed her to cover a multitude of sins.48 We do not know the result of the inspection, though Zubrytsky indicates that the examiner was biased in the teacher’s favor. Still we know from a subsequent article that Gilovska was gone by the next year and was replaced by another teacher who taught for a year. In 1894, Zubrytsky rebuffed the attempts of the school in- spector to force the school to close during Latin Christian holidays on grounds that these were in essence Polish holidays and did not belong in a village with no Poles.49 We know that the school closed after two years for lack of a teacher.50 In his memoirs about his father, Petro Zubrytsky asserts that in order to spite the priest (na zo Popowi), the school board refused to make another appointment to the Msha- nets school from 1896 to 1905.51 Zubrytsky writes in 1898 that the community’s attempt to get Iuliia Nazarevych, a granddaughter of the former pastor, failed, and she was assigned to Tysovytsia.52 Here he makes clear that this decision was a “pu- nishment for transgressions” (presumably his) and complains that in Staryi Sambir county 49 positions (posady) were available of which only 15 were ﬁ lled, including those in towns. He sees this in particular as discrimination against villages, which he points out also paid taxes. We know that the school was operating in the 1904– 1905 school year and 95 of the 181 children of the village attended.53 Yet even then there seems to have been conﬂ ict between Zubrytsky and the teachers, and one of the pupils of that time tells us that a teacher went to church in neighboring Galivka to avoid the pastor.54 Archival research may unravel more concrete information on the Mshanets school situation. Perforce the reading room was the more potent in-

48 [Mykhailo Zubryts’kyi] “Z poriadkiv shil’nykh. Z Staromis’koho pyshut’ nam,” Dilo, 1898, no. 178 (12/24 August). 49 [Mykhailo Zubryts’kyi], “Z nashoho shkil’nytstva,” Dilo, 1894, no. 127 (8/20 June) 1894, p. 1 and no. 128 (9/21 June), p. 1 Unsigned. 50 Zubryts’kyi, Autobiography, p. 23. 51 Petro Zubryts’ki, “Biohrafi ia o. Mykhaila Zubryts’koho,” Litopys Boikivshchyny, nos. 1–2/16– 17 (March–June 1970), p. 8. 52 [Mykhailo Zubryts’kyi] “Z poriadkiv shil’nykh. Z Staromis’koho pyshut’ nam.” 53 Shematysm vseho klyra hreko-katolycheskoho eparkhii soiedynenykh peremyskoi, sambrskoi y siantskoi... 1905 (Peremyshl, 1904), p. 142. In a visitation of the parish, the dean of the Zhuko- tyn deanery, Father Volodymyr Levytsky, wrote in a protocol of 29 October 1904 that the school had its own building and a school protocol existed. He added that “On all sides, in the church, in the community and in the school – one can see the work of the Rev. Father Pastor because the youth is well prepared in catechetical studies.” Archiwum Pastwowe w Przemylu, ABGK, sygn. 5834, s. 694. The Shematyzm vseho klyra hreko-katolycheskoho eparkhii soiedynenykh peremyskoi, sambrskoi y siantskoi... 1907 (Peremyshl, 1906) lists two teachers and 180 children obligated to attend school (p. 124). 54 Mshanets project. Interview with Tekla Bunii Myhal. Cassette 17 (10 November 1985). 150 Frank E. Sysyn. The Reading Revolution in the Ukrainian Countryside stitution for spreading the printed word and new ideas at least until the last decade before the First World War. The Prosvita reading room and store, founded in 1891–1892 and transferred into a special building erected for it in 1909, was to be the major site for literacy activities in Mshanets.55 The reading revolution was as much being read to at the Prosvita as reading oneself. In Mshanets, a cooperative store was housed at the Prosvita, linking economic change with the place where the written word was heard and read. The house acquired for the Prosvita was in the dead centre of the lengthy mountain village across the Mshanka from the church. In recounting his life in a sketch written in 1896, Zubrytsky tells us that he intended to purchase a globe for the Mshanets Prosvita hall,56 and by 1899 he reported the Prosvita had one. 57 He saw this as necessary because his parishioners were interested in seeing the locations of faraway places. In a very short time this interest would increase as the fi rst migrant left for the United States in 1900, encouraged by tales of the success Ruthenians from farther west had encountered in earning money across the ocean.58 As early as 1894, the villagers could already fi nd a map of “Ukraine-Rus’” in the reading room, outlining the borders of the territories that the Ukrainian national movement proclaimed was their homeland.59 But understanding global and Ukrainian geography was only one of the reasons for which attendees came to the reading room. Zubrytsky tells us of the literature that he read to them in the reading room (including stories about Inuits and tales about Hans Egede, the apostle of Greenland), lamenting that there were not suffi cient tales produced in Ukrainian (Ruthenian) about other peoples and places, subjects of interest to his public. As we shall see, he may have been too critical of the achievements of the Prosvita publishers. We know that later Zubrytsky’s son Petro was to join his father in reading at the Prosvita. Through listening to the written word at the reading room, the villagers learned of new places and things and heard new words that expanded their conceptual world. At the same time, the reading room, located alongside a community store, addressed the more mundane needs of the villagers. The drawing power of the practical could be seen on 17 March 1897, for which Zubrytsky reports on the visit of

