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21. the Changing Role of Copyright in China's Emergent Media Economy

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21. the Changing Role of Copyright in China's Emergent Media Economy 21. The Changing Role of Copyright in China’s Emergent Media Economy Lucy Montgomery and Xiang Ren Introduction Copyright, which ‘protects the rights of creators of literary and artistic works, and of those who purchase or otherwise obtain those rights’ (Becker, 2002:3) is deeply rooted in the legal, philosophical and economic traditions of Western Europe and the United States. There is growing recognition among Chinese policymakers and creative practitioners that copyright has the potential to encourage growth in creative and cultural industries and to facilitate market-based reform of the media sector. In spite of this, the integration of copyright into Chinese legal, economic and social norms has often been problematic. Although China’s formal copyright law is now similar to copyright laws in any Western jurisdiction, attitudes towards creativity and the regulation of copying continue to be influenced by the nation’s own unique history, as well as the transitional nature of its media and legal systems. This chapter introduces the changing role of copyright in China from a historical perspective. It begins by briefly tracing the history of copyright, from a censorship related system associated with the emergence of the printing press in Imperial China, through modernization during the Republican period, abolition under Communism, and finally to the introduction of the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) first copyright law in 1990 and the nation’s entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001. 1 As this chapter discusses, copyright failed to take root in Imperial China, in spite of the existence of a vibrant commercial printing industry and awareness among creative entrepreneurs of the value of being able to control copying. Copyright fell on equally hard ground in the first decades of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and was simply not compatible with Communist ideology that opposed all forms of private property. As a result, China remained isolated from many of the developments that gave rise to the emergence of ‘copyright industries’ in other markets during the twentieth century. Regardless of this slow start, opening and reform have been associated with strident efforts to both recognise and protect intellectual property rights. The PRC now has a comprehensive copyright law and a vast bureaucracy dedicated to its administration and enforcement. As reform processes gather pace and a new generation of media industry entrepreneurs emerges, copyright is taking on an increasingly prominent role in the growth of vibrant, commercially focussed Chinese creative and cultural industries. Nonetheless, infringement remains rampant and it is taking time for the soft infrastructure needed to support a copyright-based economy to develop. Rather than evolving alongside analogue technologies for copying and distribution, China’s copyright industries are, in many ways, being born digital. There are signs that some media firms are finding it more profitable to simply develop new business models than to attempt to apply models that depend on strict enforcement, particularly in a digital environment. Tensions between black-letter law and copyright practices in China provide important insight into the complex ways in which copyright connects to wider commercial, economic, legal and technological landscapes in all markets. 2 Confucianism and Copyright William Alford’s treatise on the history of copyright in China, To Steal a Book Is an Elegant Offense (1995), makes an argument for the determining role of Chinese culture in shaping modern attitudes towards copyright and its enforcement. As Alford observes, during the Imperial period Chinese governments exercised a high degree of control over cultural norms and the circulation of ideas through the promotion of Confucian ideals of thought, behaviour and artistic achievement. Confucian philosophy emphasises the importance of the past and the value of established hierarchies in all aspects of life. The Imperial examination (keju) system, established during the Sui Dynasty in 605 and expanded during the Song Dynasty (960–1279AD) examined candidates on their knowledge of a centrally selected canon of Confucian texts in order to select officials for the state’s bureaucracy. Copying from an approved artistic and intellectual canon played a key role in the exercise of power over Chinese subjects, allowing the government to ensure that Confucian texts were internalized by scholars throughout the nation. It also ensured that the moral codes, attitudes and values that these texts contained were applied at every level of the political and education system (Alford, 1995: 19–20; Dimitrov, 2009). Within the Confucian framework morality was defined by tradition (Oldstone-Moore, 2003) and individuals were encouraged to think of themselves as transmitters rather than creators of knowledge (Confucius, 1998:VII:20). People depended on a combination of knowledge of the past and guidance from leaders, teachers and superiors to instruct them on appropriate ways to conduct themselves in all aspects of their lives (Oldstone-Moore, 2003). Just as concepts of ‘natural law’ formed the basis of legal principles within Judeo-Christian societies, Chinese law relied heavily on 3 reference to the past to guide judgments about legitimacy, morality and righteousness. In contrast to Western concepts of copyright informed by ideals of individual creativity and genius associated with the European Enlightenment during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in Europe,1 creative works were considered part of a common heritage, rather than as the property of the individual creator. Confucianism’s disdain for commerce and commercially motivated creative activity were also incompatible with economic theories of copyright that understood the protection of private rights as a legitimate means of creating incentives for artistic or creative endeavour. Commercially Driven Creative Cultures in Imperial China Alford’s (1995) work provides important insight into interactions between Confucianism and attempts by international governments to impose a wholly foreign intellectual property system on an unwilling nation. However, his focus on Imperial China’s official cultural system neglects important areas of commercially motivated creative and publishing activity that existed alongside the state-sponsored cultural system. Many intellectuals serving within the official system, as well as those who had failed to secure an office for themselves through the Imperial examinations were engaged in a popular creative economy that largely ignored Confucian models of artistic propriety. Less than 5 percent of Imperial examination candidates succeeded in securing a government office through the Keju system. Trained scholars sought financially rewarding opportunities to apply their education and creative skill and a 1 See for example, Kawohl, F. ‘The Berlin Publisher Freidrich Nicolai and the Reprinting Sections of the Prussian Statute Book 1794’ in Kretschmer, M., Bentley, L. and Deazley, M. (Eds), Privilege and Property: Essays on the History of Copyright, Open Book Publishers: Cambridge. 4 significant body of writers, playwrights, choreographers, composers and painters earned both social esteem and economic reward through flourishing popular outlets throughout the Imperial period. There is evidence that a vibrant commercial publishing industry, enabled by developments in print technology, appeared as early as the Song Dynasty (Zhang, 1989). As developments in print technology continued to make the mass reproduction of texts easy and relatively inexpensive, a prosperous, commercially-driven writing and publishing sector also emerged (McDermott, 2006). In contrast to the official Confucian system described by Alford, in which successive Imperial governments encouraged the separation of concepts of artistic achievement from commerce through practices of patronage, commercial publishers and literary agents presided over a much grittier world of popular creative production and consumption. Although some of the artists and authors who gained notoriety during this period were born to wealthy families,1 a significant proportion depended on popular culture for their livelihoods (Mun, 2008). In China, as elsewhere in the world at around the same time, the protection of rights in individual creative works became a key element of a popular creative economy. There is evidence that publishers and authors were conscious of ‘copyright’ and its value during the Song Dynasty2 (960- 1279) and accounts of book piracy in China can also be dated from this period (Wu, 1998). Complaints of infringement were made by authors and publishers to the Imperial authorities and Imperial governments issued a number of orders intended to regulate the publishing and printing industries and to address concerns over widespread piracy (Zhu, 2000). The official book publication licence issued by Imperial authorities 5 during the Song Dynasty clearly stated that unauthorized printing would be severely punished (Ren, 2011). During this period channels for copyright enforcement were predominantly administrative rather than judicial. Government officials enjoyed a high degree of discretion in determining whether infringement had taken place and the severity of punishment warranted. Although commercial activities relating to cultural creation, dissemination, and consumption were not officially encouraged, they remained the subject of government control and censorship. A significant
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