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Unspeakable Things S a I O N ，S Ambivalent Critique of Language and Buddhism

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Unspeakable Things S a I O N ，S Ambivalent Critique of Language and Buddhism Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 1997 24/1-2 Unspeakable Things S a i O n ，s Ambivalent Critique of Language and Buddhism Gregory S m it s This article examines Sai On ys understanding of language and its corre­ spondence with reality within the context of Confucianism, Buddhism, and the politics of eighteenth-century Ryukyu. Well aware of the limita­ tions of language in conveying profound metaphysical truths, Sai On crit­ icized Buddhists for their alleged erudition while displaying considerable rhetorical skill and erudition himself. Though a critic of Buddhism, Sai O n ，s writings suggest a strong Zen influence. Like most other Confucians， he accepted the Buddhist-inspired understanding of a material world whose basis was constant change and sought to create a stable society by mastering the principles of change. The ambivalence in Sai On ys critique of language use and Buddhism is in part a reflection of a broader problem many Confucians experienced in dealing with foundations and change, and in reconciling Buddhist and Confucian truths. Sai on 蔡 温 （1682-1761)，confucian scholar and political reformer, was the most important shaper of the Ryukyu kingdom’s character and institutions during its kinsei 近世 period (lb09-1879). Forcibly annexed by Japan in 1879，the territory that once comprised Ryukyu is now Okinawa Prefecture.Ihe precise status of kinsei Ryukyu is debatable, often emotionally so, owing to competing Japanese and Okinawan/Ryukyuan nationalisms. That kinsei Ryukyu was under significant Japanese domination, however, cannot be denied. More specifically, the king of Ryukyu was a de facto vassal of the daimyo of Satsuma, who invaded the islands in 1609. But kinsei Ryukyu also had strong ties with China, maintaining tributary relations for 500 years, from 1372 throueh 1872. Indeed, the kinsei period was a time of increasing Chinese influence in the realms of scholarship, state cere­ * Note concerning romanization: 5ai O n and other Ryukuans typically wrote in both Japanese (usually sorobun) and classical Chinese. Romanized terms in quoted passages reflect the original language of the text. 164 Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 24/1-2 monial, and state religious policies, with Chinese cultural forms grad­ ually replacing Japanese cultural forms within the upper strata of soci­ ety (T o m iy a m a 1992). Although connected in formal ways with both China and Japan, the king and his officials administered Ryukyu’s internal affairs, albeit within parameters dictated by those connec­ tions. Sai O n ’s political career began in 1711 at age thirty, when he became tutor to Crown Prince Sho Kei 尚 敬 （r .1712-1752). When Sho Kei ascended the throne the next year, ^>ai On continued to assist the young monarch in several capacities. Capable, confident，and a shrewd politician, Sai On soon became the most powerful figure in the Ryukyu government. Until his retirement from official life in 17d1, he pursued a wide ranee of political and administrative reforms, many designed to revitalize Ryukyu’s economy. Sai On also promoted Confucianism both as a personal creed and as a state ideology. By the time of his death, Ryukyu5s government had become thoroughly “C o n fu cia n ize d ，，，as reflected m its laws and rituals, and in the basis on which officials rose through the ranks. Although often successful in ms political programs, ^>ai On faced opposition throughout his tenure in office. Ih is opposition came from the aristocrats of Shuri 首里，the capital, who saw their interests threatened by Sai O n ’s political agenda. Sai On and his supporters came from Kumemura 久米村*，an area adjacent to Shuri settled by Chinese immigrants in the fourteenth century, which served as Ryukyu5s center for Chinese studies and diplomacy. By Sai O n ’s time, Confucian studies comprised the core curriculum in Kumemura, with the Chene-Zhu 程朱 variety becoming increasingly influential. On the other hand, Japanese Buddhism, particularly Sningon and Rinzai Zen, continued to inform the hearts and minds of the Shuri aristocrats. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that Sai On devoted a ereat deal of energy to criticizing Buddhism. This critique of Buddhism had many dimensions, a few of which are examined here. Despite his strong anti-Buddhist rhetoric, Sai O n ’s attitude toward Buddhism was ambivalent. Influenced by the Three Teachings 三孝文 syncretism then flourishing in southeast coastal China (Ryukyu’s base of operations in China was Fujian), Sai On did not deny the ultimate validity of Buddhism, particularly in its meditative varieties such as Zen. He criticized popular Buddnist practices and beliefs as baseless superstition, albeit superstition that once served the useful purpose (as updya, “skill in means”) of mghteninsr the residents of ancient India into decent behavior. Zen meditation, he claimed, while effective for a few outstanding persons, is impractical for the vast majority. Sai On praised Sakyamuni as a sage on a par with any in Smits： Unspeakable Things 165 China, including Confucius, and repeatedly affirmed that Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism ultimately address the same profound truth. As this truth is too profound to describe in words, Sai On distrusted attempts to do so. This distrust engendered both praise and blame for Buddhism, depending on the context. The following dialogue from Suoweng pianyan 袁翁片言 [Conversations with a rustic old man] is a typical example of Sai O n ’s understanding of the limits of language: Two members of the aristocracy and a Buddhist monk visited the old man. There was a plum tree in front of his thatched hut, and its flowers were in full bloom, looking- like snow. “How beautiful! How beautiful!” exclaimed the aristocrats. The old man asked, “Where is true beauty located?” One aristocrat said，“It’s in the flower.” The other said，“It’s in the eye.” The monk said, “I t ，s in the mind-and-heart [xzn心 ].，， The old man faced the three and said，“You aristocrats are like rustics, and you [monk] are a clever talker. True beauty is in none of those places.” The monk spoke out and asked, “Where，then, is true beau­ ty to be found?” The old man said, “That which is counterfeit [wei is to be found after one speaks. That which is genuine [cheng p&] is to be found before words.” (SOZS, p. 26) The plum blossoms make themselves manifest to our senses，and we can utter words in an attempt to convey the resulting impression to others. Sai On, however, argues via the old man’s words that the true essence of beauty is found at the level where subject (heart-and- mind/eye) and object (flower) are united. Tms level of reality extends beyond the descriptive power of human speech. So to speak or beauty results, at best, in an incomplete imitation (Ch. wet, Jp. itsuwari) of the actual beauty achieved by the interpenetrating unity (Ch. cheng, Jp. makoto) of subject and object. Sai O n ’s distrust of language fell into two broad categories, each reflecting an aspect of its inherent counterreit (wei) qualities:1 ) the inability of words properly to represent profound metaphysical truths, and 2) the alleged tendency of the literary arts to favor aesthetics over practical utility. He regarded both of these problems with language as potentially dangerous because of their power to distract people from more important and productive pursuits. This paper examines Sai O n’s ambivalent views of language and Buddhism, an important dimension of Ryukyuan intellectual and relieious history that scholars 166 Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 24/1-2 of Ryukyu have thus far overlooked. Sai On was not unique in his views, and this inquiry attempts to shed some light on broader issues in Confucian thought and discourse. The Confucian Plow and Buddhist Empty Talk A master of rhetoric, Sai On often made use of metaphysical points in his arguments even as he claimed to be disinterested in metaphysics. “My Confucianism,55 he wrote, “is mainly about teaching fundamental, down-to-earth matters and rarely deals with metaphysics. It is the ten­ dency of Daoists and Buddhists never to tire of discussing meta- physics” (SOZS, p. 37). Such claims notwithstanding, however, Sai On and other Confucians engaged in extended metaphysical discussions no less than did Buddhists or Daoists. Claiming that a proclivity to dis­ cuss what cannot be explained in words is a problem peculiar to Buddhism and Daoism was a rhetorical strategy to discredit Buddhist teachings. Sai On rationalized his own metaphysical discussions as necessary correctives to false Buddhist claims. The following passage from Conversations with a Rustic Old M an illus­ trates the relationship between language and metaphysics using con­ crete metaphors. A Buddhist monk has asked the question, “The myriad religious teachings [w anfaTd^] return to a single essence. Do you know that essence?” The old man’s answer raises epistemological issues about apprehending this essence: It is easy to explain with the mouth, but difficult to compre­ hend with the mind-and-heart. Consequently, worldly monks are all capable of explaining it, but this is a verbal explanation. If the mind-and-heart does not apprehend it, this so-called “single essence” is like a valuable treasure in the house next door that one does not have. It is like blind men gathered to discuss the appearance of the light of the sun and the moon. How can we possibly say that their vision is true? (SOZS, p. 26) There is no disputing the existence of a common essence at the core of Buddhist, Confucian, and other teachings. The problem is that the words of “worldly m o n k s ，，，or any one else，are inadequate to describe it.
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