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Erdogan As an Admired Sultan Or an Instrument in Political Competition? Locals' Perceptions of the Turkish Presence in Serbian Sandžak Stefan Jojić

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Erdogan As an Admired Sultan Or an Instrument in Political Competition? Locals' Perceptions of the Turkish Presence in Serbian Sandžak Stefan Jojić WESTERN BALKANS AT THE CROSSROADS: ANALYTICAL STUDY 07 Erdogan as an admired sultan or an instrument in political competition? Locals' perceptions of the Turkish presence in Serbian Sandžak Stefan Jojić January 2021 Erdogan as an admired sultan or an instrument in political competition? Locals' perceptions of the Turkish presence in Serbian Sandžak Author: Stefan Jojić Proofreading: Zack Kramer Published by the Prague Security Studies Institute, January 2021, Prague The publication is written within the framework of the project “Western Balkans at the Crossroads: Ways Forward in Analyzing External Actors Influence“ led by the Prague Security Studies Institute with the support of the National Endowment for Democracy. © PSSI 2021 The Prague Security Studies Institute, Pohořelec 6 118 00 Prague 1, Czech Republic www.pssi.cz WESTERN BALKANS AT THE CROSSROADS: ANALYTICAL STUDY EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This paper seeks to fill the gap in research of Turkish policy However, the Bosniak elites are not homogenous in their in the Balkans, providing original insight into Turkey’s perception and not all of them see the Turkish presence presence in the Sandžak region of Serbia with a special in solely positive terms. Unlike their opponents from other focus on local perceptions. More specifically, this study Bosniak parties, members of the conservative Justice and deals with locals’ understanding of the Turkish presence, Reconciliation Party and liberal elites can be singled out as well as differences in perception between different as having somewhat more pragmatic and critical views ethnic, political, ideological, and interest groups. The article of Turkey. Hence, this case signals a clear divergence in also deals with how the foreign factor is being used in attitudes about Turkey among different political and political confrontations between different political-interest ideological poles of the Bosniak populace. groups in Sandžak. Given its historical, demographic, and geopolitical features, and declared significance for The results also indicate that Turkey’s reputation among the strategists in Ankara, Sandžak region is a fruitful area for Bosniaks of Sandžak is instrumentalized by local political- exploring Turkey’s foreign policy in the region. interest groups in their mutual clashes. Intending to undermine the positions of rivals in Turkey or to influence The research draws on primary and secondary sources, and local public opinion, some local actors try to present data obtained from dozens of interviews with elites and others as enemies of Turkey, while promoting narratives citizens of Sandžak cities and towns. The results confirm about their own close ties with Ankara. The paper provides the assumed divergence between the perceptions of original insights in the Turkey’s engagement in the region ethnic Serbs citizens and political elites, and their Bosniak and is of interest to researchers of socio-political realities counterparts. While the former mostly have negative in Sandžak and the Balkans, as well as those interested in attitudes about the Turkish presence, which they observe presence of Turkey in Sandžak, the Balkans, and Europe through the lens of a more or less transparent realpolitik in general. agenda, the latter group is characterized by positive attitudes about Turkey’s presence. 3 WESTERN BALKANS AT THE CROSSROADS: ANALYTICAL STUDY INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION Contrary to the passive foreign policy during the most the political, intellectual, media, and religious elites, and of the 20th century, after Erdogan and his Justice and residents of Sandžak (both Muslim and non-Muslim) of the Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – AKP) Turkish presence in the region. It examines the following came to power Turkey has pursued a more ambitious and research question: In what ways do locals understand and unilateral policy in international relations. In line with perceive the Turkish presence in Sandžak, its pros and cons, the guidelines formulated in the early 2000s by Ahmet and the reasons for its engagement? How do perspectives Davutoglu (2014), a former leading Turkish foreign policy differ between various socio-political groups in the region? figure, Turkey has increased its international activities in How do local actors use Turkey’s presence and popularity many areas and promoted its interests in its geographical for their own political interests and clashes? vicinity. The Western Balkans are also on the radar of AKP’s ambitious foreign policy agenda, and the multiethnic In order to answer the research