55 Petro Zubryts’kyi, “Biohrafi ia o. Mykhaila Zubryts’koho,” p. 8. 56 Zubryts’kyi, Autobiography, p. 25. Frank Sysyn, “The Old World Documents the New,” The Ukrainian Weekly, no. 33 (13 August 2013), pp. 9, 18, based on Mykhailo Zubryts’kyi, “Emi- gratsiia selian Mshantsia do Pivnichnoï Ameryky,” Dilo, 1906, no. 116 (7/20 June) and no. 117, (8–21 June). 57 Zubrytsky reported its existence in a report to the head offi ce of Prosvita in Tsentral’nyi der- zhavnyi istorychnyi arkhiv u L’vovi (TsDIA), fond 348, spr. 3928, ark. 17. I am thankful to Taras Romaniuk for providing me with a transcript of Zubrytsky’s reports to Prosvita. He will be publishing them with an introduction in the second volume of the collected work of Mykhailo Zu- brytsky in 2016. The material on the Prosvita, including references to newspaper articles, comes from this introduction. 58 Sysyn, “The Old World Documents the New.” 59 Report signed by Zubrytsky as head and Mykhailo Parashchak as secretary of 3 April 1894. TsDIA, fond 348, spr. 3928, ark. 8. 151 the Vasyl Korol from the central headquarters of Prosvita in Lviv.60 In addition to inspecting the reading room and store, Korol gave a talk on fertilizing fi elds with manure and chemical fertilizers. Zubrytsky reports that the several tens of older villagers who came to the reading room received the topic positively. Thus the reading room brought information to the villagers on topics from everyday economic tasks and improvements in agriculture to events from their county seat to the court in Vienna as well as in foreign lands. For some, interest was awakened in acquiring the skill to access these sources or at least ensuring that their children could. At its founding in 1892, the Prosvita had 35 members. Membership required payment, and some villagers held back because they feared they would also have to contribute to erecting a building. Membership dues were reduced from 50 kreutzers to 30, and a year later members increased to 55.61 Zubrytsky and the reading room and village scribe hoped in 1894 that in time the reading room would attract the entire village,62 but in a report for the years 1894–1897 Zubrytsky lamented that the lack of a functioning school in Mshanets undermined interest in the reading room.63 Still the reading room had a major impact in the village, and reports for these years record that public attendance increased from once weekly on Sundays to daily gathering, especially in winter. In 1900 the reading club had 58 members (50 men, 4 women, and 4 bachelors).64 By 1907–1909 the Mshanets Prosvita club could boast 103 members.65 If Zubrytsky was the head and driving force for the reading room in its early years, by the fi rst decade the leadership had expanded to a slate of offi cers including a deputy head (Hryts Hrytsak), a secretary (Mykhailo Parashchak), a treasurer (Petro Sysyn), a manager (Oleksander Demianovsky), and a librarian (Vasyl Voloshchak). The reading room needed a librarian for its growing collection. From the 1890s Prosvita was producing greater numbers of popular books in Ukrainian and by the end of the decade using the phonetic alphabet for all publications. In 1892 the central headquarters donated 48 books to the Mshanets Prosvita.66 By 1900 the library had 166 volumes, 120 of which were checked out that year. Favorites were about Bohdan Khmelnytsky and Abraham Lincoln, Shevchenko’s Kobzarr (edition of 1894–1895), the reading anthology Horyt’, calendars, and the works of Andrii Chaikovsky, a writer from the neighboring region. The club subscribed to Svoboda (a weekly organ of the Ukrainian National Democratic Party), received Zubrytsky’s copies of Dilo (the Lviv daily) and Hazeta hospodars’ka (an economic paper pub-

