Apartheid South Africa
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President Zuma to Bestow 2017 National Orders Awards
PRESIDENT ZUMA TO BESTOW 2017 NATIONAL ORDERS AWARDS President Jacob Zuma, the Grand Patron of the National Orders, will today, 28 April 2017, bestow the 2017 National Orders Awards on distinguished local citizens and eminent foreign nationals who have played a significant role towards building a free democratic South Africa and improving the lives of South Africans in various ways. The National Orders are the highest awards that South Africa bestows, through the President of the Republic upon citizens and members of the international community who have contributed meaningfully towards making the country a free democratic and successful nation, united in its diversity. During the ceremony, President Zuma will bestow the Order of Ikhamanga, the Order of the Baobab, the Order of Luthuli, and the Order of the Companions of OR Tambo to the following deserving recipients. THE ORDER OF IKHAMANGA IN GOLD Mr Wayde van Niekerk: For his exceptional contribution to the sporting field of track running. His performance against all odds broke standing records of international legends and brought immense national pride. Mr Wayde van Niekerk was born on 15 July 1992 in Cape Town. He attended Bellville Primary and Grey College before studying marketing at the University of the Free State. Van Niekerk is a track and field sprinter who has brought national pride to this country. He competes in the 200 and 400 metres respectively. He is the current world record holder, world and Olympic champion in the 400m. He is also the first and only person in history to run 100m in less than 10 seconds, 200m in 20 seconds, and 400m in 44 seconds. -
The Gordian Knot: Apartheid & the Unmaking of the Liberal World Order, 1960-1970
THE GORDIAN KNOT: APARTHEID & THE UNMAKING OF THE LIBERAL WORLD ORDER, 1960-1970 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Ryan Irwin, B.A., M.A. History ***** The Ohio State University 2010 Dissertation Committee: Professor Peter Hahn Professor Robert McMahon Professor Kevin Boyle Professor Martha van Wyk © 2010 by Ryan Irwin All rights reserved. ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the apartheid debate from an international perspective. Positioned at the methodological intersection of intellectual and diplomatic history, it examines how, where, and why African nationalists, Afrikaner nationalists, and American liberals contested South Africa’s place in the global community in the 1960s. It uses this fight to explore the contradictions of international politics in the decade after second-wave decolonization. The apartheid debate was never at the center of global affairs in this period, but it rallied international opinions in ways that attached particular meanings to concepts of development, order, justice, and freedom. As such, the debate about South Africa provides a microcosm of the larger postcolonial moment, exposing the deep-seated differences between politicians and policymakers in the First and Third Worlds, as well as the paradoxical nature of change in the late twentieth century. This dissertation tells three interlocking stories. First, it charts the rise and fall of African nationalism. For a brief yet important moment in the early and mid-1960s, African nationalists felt genuinely that they could remake global norms in Africa’s image and abolish the ideology of white supremacy through U.N. -
THE UNITED STATES and SOUTH AFRICA in the NIXON YEARS by Eric J. Morgan This Thesis Examines Relat
ABSTRACT THE SIN OF OMISSION: THE UNITED STATES AND SOUTH AFRICA IN THE NIXON YEARS by Eric J. Morgan This thesis examines relations between the United States and South Africa during Richard Nixon’s first presidential administration. While South Africa was not crucial to Nixon’s foreign policy, the racially-divided nation offered the United States a stabile economic partner and ally against communism on the otherwise chaotic post-colonial African continent. Nixon strengthened relations with the white minority government by quietly lifting sanctions, increasing economic and cultural ties, and improving communications between Washington and Pretoria. However, while Nixon’s policy was shortsighted and hypocritical, the Afrikaner government remained suspicious, believing that the Nixon administration continued to interfere in South Africa’s domestic affairs despite its new policy relaxations. The Nixon administration concluded that change in South Africa could only be achieved through the Afrikaner government, and therefore ignored black South Africans. Nixon’s indifference strengthened apartheid and hindered liberation efforts, helping to delay black South African freedom for nearly two decades beyond his presidency. THE SIN OF OMMISSION: THE UNITED STATES AND SOUTH AFRICA IN THE NIXON YEARS A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Miami University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History by Eric J. Morgan Miami University Oxford, Ohio 2003 Advisor __________________________________ (Dr. Jeffrey P. Kimball) Reader ___________________________________ (Dr. Allan M. Winkler) Reader ___________________________________ (Dr. Osaak Olumwullah) TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements . iii Prologue The Wonderful Tar Baby Story . 1 Chapter One The Unmovable Monolith . 3 Chapter Two Foresight and Folly . -
