Turkish Foreign Policy During Adnan Menderes Period
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THE CYPRUS QUESTION in the MAKING and the ATTITUDE of the SOVIET UNION TOWARDS the CYPRUS QUESTION (1960-1974) a Master's
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Bilkent University Institutional Repository THE CYPRUS QUESTION IN THE MAKING AND THE ATTITUDE OF THE SOVIET UNION TOWARDS THE CYPRUS QUESTION (1960-1974) A Master’s Thesis by MUSTAFA ÇAĞATAY ASLAN DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS BILKENT UNIVERSITY ANKARA September 2008 To my grandfathers Osman OYMAK and Mehmet Akif ASLAN, THE CYPRUS QUESTION IN THE MAKING AND THE ATTITUDE OF THE SOVIET UNION TOWARDS THE CYPRUS QUESTION (1960-1974) The Institute of Economics and Social Sciences of Bilkent University by MUSTAFA ÇAĞATAY ASLAN In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS BILKENT UNIVERSITY ANKARA September 2008 I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations. --------------------------- Associate Prof. Hakan Kırımlı Supervisor I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations. --------------------------- Assistant Prof. Dr. Nur Bilge Criss Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations. --------------------------- Assistant Prof. Dr. Eugenia Kermeli Examining Committee Member Approval of the Institute of Economics and Social Sciences --------------------------- Prof. Dr. Erdal Erel Director ABSTRACT THE CYPRUS QUESTION IN THE MAKING AND THE ATTITUDE OF THE SOVIET UNION TOWARDS THE CYPRUS QUESTION (1960-1974) Aslan, Mustafa Çağatay M.A., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Associate Prof. -
H. Ü. Atatürk İlkeleri Ve İnkılâp Tarihi Enstitüsü Müdürlüğü'ne Bu Çalışma
H. Ü. Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılâp Tarihi Enstitüsü Müdürlüğü’ne Bu Çalışma, Jürimiz Tarafından Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılâp Tarihi Anabilim Dalında DOKTORA Tezi Olarak Kabul Edilmiştir. Başkan : Prof. Dr. Oğuz AYTEPE Üye : Prof. Dr. Fatma ACUN (Danışman) Üye : Prof. Dr. Adnan SOFUOĞLU Üye : Doç. Dr. Ayten SEZER ARI Üye : Doç. Dr. Saime SELENGA Yukarıdaki imzaların, adı geçen öğretim üyelerine ait olduğunu Onaylarım. ../…./……….. Prof. Dr. Adnan SOFUOĞLU Enstitü Müdürü Bildirim Doktora tezi olarak sunduğum “Askeri ve Siyasi Yönleriyle Kâzım Özalp” adlı çalışmanın tarafımdan bilimsel ahlak ve geleneklere ayrı düşecek bir yardıma başvurmaksızın yazıldığını ve yararlandığım eserlerin kaynakçada gösterilenlerden olduğunu, bunlara atıf yapılarak yararlanılmış olduğunu belirtir ve onurumla doğrularım. 15.05.2012 Ahmet KIZILIRMAK Hacettepe Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılâp Tarihi Enstitüsü ASKERİ VE SİYASİ YÖNLERİYLE KÂZIM ÖZALP Ahmet KIZILIRMAK DOKTORA TEZİ ANKARA 2012 Ö Z E T Kâzım Özalp 17 Şubat 1882 de Makedonya bölgesinin Köprülü şehrinde dünyaya geldi. Kalabalık bir asker ailesinin çocuğu olan Kâzım, ilköğreniminden sonra askeri okula gitmiş ve Askeri idadi’de okurken tanıştığı Mustafa Kemal’le arkadaşlığı ise ömür boyu sürmüştür. Harp okulu ve Harp Akademisini bitirdikten sonra Ülkeyi içinde bulunduğu yıkımdan kurtarma ülküsü onu İttihat ve Terakki saflarına katılmaya sevk etmiştir. İlk subaylık yıllarında, III. Ordu, 36. Alayında I. Tabur, 2. Bölük Komutanlığındaki görevi Bulgar çetelerine karşı demiryollarını koruyarak, mücadele etmekti. II. Abdülhamid’e karşı İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyetinin Meşrutiyeti zorunlu kılan eylemlerini destekledi. 31 Mart olayında Harekât Ordusu’nda yer aldı. Arnavutluk isyanının bastırılmasına ve Balkan Harbi’ne katıldı. Balkan toprakları kaybedilince, Binbaşı Kâzım Bey III. Ordu emrinde Van Seyyar Jandarma Alay Komutanlığı’nda görevlendirildi. -
Neo-Kemalism Vs. Neo-Democrats?
' TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY BETWEEN 1960-1971: NEO-KEMALISM VS. NEO-DEMOCRATS? Sedat LAÇ 0NER ‘I hope you will understand that your NATO allies have not had a chance to consider whether they have an obligation to protect Turkey against the Soviet Union if Turkey takes a step which results in Soviet intervention without the full consent and understanding of its NATO allies.’ 1 Lyndon B. Johnson, US President, 1964 ‘Atatürk taught us realism and rationalism. He was not an ideologue.’ 2 Süleyman Demirel , Turkish Prime Minister Abstract In the post-coup years two main factors; the détente process, and as a result of the détente significant change in the United States’ policies towards Turkey, started a chain-reaction process in Turkish foreign policy. During the 1960s several factors forced Turkish policy makers towards a new foreign policy. On the one hand, the Western attitude undermined the Kemalist and other Westernist schools and caused an ideological transformation in Turkish foreign policy. On the other hand, the military coup and disintegration process that it triggered also played very important role in the foreign policy transformation process. Indeed, by undermining Westernism in Turkey, the West caused an ideological crisis in Kemalism and other foreign policy schools. The 1960s also witnessed the start of the disintegration process in Turkish politics that provided a suitable environment for the resurgence of the Ottoman schools of thought, such as Islamism and Turkism. 1 The Middle East Journal , Vol. 20, No. 3, Summer 1966, p. 387. 2 0hsan Sabri Ça /layangil, Anılarım, ( My Memoirs ), ( 0stanbul: Güne 2, 1990), p. -
Turkey's Islamists: from Power-Sharing to Political
TURKEY’S ISLAMISTS: FROM POWER-SHARING TO POLITICAL INCUMBENCY The complex relationship between political Islam and the Turkish state – from political exclusion in the early Republican era, to power-sharing in the post-World War II multi-party era, to political incumbency in the 2000s – was crowned by AKP’s landslide electoral victory in 2002. The author debunks two myths regarding this relationship: first, that Kemalism enjoyed a monopoly of political power for decades and second, that Islamists achieved victory in 2002 after being the regime’s sole opposition. According to the author, Turkey’s failed Middle East policy can be attributed to AKP’s misconception that its Islamic counterparts would achieve power after the Arab uprisings just as they had done in Turkey in 2002. Behlül Özkan* Spring 2015 * Dr. Behlül Özkan is an Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science and International Relations at Marmara University, Istanbul. 71 VOLUME 14 NUMBER 1 BEHLÜL ÖZKAN he 1995 elections in Turkey, in which the Islamist Welfare Party (Refah Partisi) won the most votes, garnered much attention both in Turkey and abroad. Welfare Party leader Necmettin Erbakan took office as T prime minister the following year, the first time in the country’s histo- ry that an Islamist had occupied an executive position. Erbakan was subsequently forced out of office in the “post-modern coup” of 28 February 1997, widely inter- preted as a sign that achieving power by democratic means was still impossible for Islamists. Prominent Islamists such as current President and former Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan have often declared themselves to be the victims of the February 28 coup, which they cite as an instance of the perpetual repression faced by Islamists and their political constituencies since the founding of the Republic. -
The False Promise [Of the 'Turkish Model']
THE FALSE PROMISE Ahmet T. Kuru Since the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, most Turks preserved the belief, beyond a simple expectation, that one day they would have ‘grandeur’ again. In fact, this was largely shared by some Western observers who regarded Turkey as a potential model for the coexistence of Islam and democracy. Almost a century after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, however, it would be fair to depict Turkey as a mediocre country, in terms of its military, economic, and socio-cultural capacities, and a competitive autocracy, regarding its political system. The promise of the Turkish case to combine the best parts of Islamic ethics and modern democratic institu- tions appeared to be false. What explains the failure of the idea of the ‘Turkish model?’ To simplify a complex story, one could define the competing groups in Turkish politics until 2012 as Kemalists and their discontents. For the former, it was the religious and multi-ethnic characteristics of the Ottoman Empire that led to its demise. The Turkish Republic, in contrast, had to be assertive secularist, and Turkish nationalist, to avoid repeating the maladies of the Ottoman ancien régime. This project required radical reforms, including the replacement of the Arabic alphabet with Latin, and an authoritarian regime, since the majority of Turks were conservative Muslims, and Kurds resisted assimilation. A major problem of the Kemalist understanding of Westernisation was its extreme formalism, probably due to the fact that Kemalism was primarily represented by the military. According to this formalist perspective, dress code and way of life defined the level of Westernisation of a person. -
SABATAYCILIK SALTANATI VE MEŞHUR DÖNMELER - Milli Çözüm Dergisi
SABATAYCILIK SALTANATI VE MEŞHUR DÖNMELER - Milli Çözüm Dergisi Yazar Milli Çözüm Dergisi 26 Temmuz 2012 Birçok internet sitesinde yıllardır yayınlandığı ve hiç kimsenin yalanlama ihtiyacı duymadığı,“Sabataist Müslüman görünümlü gizli Yahudi”leri, tekrar gündeme getirmek, asılsız iddia ve iftiralar varsa, ilgililere bunları düzeltme imkanı vermek; ve şahısları deşifre edip hedef göstermek gibi bayağı ve aşağı bir fesatlıktan uzak; ülkemizin, devletimizin ve milletimizin muhatap olduğu bir tehdide dikkat çekmek üzere bu konuya değinmeyi münasip gördük. Bilinen bazı “Selanik Dönmeleri” (“Sabataycılar” veya “Gizli Yahudiler”) Bu listenin dayandığı kaynak: ( http://www.sabetay.50g.com/Liste/liste.html ) internette bulduğum en geniş DÖNME listesiydi. Fakat 28 Şubat’ın (1997) meşhur isimlerini bu listede göremedim: Org. Çevik Bir (28 Şubatın mimarlarından), Güven Erkaya Deniz Komutanı (28 Şubatın mimarlarından), Kemal Gürüz YÖK Başkanı, Prof. Kemal Alemdaroğlu İ.Ü Eski Rektörü, Prof. Nur Sertel gibilerinin de Sebataist olduğu belirtilmekteydi. 28 Şubat sonrasına dikkat edelim. Ordu’dan en çok İRTİCACI subay ve öğrenci atılması 28 Şubat’ın ilk yıllarında gözlendi, Üniversiteler İRTİCACI’lardan temizlendi. Daha evvelden imam hatiplerde, üniversitelerde başörtüsü ile okunabilirken, bu tarihten sonra bu hak engellendi. İmam Hatiplerin pratikte önü kesildi. Yükselen Anadolu sermayesinin önü kesildi. (Cüneyt Ülsever’e göre, 28 Şubatın asıl sebebi bu sermaye meselesiymiş). 28 Şubatın planları Deniz Kuvvetlerinin Gölcük’teki merkezinde yapıldı deniyor. Bu merkez 1999 Gölcük depreminde denize gömüldü. Rasathaneden Prof. Işıkara depremin merkez üssünün “tam deniz kuvvetleri merkezi” olduğunu söylemişti. Yakın geçmişteki bir Genel Kurmay Başkanımızın dönme olduğu vurgulanıyor. 2-3 defa nüfus kütüğünü bir şehirden başka şehre taşıdığı, izini kaybettirmek için yaptığı söyleniyor. “Türkler 1.500.000 ermeni öldürdü” deyip, derhal Nobel’i alan Orhan Pamuk’u da unutmamak gerekiyor. -
Turkish Modernization and the Army
© Uluslararası İnsan Bilimleri Dergisi ISSN: 1303-5134 www.insanbilimleri.com A DIFFERENT MODERNIZATION EXPERIENCE: TURKISH MODERNIZATION AND THE ARMY Assist. Professor Dr. D. Ali ARSLAN(*) [email protected] ABSTRACT: This study will concern itself with Turkish political development from the early nineteenth century up to the present time: Firstly, the term modernization will be explained and the historical roots of Turkish modernization will be examined. Then, it will be concerned with the development of Turkish democracy. Also, the late Ottoman Period will be looked at very briefly, because Turkish modernization began in the Ottoman Empire. The central institution in the process of Turkish modernization was the army. After the abolition of the Janissary in 1826, the military became one of the most Westernized elements in the Empire. Liberal ideas first spread among the military officers and military colleges became the centre of secret political organizations in the mid-nineteenth century. Turkish military elites have always had the aim of representing the new values, behavior patterns and life styles since the late Ottoman era. Key Words: Atatürk, Turkish Revolution, Modernization, Turkish Modernization, Turkish Army, Turkish Military Elites. © Uluslararası İnsan Bilimleri Dergisi ISSN: 1303-5134 2 www.InsanBilimleri.com 1. INTRODUCTION The army has been one of the most important institutions in Turkish society and the military elites have been one of the most considerable and powerful elite groups in the Turkish power structure. Army and military elites have achieved significant duties either in the defense of the country or the modernization and development of society. As a natural result of this, very strong and good relations were established between the Turkish army and the Turkish people. -