60 Report signed by Zubrytsky of 30 August 1897. TsDIA, fond 348, spr. 3928, ark. 12. 61 Report signed by Zubrytsky as head and Mykhailo Parashchak as secretary of 3 April 1894. TsDIA, fond 348, spr. 3928, ark. 8. 62 Report signed by Zubrytsky as head and Mykhailo Parashchak as secretary of 3 April 1894. TsDIA, fond 348, spr. 3928, ark. 8. 63 Report for 1898. TsDIA, fond 348, spr. 3928, ark. 10. 64 Report of 3 April 1894 with Mykhailo Parashchak of 27 November 1901. TsDIA, fond 348, spr. 3928, ark. 14. 65 Report of 12 March 1910. TsDIA, fond 348, spr. 3928, ark. 23–24. 66 “Vydil chytal’ni “Prosvity” v Mshantsy,” Dilo, 1892, no. 89 (21 April/3 May). 152 Frank E. Sysyn. The Reading Revolution in the Ukrainian Countryside lished by Vasyl Korol), and acquired Misionarr (a religious newspaper of the Basi- lian Order) thanks to the district council for free.67 By 1902 the 181 books had been taken out 250 times, and Zoria (a popular monthly from Kolomiia) had been added to the periodicals.68 By the year 1904–1905 (the year the school was fi nally revived), 201 books had been taken out 350 times, and the reading room paid for Haidamaky (a popular Lviv weekly) and Postup (a weekly aimed at the peasantry) as well as Svoboda. Zubrytsky donated Dilo and Komarr (a humor semimonthly), and Narodna chasopys’’ (a government paper publishing offi cial decrees and reports as a supplement to the Polish Gazeta Lwowska ) came from the local administration (hromads’ka starshyna).69 At this time, Zubrytsky subscribed to Literaturno-Nau- kovyi vistnyk, though we have no indication this elite literary journal reached the reading room.70 The variety of papers made it possible for the readers and listeners of the reading room to encounter a broad array of topics and discussions. Although the priest’s wife and daughters were literate, the reading revolution in Mshanets was largely a male enterprise before the First World War. Memoirs of villagers recall the priest’s wife’s presence at the Prosvita.71 We know of the four women member of Prosvita in 1900, but not if any belonged to the literate con- tingent of members, to which only half belonged. We do have an account of the Parashchak family that touches on the topic of female literacy. According to Levko Parashchak (b.1932), his grandfather Mykhailo who was cantor and scribe in the village had learned reading from some sort of a monk [Segin] and had a signature “Like a minister of state”.72 He tells that his grandmother had become literate by listening at the window of a cottage where the boys were being taught and that when one of the boys did not know something the monk would tell them to ask the girls outside the window. That certainly would have been a diffi cult way to learn, however colourful the family legend was in explaining literacy in a woman of that generation. Parashchak says his grandmother Matrona Sukhyi Parashchak73 could read Slavonic but wrote badly. Girls were included in the vespers and lessons at the church. The Austrian government did require girls to attend school, though, as we have seen, the regularity and effi cacy of Mshanets schooling have yet to be determined fully. We should also remember the dissatisfaction with the female teacher,

67 Report of 27 November 1901. TsDIA, fond 348, spr. 3928, ark. 14. 68 Report of 18 November 1903. TsDIA, fond 348, spr. 3928, ark. 15. 69 TsDIA, fond 348, spr. 3928, ark. 16. 70 Zubrytsky is listed as a subscriber on the list for 20 November 1908. Literaturno-Naukovyi vistnyk, p. 9. 71 See Vira Lysak, “Spohady pro Mykhaila Zubryts’koho,” Prykarpattia, 22 October 1996, p. 2 (based on an interview with Maria Syvak Kravets). Kravets retold family reminiscences, including from her aunt Nastunia Kiskanyna, who she said was a friend of the priest’s wife. Kiskanyna is one of the informants from whom Zubrytsky collected folklore. The article also includes eyewit- ness accounts of activities in the Prosvita hall during Zubrytsky’s pastorate. 72 Mshanets Interviews. Levko Parashchak, Casettes 52 and 54. 73 For information on Matrona Suchyi Parashchak see Father Bohdan Prach, Istorychna dolia hreko-katolyts’koho dukhoventstva Peremys’koï eparkhiï ta Apostol’s’koï administratsiï Lem- kivshchyny (Lviv, 2015).The information is under the entry for Father Teodor Parashchak. 153 who comes down in accounts as either a Polish nationalist or in some as immoral, and could hardly be considered a role model. Here we have some evidence that learning differentiated on gender lines. Tekla Bunii Myhal recounts that her father who had three daughters with his fi rst wife and six with his second told her that she was not going to become a professor and therefore did not need school.74 She had entered the school but recounts that her older sisters had not, and her father had paid a crown to free them from attendance. She also says only the boys went to the Prosvita, not the girls. While at least four village boys (Mykhailo Stetskovych, An- drii Voloshchak, Father Teodor Parashchak, and Andrii Parashchak) , in addition to the priest’s sons , went on to gymnasium before the First World War (an immensely expensive undertaking for a family in a distant mountain village), the fi rst girl to go on, other than the priests’ daughters, was Teodora Petrychkovych, born in 1923. By the interwar period girls were clearly active in the Prosvita hall and in neighboring Mykhnivets, Father Hryhorii Kanda’s daughter accompanied her father to the recently established reading room.75 We lack full data for Mshanets literacy before the First World War. In 1900 half of the 57 members of the reading club were literate.76 Zubrytsky tells us that of the 77 migrants to the US in 1906, 19 were literate.77 That these migrants were mostly young men would speak for this percentage being on the high side, that they excluded some of the leading heads of households (gazdas), who were more likely to be literate, for not being so. Migrants is the correct word since many of the men returned, though few of the unmarried girls who went did so. The experience of migrating to the United States reinforced the need of literacy for communication, whether in sending remittances or in writing home, just as community life for the workers in factories and mines was once again privileging the literate. In addition, the years from 1906 to 1914 were ones in which the school was clearly working more regularly and the government was enforcing attendance laws more rigorous- ly.78 By 1913, 150 of the 230 children of the village were attending school.79 Thus a new generation was being formed most of whom would have a basis in literacy. Even before these youth could join the reading room, its literate members had increased to a total of 75 out of 103 members in 1907–1909.80 By then Mshanets was becoming a centre for education in the area. After the defeat of the West Ukrainian Republic in 1919 and the imposition of Polish rule Mshanets maintained a fi ve and then a seven-year school. Although Polish instruction was increased it was not made