questions, it was necessary region of Sandžak with its unique Ottoman legacy plays to employ data collected through both desk and field an important role in Turkish presence in the region. Once research. During 2020, 35 semi-structured interviews were dividing and now divided by Serbia and Montenegro, the conducted with local elites – representatives of the local Sandžak region was among the last territories to remain administration, politicians, religious leaders, journalists, under the Ottoman rule in the Balkans. In addition to its and NGO representatives. Furthermore, 57 interviews specific geographical position, the geopolitical importance were conducted with citizens of four municipalities in of the region is reflected in its demographics, since the Serbian Sandžak – Novi Pazar, Tutin, Sjenica, and Prijepolje area of both Serbian and Montenegrin part of Sandžak is to obtain the data necessary for the examination of lay- inhabited by a mixed population of Christians and Muslims. citizen perceptions. Interviews were tailored for different The importance of this region has been widely recognized categories of interviewees and included both closed- by key foreign policymakers in Ankara during the 21st and open-ended questions. By conducting in-depth and century, making this area suitable for Turkish foreign comprehensive research, the paper aims to bring a better policy research. understanding of various groups’ perceptions of the Turkish presence in the region and get beyond the widespread Hand in hand with Turkey’s intensified activities, academic notion that Muslims have a much more benevolent attitude and public interest in Ankara’s foreign policy has also towards Turks than non-Muslims. increased, sparking debate on Turkey’s influence in neighboring regions, including the Balkans. While The first chapter gives a brief overview of Turkey’s presence there have been many recent reports investigating the in the Western Balkans. The second chapter deals with the Turkish presence in the Balkans, little is known about socio-political specificity of Sandžak. The third chapter local perceptions of that presence. With a focus on locals’ gives insight into locals’ perceptions and the differences perceptions and Serbian part of Sandžak as its spatial focal among various ethnic, political, and interest groups. It also point, this paper aims to fill this gap. With its socio-political deals with the political dynamics of interactions between and geographical specificities, more broadly discussed Turkey and Sandžak, observing both Turkey’s relations with in the following chapters, Sandžak is a promising area for local political actors and the way the Turkish card is being exploring perceptions of Turkey’s foreign policy in the played by locals in their political clashes. era of Erdogan. This study aims to analyze perceptions of 4 WESTERN BALKANS AT THE CROSSROADS: ANALYTICAL STUDY TURKEY IN THE WESTERN BALKANS TURKEY IN THE WESTERN BALKANS After the centuries of Ottoman domination over the Balkans, people have obtained higher education in Turkey through the period between the collapse of the Empire and the last a system of state scholarships provided by Turkey (Pačariz decade of the 20th century could be described as one of 2020, 92), while on the other hand young people have been Turkish absence rather than presence in the Balkans. Turkey’s encouraged to study at some of the Turkish universities visibility in this region increased during the 1990s when Ankara opened in Balkans (Ajzenhamer and Trapara 2013). took a strong stance on the conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina and later in Kosovo as a promoter of the interests of Muslim Increased Turkey’s regional activity has been accompanied communities in conflict areas (Jojić, 2018). But real increase in by popularization of the term “neo-Ottomanism”, instigated Turkey’s presence in the Balkans came during the 2000s, when by political, academic and media circles outside of Turkey, the AK Party formulated an ambitious foreign policy. raising suspicions that Turkey is motivated by “imperial nostalgia” in advancing in its neighborhoods (Bechev 2012, Since the Balkans were defined as an area vital to Turkey’s 131; Tanasković 2010; Prasanna 2020; Bechev 2017; Somun foreign policy (Davutoglu 2014) during the early period of 2011). The popularity of the term “neo-Ottomanism” was the AKP’s rule, Turkey significantly increased its presence further enhanced by the rhetoric of Turkish officials, especially there in many spheres. In political terms, Turkey has worked Davutoglu who frequently referred to Ottoman times in to establish closer relations with the Balkan countries, positive manner. The term itself provokes a lot of controversies especially those with significant Muslim populations, while and, due to the danger of evoking negative memories, is seeking to impose itself as a mediator in resolving conflicts extremely unpopular in pragmatic circles in Turkey.2 With
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