Demokrat Parti Iktidarinin Ilk Dönemi Ve Refik Koraltan (1950-1954)*
Ankara Üniversitesi Türk İnkılâp Tarihi Enstitüsü Atatürk Yolu Dergisi Sayı: 67, Güz 2020, s.323-346 Makalenin geliş ve kabul tarihleri: 04.06.2020 - 23.09.2020 (Araştırma Makalesi) DEMOKRAT PARTİ İKTİDARININ İLK DÖNEMİ VE REFİK KORALTAN (1950-1954)* Necdet HAYTA** Özlem YILDIRIM KIRIŞ*** ÖZ Refik Koraltan, Osmanlı Devleti’nin son döneminde doğmuş ve Cumhuriyet’in kuruluşundan başlayarak, 27 Mayıs 1960 Askeri Darbesine kadar aktif siyasi hayatın içinde yer almış bir devlet adamıdır. 7 Haziran 1945 tarihinde CHP içerisinde genel itibariyle liberalleşmeyi talep eden reformlar yapılmasını öngören ‘Dörtlü Takriri’ veren isimler arasında yer almıştır. Koraltan, CHP tarafından 27 Kasım 1945 tarihinde partiden çıkarılmıştır. 6 Ocak 1946 yılında Demokrat Parti’nin kurucuları arasında yer almış ve 1946 Genel Seçimlerinde Demokrat Parti İçel Milletvekili olarak seçilmiştir. 1950 Genel Seçimlerde iktidara gelen Demokrat Parti döneminde Refik Koraltan, TBMM Başkanı olarak görev yapmıştır. 27 Mayıs Askeri Darbesi ile siyasi hayatı son bulmuştur. Bu çalışmada 1950-1954 yılları arasında Demokrat Parti iktidarı döneminde yaşanan gelişmeler ve Demokrat Parti kurucularından olan Koraltan’ın söz konusu dönemde yaşanan gelişmelere karşı tutum ve düşünceleri incelenmeye çalışılmıştır. 1950 seçimleri sonucunda Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi, iktidarı Demokrat Partiye bırakmıştır. Demokrat Partide yapılan iş bölümüne göre dört kurucudan Celal Bayar Cumhurbaşkanlığı, Adnan Menderes Başbakanlık, Fuat Köprülü Dış İşleri Bakanlığı ve Refik Koraltan TBMM başkanlığı görevlerine gelmişlerdir. 1950-1954 döneminde; Bulgaristan’dan göç eden Türkler, Millet Partisinin kapatılması, Basın Kanunu, Af Kanunu, Kore Savaşına Türk askerinin gönderilmesi, iktidar ve muhalefet partileri arasında zaman * Bu çalışma Ekim 2017 tarihinde Gazi Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü tarafından kabul edilen “Bir Siyaset Adamı Portresi: Refik Koraltan” başlıklı Doktora tezinden türetilmiştir. -
Israel and Turkey: from Covert to Overt Relations
Israel and Turkey: From Covert to Overt Relations by Jacob Abadi INTRODUCTION Diplomatic relations between Israel and Turkey have existed since the Jewish state came into being in 1948, however, they have remained covert until recently. Contacts between the two countries have continued despite Turkey's condemnation of Israel in the UN and other official bodies. Frequent statements made by Turkish officials regarding the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Palestinian dilemma give the impression that Turco-Israeli relations have been far more hostile than is actually the case. Such an image is quite misleading, for throughout the years political, commercial, cultural and even military contacts have been maintained between the two countries. The purpose of this article is to show the extent of cooperation between the two countries and to demonstrate how domestic as well as external constraints have affected the diplomatic ties between them. It will be argued that during the first forty years of Israel's existence relations between the two countries remained cordial. Both sides kept a low profile and did not reveal the nature of these ties. It was only toward the end of the 1980s, when the international political climate underwent a major upheaval, that the ties between the two countries became official and overt. Whereas relations with Israel constituted a major problem in Turkish diplomacy, Israeli foreign policy was relatively free from hesitations and constraints. For Israeli foreign policy makers it was always desirable to establish normal relations with Turkey, whose location on the periphery of the Middle East gave it great strategic importance. -
HALİL Erdemirdecember 2001- February 2002 / Vol