74 Mshanets interviews. Cassette 17 (10 November 1985) 75 Eulogy by Marta Kichorowsky Kebalo for her mother Theodosia Kanda Kichorowsky (1918– 2013). Manuscript in my possession. 76 Zayarniuk, Framing the Ukrainian Peasantry, p. 324. 77 Sysyn, “The Old World Documents the New.” 78 Baczkowski, “Analfabetyzm w Galicji w dobie konstytucyjnej,” p.103. Tekla Bunii Myhal recounts that by the time she left for America in 1913 mandatory attendance was enforced. 79 Shematyzm vseho klyra hreko-katolycheskoho eparkhii soiedynenykh peremyskoi, sambrskoi y siantskoi... 1913 (Peremyshl, n.d.), p. 154. 80 Report of 12 March 1910. TsDIA, fond 348, spr. 3928, ark. 23–24. 154 Frank E. Sysyn. The Reading Revolution in the Ukrainian Countryside

Utraquist (ostensibly bilingual, usually de facto Polish) under the Polonization Lex Grabski of 1924 in the manner of many other Ukrainian schools. The new generation of literate villagers produced a number of talented indi- viduals who used their tools as a writers (Andrii Voloshchak and Andrii Parashchak, pseudonym Verkhovynets), as organizers of plays and concerts (Teodor Petrych- kovych), and as a cohort of political activists (the aforementioned as well as Lesio Sysyn, Ivan Stetskovych/John Steckowich81 and others).82 In addition to Mykhailo Stetskovych and Andrii Voloshchak who fi nished gymnasium and attended university, the son of the cantor Mykhailo Parashchak, Teodor (born 1890) completed gymnasium in Peremyshl and seminary in Rome before being ordained and serving in the nearby parish of Holovetsko Dolishne.83 Mshanets had become a strong link in the Ukrainian national movement with a Sich organization, which dressed in local clothing style and Cossack headgear, formed by Petro Zubrytsky. It was known for its model organization and participation in district events even though it was the farthest branch from Staryi Sambir.84 The considerable contribution of the village to the struggle for Ukrainian independence in 1918–1921 came from the youth who answered the appeals of the national movement to take up arms for the West Ukrai- nian People’s Republic in the Boiko brigade and other units.85 For a certain segment of the literate villagers that had been formed between the 1870s and the First World War, the experience with the printed word so poetically described by Voloshchak had allowed them to develop their talents. This was the hope Zubrytsky had for them when he wrote of the talent his Boiko parishioners had in tra ding sheep. Writing in 1905 about their ability to conduct complicated business transactions, though illiterate, by keeping records in their head, he maintained “This testifi es to the considerable mental talents of our peasants. If someone would give them a real education, there would be benefi t from them for society”.86 In practice the successes his and others’ work had achieved by 1914 had already given fundamental literacy to a good number of them, thereby unleashing many of their talents.

81 Mshanets interviews. Cassette 35 (1985) Interview with John Steckowich. 82 Petro Sysyn (born 1935) identiﬁ ed the following soldiers from a Ukrainian Galician Army photo of 16 soldiers almost all from Mshanets: Vasyl Dylyn, Mykhailo Parashchak (born 1876), Fedir Petrychkovych (born 1888), Stepan Syvak, Ihnat Dymushka, Vasyl Dzhuriak (born 1893), Pavlo Parashchak. 83 Entry “Parashchak Teodor (23.III.1890–13.XII.1965)” in Father Bohdan Prach, Istorychna dolia hreko-katolyts’koho dukhoventstva Peremys’koï eparkhiï. Father Parashchak was ordained in 1917 and served as administrator (1917–1922) and pastor (1922–1935) of Holovetsko Dolishne, near Mshanets. Dmytro Blazejowskyj, Historical Šematism of the Eparchy of Peremyšl including the Apostolic Administration of Lemkivšyna (1828–1939) (Lviv, 1995), p. 794. 84 Zayarniuk, Framing the Ukrainian Peasantry, p. 332. On the Mshanets Sich and its role in political organization, see P. Zubryts’kyi, “Iak nashi Boiky ‘politykuvaly’,” Litopys Boikivshchyny, nos. 3–4 (22–23) (May–December 1971), pp. 61–64. 85 On the Ukrainian Galician Army in this regions, see “UHA na Boikivshchyni v 1918/1919 rr.,” Litopys Boikivshchyny, nos. 1/20 (31) (December 1974), pp. 24–30. A photo of the Mshanets soldiers was widely disseminated among village inhabitants. 86 Frank E. Sysyn,“Father Mykhailo Zubryts’kyi: The Nestor of the Ukrainian Village,” in Zub- ryts’kyi, Zibrani tvory , vol. 1, pp. 55–56. 155

