The Crisis of Democracy in the Western Hemisphere

Howard University Digital Howard @ Howard University Faculty Reprints 7-1-1941 The rC isis of Democracy in the Western Hemisphere Rayford W. Logan Follow this and additional works at: http://dh.howard.edu/reprints Part of the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Logan, Rayford W., "The rC isis of Democracy in the Western Hemisphere" (1941). Faculty Reprints. Paper 119. http://dh.howard.edu/reprints/119 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Howard @ Howard University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Reprints by an authorized administrator of Digital Howard @ Howard University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE CRISIS OF DEMOCRACY IN THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE R ayford W. L ogan T he Colonial Period whatever abilities he may possess or There is definitely a crisis, perhaps acquire. There was little if any democ something worse before this article racy among the pre-Columbian In begins to gather dust on a library dians. Consequently, even in those re shelf. There is also a Western Hemi gions, like the Andean Republics, sphere even though its eastern limits where Indians have survived in large seem to be expanding almost as rapid numbers, there is no indigenous de ly as they did in the era of Manifest mocracy upon which to build. Destiny. Democracy, on the other Nor was there democracy in fif hand, is neither definite nor expand teenth and sixteenth century Europe ing. when white men began to settle in the How, indeed, when we consider the Western World. Most Europeans did history of the Western Hemisphere,* 1 * not come to America in the colonial can there be any functional democ period to create a democracy but racy? By functional democracy I rather to establish a new aristocracy. mean a system of government and a One may, therefore, search in vain for way of life that definitely promote the any substantial democracy in either opportunity for every one to develop the form of government or the daily and utilize to the best good of all life in the European colonies in Ameri ca. If these newcomers had discovered 1 The conclusions in this article are largely my uninhabited lands, they might, con own. Evidence can be adduced to show exceptions to these conclusions and, indeed, oontrary inter ceivably, have nevertheless achieved pretations. In place of specific documentation ^ I subjoin a very orief bibliography for the colonial democracy. But this “ dream of democ period as follows: James T. Adams, Provincial Society, 1690-1763. New York: The Macmillan racy” was frustrated by the presence Co., 1927; Charles M. Andrews, The Colonial Pe riod of American History. New Haven, etc.: Yale of Indians and the introduction of Ne University Press, 1934-1938; James C. Ballagh, White Servitude in the Colony of Virginia. Balti gro slaves. more: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1895; Marcus W . Jernegan, Laboring and Dependent From the every beginning, then, Classes in Colonial America, 1607-1788. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1931; Albert E. Mc colonial government and society de Kinley, The Suffrage Franchise in the Thirteen English Colonies in America. Philadelphia: Press veloped a definite nexus between race of the University of Pennsylvania, 1905; Herbert I. Priestley, The Coming of the White Man, 1492- and class. I am far from subscribing 1848. New York: The Macmillan Co., 1929. The following are helpful for the colonies of Latin to the leyenda negra which has made America: Raymond Joseph de Pons, Voyage h la partie orientate de la. Terre-Ferme. Paris, 1800; the treatment of Indians by Spaniards Thomas Gage, A New Survey of the West Indies. London, 1648; Friedrich Heinrich Alexander yon one of the great crimes of history. Dr. Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain. Paris, 1811-1812; Jorge Juan y Santacilla Lewis Hanke has revealed, for exam and Antonio de Ulloa, Noticias secretas de America. London, 1826; Sir Arthur Helps, The Spanish ple, the bitter conflict between the two Conquest in America. London, 1855-1861; Bernard Moses, The Spanish Dependencies in South Ameri schools of Spanish thought which con ca. New York and London, 1914; Robert Southey, History of Brazil. London, 1810-4.819; M. L. E. sidered the Indians as either “ noble Moreau de Saint-MAry, Description topographique, physique, civile, politique et historique de la partie savages” or “ dirty dogs.” But after franqaise de Visle Saint Domingue. Philadelphia, 1797. some thirty years of experimentation, 344 CRISIS OF DEMOCRACY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE 345 the “ dirty dog” school seems to have bitter between the European-born won the battle since the government Spaniard or Portuguese and the creole decided that “ nothing could be gained (European born in the colonies); be by further attemps to make the In tween the men of the Tidewater and dians live