PERCEPTIONS JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS December 2001- February 2002 / Vol. - VI Num.4 THE ORIGIN OF THE CYPRUS QUESTION: THE BRITISH POLICY ON THE CREATION OF CYPRUS REPUBLIC HALİL ERDEMİR Halil Erdemir is a PhD candidate and tutor in the Department of Politics, University of Wales Swansea. INTRODUCTION Cyprus holds an important place in the United Kingdom’s foreign policy. There was a rather complex situation in Cyprus during the 1950s; the Greeks tried for enosis (the union of Cyprus with Greece), the Turks resisted, arguing either for the status quo or for taksim (partition), while Britain tried to quit the Island with the exception of keeping two air bases. British officials used every opportunity to preserve British influence on the Island. The Cyprus Question was the most difficult issue to the United Kingdom, Greece and Turkey during the second half of the 1950s and it disturbed Turkey’s relations with Greece and the United Kingdom. The Cyprus Question was the creation of the desires and aggression of two conflicting parties: Greece and the United Kingdom. The Greek Cypriots attempted to exclude the Turkish Cypriots from the Island’s political and economic life and directed terrorist actions against British soldiers and Turks on the Island. There was also a potential threat to the southern border of Turkey. An extreme group within the Greek community wanted to achieve enosis through using violence against their neighbouring community. Regarding Turkey and the international community, Cyprus is located in a crucial strategic area and simply cannot be left to any hostile power. Greece possesses the Aegean Islands that encircle Turkey’s border.1 Periodically, Greek terrorists attacked first the British and then Turkish Cypriots, causing difficulty in relations between Greece and Britain. -
Yolsuzluk Ve Usulsüzlük Olaylarinin Türk Siyasetine Yansimalari (1923–1950)
YOLSUZLUK VE USULSÜZLÜK OLAYLARININ TÜRK SİYASETİNE YANSIMALARI (1923–1950) Erkan AFŞAR Doktora Tezi Tarih Anabilim Dalı Prof. Dr. Selami KILIÇ 2013 Her Hakkı Saklıdır T.C. ATATÜRK ÜNİVERSİTESİ SOSYAL BİLİMLER ENSTİTÜSÜ TARİH ANABİLİM DALI Erkan AFŞAR YOLSUZLUK VE USULSÜZLÜK OLAYLARININ TÜRK SİYASETİNE YANSIMALARI (1923–1950) DOKTORA TEZİ TEZ YÖNETİCİSİ Prof. Dr. Selami KILIÇ ERZURUM–2013 I İÇİNDEKİLER ÖZET ............................................................................................................................... V ABSTRACT .................................................................................................................. VI ÖNSÖZ ......................................................................................................................... VII KISALTMALAR ........................................................................................................... X EKLER LİSTESİ ......................................................................................................... XI GİRİŞ ............................................................................................................................... 1 BİRİNCİ BÖLÜM TEK PARTİLİ DÖNEMDE YAPILAN YOLSUZLUK VE USULSÜZLÜKLER 1.1.BAHRİYE VEKİLİ İHSAN (ERYAVUZ) BEY DAVASI ( 1927–1928) ........ 23 1.1.1. İhsan Eryavuz’un Hayatı ............................................................................ 24 1.1.2. Bahriye Vekâletinin Kurulması .................................................................. 24 1.1.3. İsmet Paşa ile -
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PARTIES ESTABLISHED IN TURKEY AFTER 1960 AND THEIR ACTORS Assist. Prof. Dr. Mehmet Biçici Gaziantep University Introduction Organized structures formed in order to gain the authority to govern in a country by elections or to become partners in the administration of the country through coalition governments are called political parties (Gökçe, 2013). According to the political scientist Duverger’s evaluation of political parties, there are two main periods in the formation of political parties. In these two main periods, the background of the emergence and development of parties is taken into consideration. The first main period considers how the parties formed and under what conditions, while in the second main period, how the parties came to the present day after the World War II are examined (Göktürk, 2016). We can gather Party Political Systems under two headings. These are the two-party political system and the multi-party political system. In the two-party political system there are two major parties that are trusted to be elected by the people voting. Those who vote choose between these two parties, and the party that holds the majority wins power. 3. Parties are far from powerful in this election. The best known examples of the two-party political systems are seen in the United States and England. The candidates for power in these countries have two large majorities. Other smaller parties are unable to be in power because they cannot get close to the big two parties. Examples include the Republican Party and the Democratic Party in the US, and the Labor Party and the Conservative Party in the UK.