Let us take four examples. First let us consider the path of Andrii Voloshchak (born 1890), who left us the written testimony that has provided so much material for our discussion. Although Andrii Voloshchak had learned to read from his brother in the etymological script, which seems to have derived from his brother’s study at the Lavriv monastery where that script was in use as late as 1891, his enthusiasm for reading was inspired by a work written in Ukrainian and published in its second edition in phonetic script by the Ruthenian Pedagogical Society in 1896, Ivan Franko’s Lys Mykyta.87 The copy of Franko’s work was lent to him by Vasyl Lemak, with whom Andrii tended pasture. Lemak exploited him for the loan. The book had come via Vasyl’s father, who lived near Zubrytsky, visited the pastor frequently, and borrowed books from his library, another source of reading material in the village. Voloshchak’s account demonstrates that the future poet was now reading a modern Ukrainian literary work without the aid of an intermediary. The skill he had learned would stand him in good stead. His wife Izydora recounts that Andrii like his elder brother Hryts was sent to the school in Lavriv,88 a detail omitted by the anti-clerical Voloshchak in his account. According to her, Andrii then studied for two years in the town school in Liutovyska, from where he entered the Peremyshl gymnasium for eight years. Izydora only says that his father had understood the importance of learning because he had been “in distant lands” , while other sources tell us that thanks to funds earned by his father and siblings working in America he was able to attend gymnasium.89 Completing gymnasium in 1912, he entered the Law Faculty of Lviv University, in part because he did not have the resources to live in the city, and in the Law Faculty he could live in the village and come to Lviv only to take exams. After being blinded in World War I he learned Braille and studied at the Ger- man Charles Ferdinand University in Prague. Voloshchak developed into a Ukrai- nian writer and activist for the pro-Communist Left in interwar western Ukraine. During that period he took up residence in the village, but had to leave because of pressure of the authorities. He continued to visit and propagate his political views. He gained especial prominence in the Soviet period.90

87 “Try momenty z spohadiv pro Ivana Franka.” 88 Izydora Voloshchak, “Karby pam’iati: Do 90-richchia vid dnia narodzhennia A.V. Volosch- chaka,” Zhovten, 1980, no. 8, pp. 129–131. Hryts appears in Fylypchak, “Ts.K. Okruzhna holovna shkola v Lavrovi 1788/89–1910/11,” p. 145 under 1898. There is no mention of Andrii in the fragmentary source publication. 89 Petro Inhulsky in a tribute to Voloshchak mentions that his father Vasyl tried to earn sufﬁ cient funds in the mines in Boryslav and a distillery in Drohobych as well as in wood crafts in Msha- nets before departing to America to earn funds. “Vin bachyv sertsem,” in Voloshchak, Moia tuha, pp. 193–194. Hryhorii, the brother who had taught him to read, immigrated to Manchester, New Hampshire, a major center of the Mshanets emigration, and then moved to Cambridge, Massachu- setts. He wrote a letter to Andrii on 10 August 1927 in which he mentioned his second son would be entering university in Providence, Rhode Island, and he would be moving there. Voloshchak, Moia tuha, pp. 147–148. 90 Eight collections of his works published between 1934 and 1961 are listed in Ukraïns’ki pys’mennyky. Bio-bibliohraﬁ chnyi slovnyk, vol. 4 (Kyiv, 1965), p. 217. Subequently his collections of his works appeared as Spalakhy i horinnia (Kyiv, 1971) and Akvareli ta obertony: liryka (Lviv, 2003). 156 Frank E. Sysyn. The Reading Revolution in the Ukrainian Countryside

Andrii Voloshchak was not the fi rst son of Mshanets to become a Ukrainian writer. That honor goes to Andrii Parashchak, born in 1877. Encouraged by Father Zubrytsky, Andrii attended the school of the Lavriv monastery and later Pere myshl gymnasium (1891–1892).91 Not completing gymnasium, he served in the army and began publishing his literary works in Literaturno-Naukovskyi vistnykk and Buko- vyna under the pseudonym Andrii Verkhovynets.92 In a letter to Mykhailo Iatskiv written on 28 July 1903 (O.S.) from Chornyi Iar on the Volga, he described a pica- resque life, including romances, that had taken him to Persia and Astrakhan, with plans to travel to Odesa. He planned to leave there “Letting a tear fall for the green Beskyds” to join the French Foreign Legion and depart for Algeria. He claimed he was forgetting phonetics (presumably Ukrainian orthography) and our (Ukrainian) language, having learned to speak Russian excellently, and he said he would be learning French, which he had already studied for two years. His stories included fragments of Boiko life in dialect, tales of the army, and an account of the Volga. Having called himself an Austrian Boiko who had become used to a vagabond life (burlats’ke zhyttia) in the Russian Empire, he disappears from view soon after he writes his letter. The Boikos of Mshanets had long travelled and wandered, as we have seen with Vasyl Segin. In Parashchak, clearly a member of a leading family of the village and presumably the brother of the patriarchal Mykhailo Parashchak, the village cantor and reading room secretary, Mshanets now produced a wanderer who left behind a literary legacy of his travels and fantasies. More tied to Mshanets despite a sojourn abroad was Teodor (Fedir) Petrych- kovych. Born in 1888, he likely did not attend school.93 His daughter Anastasiia Pet- rychkovych-Zakydalska (born 1923) calls him a self-educated man (velykyi samoukk) who read in Ukrainian, German, and Polish. She also reports her mother was literate with the qualifi er “as was usual in the village,” presumably meaning not to a great degree. As for her father, he like a considerable cohort from Mshanets had fought in the Ukrainian Galician Army and been interned in Czechoslovakia. Gravitating to Prague, he had become active in theatre circles, and when he returned to Mshanets, he served as an organizer for the theatrical productions put on by the Mshanets Prosvita. His daughter describes in detail his talents in singing the Ukrainian Sich rifl eman (strilets’) songs and declaiming Ukrainian literary works. As organizer of the annual Shevchenko evening in the Mshanets Prosvita in the interwar period, he

