Guide to Further Reading
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Effective Competition and Corporate Disclosure A
EFFECTIVE COMPETITION AND CORPORATE DISCLOSURE A CRITICAL STUDY by RAZAHUSSEIN M, DEVJI B. Sc. (Econ)», University of London, 1961 Barrister-at-Law, Honourable Society of Middle Temple, London, 1962 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION In the Faculty of Graduate Studies We accept this thesis as conforming to the required staricTardT THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1968 In presenting this thesis in partial ful• filment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study* I further agree that permission for ex• tensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Faculty of Commerce and Business Administration, The University of British Columbia, Vancouver 8, B. C. Canada. ABSTRACT Economic activity in the United States and Canada is predominantly performed by corporations. They are by far the largest private employers of workers, the biggest investors and the predominant instrument of production. They are rapidly growing in size, are generating sufficient funds internally to carry out most of their expansion programs, and are diversifying into unrelated activities. Their affairs are increasingly managed by professional executives who have little, if any, stake In the risk capital. The shareholders, who are legally pre• sumed to exercise control over the powers and actions of corporate executives, are normally too numerous and scattered so as not to be in a position to have a significant influence on the policies of the corporations. -
The Death of the Firm
Article The Death of the Firm June Carbone† & Nancy Levit†† INTRODUCTION A corporation is simply a form of organization used by human beings to achieve desired ends. An established body of law specifies the rights and obligations of the people (including shareholders, officers, and employees) who are associated with a corporation in one way or another. When rights, whether constitutional or statutory, are ex- tended to corporations, the purpose is to protect the rights of these people.1 In the Supreme Court’s decision in Burwell v. Hobby Lob- by—and more generally in corporate and employment law—the firm as entity is disappearing as a unit of legal analysis. We use the term “firm” in this Article in the sense that Ronald Coase did to describe a form of business organization that or- ders the production of goods and services through use of a sys- tem internal to the enterprise rather than through the use of independent contractors.2 The idea of an “entity” in this sense † Robina Chair in Law, Science and Technology, University of Minneso- ta Law School. †† Curators’ and Edward D. Ellison Professor of Law, University of Mis- souri – Kansas City School of Law. We thank William K. Black, Margaret F. Brinig, Naomi Cahn, Paul Callister, Mary Ann Case, Lynne Dallas, Robert Downs, Max Eichner, Martha Fineman, Barb Glesner Fines, Claire Hill, Brett McDonnell, Amy Monahan, Charles O’Kelley, Hari Osofsky, Irma Russell, Dan Schwarcz, Lynn Stout, and Erik P.M. Vermeulen for their helpful comments on drafts of this Article and Tracy Shoberg and Shiveta Vaid for their research support. -
Introduction Robert Gibbons and John Roberts
Introduction Robert Gibbons and John Roberts Organizational economics involves the use of economic logic and methods to understand the existence, nature, design, and performance of organizations, especially managed ones. As this handbook documents, economists working on organizational issues have now generated a large volume of exciting research, both theoretical and empirical. However, organizational economics is not yet a fully recognized field in economics—for example, it has no JournalofEconomic Literature classification number, and few doctoral programs offer courses in it. The intent of this handbook is to make the existing research in organizational economics more accessible to economists and thereby to promote further research and teaching in the field. The Origins of Organizational Economics As Kenneth Arrow (1974: 33) put it, “organizations are a means of achieving the benefits of collective action in situations where the price system fails,” thus including not only business firms but also consortia, unions, legislatures, agencies, schools, churches, social movements, and beyond. All organizations, Arrow (1974: 26) argued, share “the need for collective action and the allocation of resources through nonmarket methods,” suggesting a range of possible structures and processes for decisionmaking in organizations, including dictatorship, coalitions, committees, and much more. Within Arrow’s broad view of the possible purposes and designs of organizations, many distinguished economists can be seen as having addressed organizational issues -
History in the Study of Industrial Organization