like ‘Christian laborers in of the Piedmont in the English col Castile/ ” 2 In brief, the encomienda onies; between the grands blancs and and mita systems of forced labor, or the petits blancs; between patroon and expulsion beyond the frontier, became peasant. But, to use convenient terms, the general pattern of life for the In the white aristocracy and bourgeoisie dians who survived the Spanish con practically monopolized the instru quest. The other European colonists ments of government, controlled most pursued substantially similar policies. of the wealth, and enjoyed the social One would be very naive if he sought prerogatives. to generalize as to the relative brutali The second group consisted of free ty of Anglo-Saxons and Latins, of men, composed largely of mulattoes Protestants and Catholics. and mestizos (cross between Indian The Negro policy of the Europeans and white), “ poor whites,” some Ne in the Western Hemisphere was, on groes, Indians and zambos (cross be the whole, worse than their Indian tween Negro and Indian), and every policy. While forced labor was usually conceivable mixing of these free the lot of the Indians, slavery was the groups. The mulattoes and mestizos fate of most of the Negroes. Slavery frequently possessed more wealth and existed in all the colonies: in some like opportunity than did the others in this Argentina, Chile, and Massachusetts, group. But there was this essential there were only a few thousands; in difference—the “ poor whites” could Saint Domingue there were almost a hope to acquire enough wealth to join half million. The forced migration of the whites at the top in power and some ten millions of Africans has been eventually in social position. The mu a principal obstacle to the develop lattoes and mestizos, regardless of ment of democracy in America. their wealth, were rarely admitted to On the eve of the revolutions in equal participation in government or these European colonies a rather def social position. They might reach the inite social structure had been estab periphery but rarely the center. Senor lished. It was not static, and it varied Moises Saenz has aptly called the slightly in different colonies. But, by colonial mestizo “ a man without a and large, colonial government and so country.”3 The same designation can ciety consisted of well-defined groups. be applied to the other members of this The ruling class was composed almost group. In this no-man’s land, the full- exclusively of whites who possessed blooded and the zambo freemen usu also most of the wealth. Complete ally found advancement more difficult solidarity did not, of course, prevail than did the free mixed bloods. There among the whites. The contest was was no more unity among these in- between groups than there was among 2 The First Social Experiments in America. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1935, pp. 3 “ Indians are Americans,” Survey Graphic, 19-20, 70-71, 30:170, Mr 1941. 346 THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO EDUCATION the whites. At the bottom of the struc strict rigidly admission to the white ture, forming the broad base of a pyra group while in the other colonies the mid, were the forced laborers and the tendency was in the direction of more slaves who were mostly full-blooded liberality. If we may borrow terms Indians, Negroes and zambos, and from constitutional law, we may say some mulattoes and mestizos. that the Thirteen Colonies were strict There are perfectly understandable constructionists and that the others reasons for this general correlation be were loose constructionists. I venture tween race and class. The whites had the guess that the presence of a white possessed the superior arms that had minority in the Thirteen Colonies was enabled them to conquer the Indians a controlling factor in the strict con and enslave the Negroes. But, since the struction and that elsewhere the min whites were generally outnumbered, ority status, from the numerical point they had to buttress their superior po of view, dictated the necessity for the sition by the ideologies of racial pres admission of new members to the top tige and of religion. This minority ranks. Whatever the reasons, race domination, founded upon conquest, prejudice was stronger in the English buttressed by racial and religious ide colonies than in those of the Latin na ologies, was assured by the technique tions of Europe. of divide and rule. The non-white free But the important point is this: in men were not admitted to full member both instances the premium on being ship in the ruling classes, but they white was recognized. In the first case, were encouraged to hold themselves the premium was so high that it could apart from and above the unfree. This be accorded to only a few. In the sec last groveling mass in turn was taught ond, the premium was so high that it to hate the group immediately above was granted as a reward for extraor it.

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