91 He is listed as a student in the fi rst class Ruthenian with distinction in 1891 and the second in 1892. Sprawozdanie dyrekcyi C.K. Gimnazyum w Przemylu za rok szkolny 1891 (Przemyl, 1891), p.115, Sprawozdanie dyrekcyi C.K. Gimnazyum w Przemylu za rok szkolny 1892 (Prze- myl, 1892), p. 113. 92 Andrii [Fedir] Pohrebennyk, “Andrii Verkhovynets’,” Vyzvol’nyi shliakh, 1995, no. 7, pp. 852– 853, including publication of his letter of 28 July 1903. His military stories were reprinted in an collection, Potomky Marsa. Obrazky z viis’kovoho zhyttia Andriia Verkhovyntsia (New York, n.d.), pp. 1–16. 93 See the interview of Anastasiia Petychkovych Zakydalska and her memoirs, “Intyns’ki sni- hoviï,” Ukraïns’kyi visnyk (L’viv-Republika Komi-Dubno), nos. 4–5 (11–12) (2005–2006), pp. 282–285. 157 brought his daughter there at the age of 5 to declaim Shevchenko’s “The Cherry Orchard” (“Sadok Vyshnevyi”). Understanding the need for education, he appears to be the fi rst villager other than the priests to send his daughter to gymnasium. She recounts how impressed her Ukrainian literature professors in Sambir were with the knowledge of Ukrainian poetry she had gained from her father’s productions. In this cultural life he was joined by Andrii Voloshchak and his wife Izydora who came at times to Mshanets and organized choral events.94 Petrychkovych was undoubtedly infl uenced by his war experiences, the “Liberation Struggles” (Vyzvol’ni zmahannia), and his life in the Czech republic, where he like other soldiers from Mshanets such as Ivan Stetskovych (Steckowich) (born 1900) could embark on study.95 However, without the reading revolution, they would not have been able to take advantage of these situations. Lesio Sysyn (born 1897), a decade younger, was an excellent student who benefi ted from the opening of the Mshanets school. He was obviously seen as talented by the pastor.96 He recounted having been given a primer by this father, who had been to America, before he began school, and having gone around his neighbors and asking “What is this an “i,” a ”y,” an “o,” and “e”?” and not being able to wait until he could go to school. He already knew his letters and entered a purely Ukrainian school class. He also recounts how after vespers all the children had to go on to the priest’s house. There he remembers that Zubrytsky had a large library, and he recounts each week getting new books from Zubrytsky that he borrowed, including a history of Ukraine. He also says that Zubrytsky required him to join the Prosvita society. He remembers Zubrytsky giving him assignments of what to read as he and other youth read for the older people who could not read but loved to listen. As a boy, for 60 kreutzers he bought a new short history of Ukraine and explained to his mother and father that though they lived in the Austrian state, their village was really part of Ukraine. After he had fi nished the school at 9 or 10 years of age, he was recommended by Zubrytsky when visitors from Dobromyl came looking for a tutor to teach children where schools had not been established. He cajoled his parents into letting him go for two years. He mentions that schools did not exist in the Lemko areas but he appears to have tutored in Dobromyl county. He went from house to house teaching children, replicating the way literacy had been once taught in Mshanets, though now from the literary Ukrainian language in its Galician variant. By the time he left on the same ship as Teklia Bunii Myhal for America in 1913 he had fi nished his formal education. In America he earned his living in industrial work but devoted his life to community organization, including the formation of the Ukrainian Orthodox church in Passaic, New Jersey, in the 1920s. In his writing, reading, and speaking practices he was devoted to Ukrainian