History in the Study of Industrial Organization David Genesove Hebrew University of Jerusalem and C.E.P.R. May 13 2016 Preliminary Draft *I am grateful for comments by discussants Konrad Stahl, Chaim Fershtman, John Sutton and Bob Feinberg, and others in presentations at the 2012 Nordic IO Conference, the IDC, Herzlya, the MAACI Summer Institute on Competition Policy, Israel IO Day and the 2015 EARIE Conference. I. Introduction In studying Industrial Organization, economists have at times turned to the past to illustrate and test its theories. This includes some of the seminal papers of the new empiricism (e.g., Porter, 1983). This readiness to cull from the historical record has neither been examined critically, nor accompanied by much of an attempt to follow the industrial organization of markets over time. This paper asks how history can help us understand markets, by posing the following dual questions: (a) what are the advantages and disadvantages of using old markets to illuminate our understanding of current ones, and (b) is a historical approach to the study of Industrial Organization possible and worth pursuing? We are talking about history in two different ways: as the past, and as an analytical approach. History as the past means using old markets in empirical work in the same way one uses contemporary markets, whether that is inductively learning about markets in the “theory-development role of applied econometrics” (Morgan, cited by Snooks, 1993), estimating parameters of interest, or “using historical episodes to test economic models for their generality” (Kindleberger, 1990, p. 3). History as an analytic approach means describing a sequence of events as a logical progression informed by economic theory but unencumbered by it, with room for personalities and errors, and perhaps emphasis on certain events with overwhelming importance. -
March-Ing Towards Organizational Economics
March-ing Towards Organizational Economics Robert Gibbons MIT and NBER April, 2019 I was a student of Jim March’s in 1983, meaning that I took a mandatory 10- week doctoral class on organization theory from him that changed my life. And I have been a student of Jim’s ever since, meaning that I have tried to keep learning about Jim’s ideas—about organizations and about life. During the course and for over a decade afterwards, most of my academic learning from Jim was about how disciplines other than economics think about organizations. More recently, I have tried to discern how the roots of my own field, organizational economics, often involve Jim. This note focuses on the latter, especially informed by precious summer discussions from 2013 to 2018.* Coase (1937) launched organizational economics by implicitly asking “If markets were perfect, why would we need firms?” An enormous literature eventually developed, greatly deepening our understanding of the roles that transaction costs and property rights play in determining the “institutional structure of production” (by which Coase (1992) meant not just the make-or-buy decision that determines the boundary of the firm, but also contracts and other governance structures between firms such as joint ventures and networks). Today, organizational economics consists of two halves: the “theory of the firm” (focused on the aforementioned institutional structure of production) and the “theory of internal organization” (focused on the decision processes within organizations that, in certain settings, perform sufficiently well to supplant the market alternative). One might ask whether the theory of internal organization has an animating question analogous to Coase’s for the theory of the firm (and, if so, who posed it, what else did they say, and what has become of this line of argument)? The answers I propose rest on Jim March’s collected works, especially March’s (1962) paper “The Business Firm as a Political Coalition” and Cyert and March’s (1963) emphasis on “unresolved conflict” in organizations. -
For Peer Review Journal: Journal of the History of Economic Thought
Cambridge University Press Dunn's "The Economics of John Kenneth Galbraith" For Peer Review Journal: Journal of the History of Economic Thought Manuscript ID: Draft Manuscript Type: Review Article [email protected] Page 1 of 8 Cambridge University Press 1 2 3 Book Review for the Journal of the History of Economic Thought 4 5 6 7 By Cameron M. Weber, PhD student in economics and history at the New School for Social 8 9 Research and Adjunct Faculty, FIT/SUNY and St. John’s University, New York. 10 11 12 February 2013 13 14 15 Email: [email protected], homepage: cameroneconomics.com 16 17 18 For Peer Review 19 Book reviewed: Stephen P. Dunn. The Economics of John Kenneth Galbraith: Introduction, 20 21 Persuasion and Rehabilitation . (Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, 22 23 Singapore, Sao Paulo, Delhi, Dubai, Tokyo, Mexico City: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 24 25 26 pp. xx, 477, US$115.00, ISBN 978-0521-51876-5. 27 28 29 Review: 30 31 32 Stephen Dunn describes this book as having its main goal to show that John Kenneth Galbraith’s 33 34 35 (JKG’s) thought has been under-appreciated by both Post-Keynesians and Institutionalists in the 36 37 history of economic thought. But in reality the book is really of two parts, the first is Dunn’s 38 39 very detailed and engaging description of JKG’s thought without tying-in in any systematic way 40 41 42 followers or precursors, the second is to relate JKG’s influence on those that followed him, 43 44 especially in Post-Keynesian Economics. -
Development Through International Economic Integration: Institutional Change to Accommodate Foreign Direct Investment in Brazil and China