94 Petrychkovych’s contacts with Voloshchak as well as his knowledge of German are evident in a letter he wrote in 1930 in which he requested German books, Voloshchak, Moia tuha, pp. 148– 149 (signed Fedia, identiﬁ cation by Stepan Vovkanych, Andrii Voloshchak’s son-in-law). 95 Mshanets project. Cassette 35 (1985) interview with John Steckowich. (Stetskovych) 96 Mshanets project. Cassettes 36–37 (28 August 1985 and 8 January 1986) Interviews with Lesio Sysyn. 158 Frank E. Sysyn. The Reading Revolution in the Ukrainian Countryside national causes, forming a Ukrainian Congress branch, publicizing the Holodomor, and supporting Smoloskyp, a publishing house specializing in Ukrainian dissident literature.97 While self-educated in the US, he based his activities on the literacy and national consciousness gained in Mshanets that served as the basis for his life’s work. Most important, he, like many of the literate emigrants in the US and Canada, had the tool for keeping contact with their native land. Some allied with the Ukrainian nationalists in the New World, some with the Ukrainian Commu- nists, but many had a tool that few of their ancestors would have had thirty to forty years earlier. The reading revolution in Mshanets did not affect all its 1,200 inhabitants in the same way. A good portion of the villagers remained illiterate, though even their lives were frequently inﬂ uenced by the change, if only in hearing others who read in the reading room or looking for help in deciphering letters from America or deal- ing with remittances. Some must have followed the pattern one so frequently en- counters in reports of Prosvita societies and discussions of the dissemination of Ukrainian literature, that is of pupils who soon forgot their literacy skills when they returned to village life. Girls were less likely to be given the chance to be literate than boys. Some gazdas were reluctant to give up their children to schooling and had to be coerced by the increasing application of the requirement for schooling in the decade before the war. Still, with an activist priest writing documents to assert the villagers’ economic and civil rights, the Mshanets villagers could see the use for the written word.98

The Mshanets reading revolution illustrates general patterns of the spread of literacy in Galicia as well as some particular aspects. Throughout the process the role of the state and government ofﬁ cials was decisive. The Habsburgs had required that the Greek Catholic priests acquire education and serve an enlightening func- tion. This requirement over time produced clergy such as Zubrytsky. The Austrian authorities had threatened monasteries with dissolution and prodded the Basilians at Lavriv to establish a four-year school. That school was long the major source of a literate stratum in Mshanets and surrounding villages. By requiring a school in German the Habsburg bureaucrats began the process of showing Ruthenians that there were other paths to education than the Latin-Polish model of the old Com- monwealth. After 1848, they had fully recognized “Ruthenian” as a language of the empire, a recognition that had served as the basis of Ruthenian civic and educational organization. As Zubrytsky showed in his writings, they had attempted to require the formation of parish schools among the Greek Catholics, but they had not car-

97 On 25 July 1935 the American-Ukrainian daily Svoboda, vol. 43, no. 171, p. 4 reprinted the lengthy discussion of the Famine and Soviet repression in Ukraine contained in a letter of Lesio Sysyn published in the Passaic, New Jersey Herald News of 19 July 1935. 98 See for example writing in the name of the community to the authorities to obtain assistance in improving the breeding of livestock. Zubryts’kyi, Autobiography, pp. 26–27, though he pointed out some complained about this. He defended his civic activism against Russophile critics in an article “Kil’ka sliv z nahody stati “Dila” p.z. “Lytsemirý,” Dilo, 1901 (17/30 March), pp. 1–2. 159 ried out that policy with rigour, especially in the highland areas.99 Zubrytsky also complained about the Habsburgs’ abandonment of the Ruthenians after 1867–1868 to a Polish elite that fi rst neglected rural schooling and then sought to use it as a source of Polonization.100 Both these tendencies seem to have been in practice for the Mshanets school in the 1890s and early 1900s. Only at the very end of the Habsburg period did the Galician government enforce school requirements in most villages, a policy that would more effectively spread literacy among the Mshanets youth in the last decade before the war. Essential to the literacy question was the language in which reading or writing would occur. The break from the sacred literary language of Slavonic and its alphabet was a long one, with Russian later infl uencing the written language as well as retention of an etymological script that retained the dignity of the sacred tongue but hindered widespread literacy. Forming a modern vernacular literary medium was a lengthy process because Slavonic and Ukrainian were close both in content and form. That the modern Russian language retained a great deal of Slavonic made the process was even more complex. At the same time the well-developed German and Polish literary languages and institutions were available and essential for life outside the village and even within it. Mshanets illustrates the long process through which Ukrainian literacy fi nally spread in villages. That story took a unique turn because of the wanderer who had even gone to the Russian Empire. But just as the Lavriv school shifted in its education primarily into Ruthenian, Segin’s tutoring was ensuring that knowledge of Cyrillic letters was spreading in the village, soon to be reinforced by Zubrytsky’s action. Segin’s dual allegiance to the books of the Kach- kovsky Society and a branch of Prosvita demonstrates how inchoate language and identity questions were in Mshanets in the 1870s. The advent of Zubrytsky brought the village fully into the Ukrainophile camp just as the populists’ credo on language and alphabet was triumphing in the province. That triumph came because the state allowed community organization, and the Ruthenians had a right to use their language, albeit a right they had to struggle for in practice. Above all the Prosvita central offi ce used its resources, provided in part though at times grudgingly by the Galician provincial administration, to publish and organize. For Mshanets that organization, above all of the reading room, was to be crucial in the literacy struggle. The state had intervened against the Russophiles in the 1880s, an act presaged by Segin’s problems importing books from the Russian Empire, and most importantly had authorized the phonetic alphabet for Ruthenian schools in 1892. Mshanets did not get the benefi t of that decision until almost a decade later, in essence because of Zubrytsky’s stiff-neckedness against possible Polonizing infl uences of the school.

99 See Mykhailo Zubryts’kyi, “Kartyna do istoriï skhil’nytstva v Halychyni na pochatku XIX viku,” Dilo, 1900 (21 January/2 February), pp. 1–2. 100 For Zubrytsky’s view of the Habsburg role in Eastern Galicia, including education, see Frank E. Sysyn, “The Ukrainian Populist Clergy and the Habsburgs: The Conﬂ icted Vision of Father Mykhailo Zubryts’kyi,” in Maciej R. Drozdowski, Wojciech Walczak, and Katarzyna Wiszowata- Walczak, ed. Od Kijowa do Rzyma. Z dziejów stosunków Rzeczypospolitej ze Stolic Apostolsk i Ukrain (Biaystok, 2012), pp. 901–910. 160 Frank E. Sysyn. The Reading Revolution in the Ukrainian Countryside

As he admitted himself, the lack of an active school impeded the spread of literacy and even the growth of the reading room. Yet through the reading room and the reading to villagers from the rapidly growing number of Ukrainian publications in the Galician version of literary Ukrainian in range and sophistication, the printed word was revolutionizing Mshanets and spreading national consciousness in a way that would not have been permitted by the Polish-controlled school board. Once the school reopened in 1904 with Ruthenian as a language of instruction, that Ukrainian language and the reading room could reach an ever broader constituency.

Economic interest both affected the spread of literacy and determined how and why it would spread. Until the 1870s literacy had always been benefi cial in the village for priests, who frequently came from outside the village, to be literate in Slavonic, as well as cantors, more likely from within. There was also a position for a village scribe, possibly the cantor, who needed Polish literacy. Otherwise those few who gained literacy at the Lavriv school were likely to fi nd literacy of voca- tional use only if they left the village. The growing circle of literate villagers in the 1870s benefi ted because they could maintain contacts beyond the village as well as with the village when they left it. The linking of literacy and agricultural improvements and practices was to be a major success for the national movements among the Ruthenians. It was fi rst evidenced by Segin using Kachkovsky publications, but above all by Zubrytsky’s founding of the Prosvita branch and cooperative store in 1891–1892 and bringing in publications and, in one case, a speaker who addressed the benefi ts of new agricultural practices. Membership in the reading room and the cooperative involved membership fees, an expense that the gazdas had to see as justifi ed. Above all, the migration to America demonstrated the advantages that the literate villagers had in negotiating the long journey and keeping contact with the village as they strove to earn the money to buy more land. American remittances changed the economy of the village and brought it the funds for purchases at the cooperative store and from the traditional Jewish merchants. America also changed attitudes toward learning, as we have examples from of Lesio Sysyn’s and Andrii Voloshchak’s fathers, and in the case of Voloshchak provided the funds needed for gymnasium. Still, as literacy brought new ideas and aspirations to Mshanets, the economic system of Habsburg Galicia that made sending children to faraway gym- nasiums, not to speak of universities, extremely expensive worked against the villagers entering professions for which book-learning was needed. If Mshanets had been fortunately placed through much of the nineteenth century near a rare four-year school, by the beginning of the twentieth century, when at least primary schools were operating in almost all Galician villages, it was placed too far from the schools needed for admission to gymnasia and from the expanding network of gymnasia in the towns. Voloshchak’s mother’s dream for all their family’s effort was that their son might become a priest, undoubtedly because the seminary covered upkeep.101

101 Izydora Voloshchak, “Karby pam’iati: Do 90-richchia vid dnia narodzhennia A.V. Volosch- chaka,”, p. 130. 161

In fact, economic considerations had determined that Zubrytsky studied theology and not philosophy and that Voloshchak selected law since he did not have to live in Lviv in order to enroll.102 Voloshchak, who after he entered the wider world became an advocate of class struggle against lords and priests while remaining a Ukrainian patriot, insisted in his somewhat suspect account of the rejection of the Polish school teacher that the powerful were wrong when they said that the people resisted learning. His evidence of the process by which literacy came to his village is invaluable, though clearly reﬂ ected through his ideology and convictions. If we can perceive the process and the reasons why reading came to be of importance in a distant Carpathian village though unusually abundant and diverse sources, we only have glimmerings as to why villagers embarked on the process and how they perceived it. Why were the Mshanets boys dispatched to the Lavriv school and how did they utilize their learning (though here we have some valuable testimony from neighboring Groziova)? What inspired Segin to travel and to decide to spread reading? What was it in the 1870s that motivated the villagers to host the “monk” and give their children over to studies? How did most of those listeners and readers in the Prosvita and those pupils in the school react to the hearing and reading of the printed page? Here the relatively rich material in Mshanets must be placed in the context of evidence from throughout Galicia to gain a deeper and broader perspective and also to grasp what is atypical.

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102 Zubryts’kyi, “Autobiography,” p. 16 and Izydora Voloshchak, “Karby pam’iati: Do 90-richchia vid dnia narodzhennia A.V. Voloschchaka,” p. 130 162 Frank E. Sysyn. The Reading Revolution in the Ukrainian Countryside

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