Development through international economic integration: Institutional Change to accommodate Foreign Direct Investment in Brazil and China Henrique Estides Delgado ABSTRACT Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) that was mainly flowing to developing countries before the Second World War, became increasingly concentrated among developed economies since the aftermath of the war. A similar increase in the concentration of other capital flows and trade followed suit during the many decades in which the liberal post-war international order was far from being global. In the late 20th century, increased international willingness to expand global markets was matched by changes in the economic policy of developing countries, originating a process that started to reshape economic geography and reorient FDI flows and other economic flows. Eventually, in the wake of the 2008 global financial crisis, developing countries would again receive the bulk of global FDI flows. This paper argues that the primary reason for the new distribution of FDI is the way that institutional change at the global level interacted with institutional change within countries. As such, this interaction will also define the endurance of this reorientation. To sustain this point, the paper takes the cases of China and Brazil and demonstrates that the change in the incentive structure provided by the international environment around the end of the Cold War and the creation of the WTO, was accompanied by major institutional transformations in Brazil and in China along which greater integration with the global economy was pursued. FDI that was always present in Brazil gained a new relevance, while in China it would emerge during the reform era in a way that is responsible for a large part of the unprecedented growth experienced by the country. -
A Modern Reader in Institutional and Evolutionary Economics : Key Concepts / Edited by Geoffrey M
A Modern Reader in Institutional and Evolutionary Economics EUROPEAN ASSOCIATION FOR EVOLUTIONARY POLITICAL ECONOMY Series Editor: Geoffrey M. Hodgson, University of Hertfordshire Business School, UK Mixed Economies in Europe: An Evolutionary Perspective on their Emergence, Transition and Regulation Edited by Wolfgang Blaas and John Foster The Political Economy of Diversity: Evolutionary Perspectives on Economic Order and Disorder Edited by Robert Delorme and Kurt Dopfer On Economic Institutions: Theory and Applications Edited by John Groenewegen, Christos Pitelis and Sven-Erik Sjöstrand Rethinking Economics: Markets, Technology and Economic Evolution Edited by Geoffrey M. Hodgson and Ernesto Screpanti Environment, Technology and Economic Growth: The Challenge to Sustainable Development Edited by Andrew Tylecote and Jan van der Straaten Institutions and Economic Change: New Perspectives on Markets, Firms and Technology Edited by Klaus Nielsen and Björn Johnson Pluralism in Economics: New Perspectives in History and Methodology Edited by Andrea Salanti and Ernesto Screpanti Beyond Market and Hierarchy: Interactive Governance and Social Complexity Edited by Ash Amin and Jerzy Hausner Employment, Technology and Economic Needs: Theory, Evidence and Public Policy Edited by Jonathan Michie and Angelo Reati Institutions and the Evolution of Capitalism: Implications of Evolutionary Economics Edited by John Groenewegen and Jack Vromen Is Economics an Evolutionary Science? The Legacy of Thorstein Veblen Edited by Francisco Louçã and Mark Perlman Technology and Knowledge: From the Firm to Innovation Systems Edited by Pier Paolo Saviotti and Bart Nooteboom Evolution and Path Dependence in Economic Ideas: Past and Present Edited by Pierre Garrouste and Stavros Ioannides A Modern Reader in Institutional and Evolutionary Economics: Key Concepts Edited by Geoffrey M. -
Volume 7 Issue 5 + 6 2020
COSMOS + TAXIS A Galbraithian Perspective on Epistemic Institutionalism and True Liberalism THEODORE BURCZAK Denison University Email: [email protected] Web: https://denison.edu/people/theodore-burczak Near the end of his book on F. A. Hayek, Peter Boettke advocates for a “true liberalism” growing out of Hayek’s the institutional framework that best enables epistemically thought that is “most conducive to human flourishing” limited individuals to strive and flourish. (Boettke 2018, p. 252). A consistent theme in Hayek’s oeu- This is a seriously truncated vision. A “true” liberal rec- vre is a careful investigation of what Boettke calls “epis- ognizes that a “valid image of the modern economy” is not temic institutionalism.” For Boettke, it is Hayek’s explora- one where most individuals are responding to price signals tion of epistemic institutionalism that helps produce this that emerge from competitive markets (Galbraith 2001, p. true liberalism. This short paper sketches a counterargu- 118). People shaping tin are not typically working in a small ment that Hayek’s epistemic institutionalism is hobbled, shop, buying raw material from and selling their product 5 making Hayekian liberalism itself truncated and “false,” directly into the global market. Much more likely, the metal more akin to a species of conservatism. A genuine liberal- worker is employed by a large organization with production ism based on a more thoroughgoing epistemic institution- units spread around the globe, where flows of sheet metal alism is far more progressive than the typical Hayekian is are directed by administered prices and decisions of pur- likely apt to accept. chasing managers. -
C:\Working Papers\11849.Wpd
NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES INERTIA AND INCENTIVES: BRIDGING ORGANIZATIONAL ECONOMICS AND ORGANIZATIONAL THEORY Rebecca Henderson Sarah Kaplan Working Paper 11849 http://www.nber.org/papers/w11849 NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH 1050 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 December 2005 This paper has benefited from the comments of participants in the 2004 Organization Science Conference “Frontiers of OS,” and from the comments of seminar participants at NYU, Wharton, INSEAD, the Stockholm School of Economics and the London Business School. We would also like to thank Robert Gibbons, Michael Jacobides, Bruce Kogut, Dan Levinthal, William Ocasio, Steven Postrel, Jesper Sørensen, Sid Winter and three anonymous reviewers. All errors or omissions remain our own.The views expressed herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Bureau of Economic Research. ©2005 by Rebecca Henderson and Sarah Kaplan. All rights reserved. Short sections of text, not to exceed two paragraphs, may be quoted without explicit permission provided that full credit, including © notice, is given to the source. Inertia and Incentives: Bridging Organizational Economics and Organizational Theory Rebecca Henderson and Sarah Kaplan NBER Working Paper No. 11849 December 2005 JEL No. L0, M0 ABSTRACT Organizational theorists have long acknowledged the importance of the formal and informal incentives facing a firm’’s employees, stressing that the political economy of a firm plays a major role in shaping organizational life and firm behavior. Yet the detailed study of incentive systems has traditionally been left in the hands of (organizational) economists, with most organizational theorists focusing their attention on critical problems in culture, network structure, framing and so on n in essence, the social context in which economics and incentive systems are embedded. -
Edith Penrose's 'The Theory of The
Munich Personal RePEc Archive Edith Penrose’s ‘The Theory of the Growth of the Firm’ Fifty Years Later Pitelis, Christos 13 March 2009 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/23180/ MPRA Paper No. 23180, posted 10 Jun 2010 05:46 UTC Edith Penrose’s ‘The Theory of the Growth of the Firm’ Fifty Years Later∗∗∗ Christos N. Pitelis Judge Business School and Queens’ College University of Cambridge Trumpington Street Cambridge CB2 1AG UK Tel: 0044 1223 339618 Fax: 0044 1223 766815 Email: [email protected] 13 March 2009 ∗ This paper draws and builds upon earlier work by Penrose and Pitelis (1999) and Pitelis (2004, 2005, 2007a, 2007b). am grateful to Edith Penrose for discussion and numerous colleagues for comments on earlier drafts, especially Mie Augier, (ohn Dunning, (oe Mahoney, Robin Marris, Perran Penrose, David Teece and Alain ,erbeke. Errors are mine. 1 Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1477885 I. INTRODUCTION 2009 marks the 50th anniversary of Edith Penrose’s The Theory of the Growth of the Firm (TGF thereafter). In a review of the book in the Economic Journal, Robin Marris (1961) predicted that TGF would prove one of the most influential of the decade. In his 1987 entry to the New Palgrave he added that “this proved an understatement” (p831). Marris’ statements were referring mainly to the economic theory of the firm, especially the literature on ‘managerial theories’, which were popular in the 1960s and in which he himself was a major contributor (Marris 1964). Neither Marris nor Penrose herself could foresee what appears to be the case 50 years on; this is a situation where the influence of TGF in mainstream economics has been rather limited (also Marris, 1987 and below). -
Agency Costs and Organizational Architecture of Large Corporate Farms: Evidence from Brazil
OPEN ACCESS International Food and Agribusiness Management Review Volume 20 Issue 2, 2017; DOI: 10.22434/IFAMR2016.0009 Received: 14 January 2016 / Accepted: 10 October 2016 Agency costs and organizational architecture of large corporate farms: evidence from Brazil Special issue: Agroholdings and mega-farms in a global context CASE STUDY Fabio Chaddada† and Vladislav Valentinov b aAssociate Professor, University of Missouri and INSPER, 125 Mumford Hall, Columbia, MO 65211, USA; †Deceased bResearch Associate, Leibniz Institute of Agricultural Development in Transition Economies, Theodor-Lieser-Str. 2, 06120 Halle, Germany Abstract Drawing inspiration from American institutionalism and new institutional economics, this paper discusses the rise of large corporate farms as the transition from the classic capitalist firm to the corporate form of organization based on the separation of ownership and control. Three case studies from the Brazilian cerrado show the rise of large corporate farms to be enabled and impelled by the advance of agricultural production technologies and the search for scale economies. The key finding from the case studies is that complex technology not only necessitates large-scale farming but also generates technical and organizational solutions to the potentially pervasive agency problems. In addition to the use of sound corporate governance practices, these solutions include organizational architecture encompassing computer-aided accounting and budgeting systems, incentive-based compensation, clear definition of performance goals, and delegation of operational decisions to farm managers. Furthermore, organizational architecture has been shown to promote a culture of trust and accountability, which counteract the opportunistic tendencies of farm managers and workers. Keywords: corporate farms, separation of ownership and control, organizational architecture, corporate governance.