A Teachers Guide to Accompany the Slide Show
A Teachers Guide to Accompany the Slide Show by Kevin Danaher A Teachers Guide to Accompany the Slide Show by Kevin Danaher @ 1982 The Washington Office on Africa Educational Fund Contents Introduction .................................................1 Chapter One The Imprisoned Society: An Overview ..................... 5 South Africa: Land of inequality ............................... 5 1. bantustans ................................................6 2. influx Control ..............................................9 3. Pass Laws .................................................9 4. Government Represskn ....................................8 Chapter Two The Soweto Rebellion and Apartheid Schooling ......... 12 Chapter Three Early History ...............................................15 The Cape Colony: European Settlers Encounter African Societies in the 17th Century ................ 15 The European Conquest of Sotho and Nguni Land ............. 17 The Birth d ANC Opens a New Era ........................... 20 Industrialization. ............................................ 20 Foundations of Apartheid .................................... 21 Chapter Four South Africa Since WurJd War II .......................... 24 Constructing Apcrrtheid ........................... J .......... 25 Thd Afriqn National Congress of South Africa ................. 27 The Freedom Chafler ........................................ 29 The Treason Trid ........................................... 33 The Pan Africanht Congress ................................. 34 The -
Forced Removal of Population the Apartheid Regime Has Sought to Enforce Strict Territorial Segregation of the Different ‘Population Groups’
residence, commercial activities and industry for members of the White, Coloured and Asian groups (each in separate zones). Based on these group areas are segregated local government structures, and a segregated tricameral parliament with separate White, Coloured and Indian chambers, designed to preserve white political power while extending limited participation in central government to small sections of the Indian and Coloured communities. The majority of the population in South Africa is united in rejecting the segregated political structures of apartheid. Forced Removal of Population The apartheid regime has sought to enforce strict territorial segregation of the different ‘population groups’. People are forcibly evicted from their homes if they are in a zone which the government has asigned to another group. The government speaks, not of forced removal or eviction, but of Relocation and Resettlement. The evictions take place in many different kinds of areas and under different laws. In rural areas people are moved on a number of different pretexts. The places in which they live may be designated Black Spots — these are areas of land occupied and owned by Africans which the government has designated for another group, usually white. The occupiers are moved to a bantustan. Others are moved in the course of Consolidation of the bantustans, as the regime attempts to reduce the number of fragments of land which make up the bantustans. Over a million black tenants have been evicted from white owned farms since the 1960s. Tenants who paid cash rent to the farms were called Squatters, implying they had no right to be on the land. -
The Prison Narratives of Some South African Women
.. •"' Negoti~ting Truth, Freedom and Self: the Prison Narratives of Some South African Women Sandra M. Young Supervised by Assoc-Prof Dorothy Driver Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts University of Cape Town Department of English Language and Literature 1996 The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgement of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Published by the University of Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. For my mother Elizabeth compassionate and courageous in both living and dying iii Abstract The autobiographical prison writings of four South African women - Ruth First, Caesarina Kana Makhoere, Emma Mashinini and Maggie Resha - form the focus of this study. South African autobiography is burdened with the task of producing history in the light of the silences enforced by apartheid security legislation and the dominance of representations of white histories. Autobiography with its promise of 'truth' provides the structure within which to establish a credible subject position. In chapter one I discuss the use of authenticating devices, such as documentary-like prose, and the inclusion in numerous texts of the stories of others. Asserting oneself as a (publicly acknowledged) subject in writing is particularly difficult for women who historically have been denied access to authority: while Maggie Resha's explicit task is to highlight the role women have played in the struggle, her narrative must also be broadly representative, her authority communal. -
South Africa: Trial by Torture
SOUTH AFRICA: TRIAL BY TORTURE - The Case of The 22. Published by: The International Defence and Aid Fund, 2, Amen Court, London, E.C.U. - 2 - TRIAL BT TORTURE The Case of The 22 CONTENTS Page Foreword 3 I. The Accused and the Charges 6 II. The Arrests 10 III. The TTial 12 IV. The Torture Ordeal 21 V. Fiendish Torture 30 VI. The Court Refuses 37 VII. The Two Who Would Not Testify Ho VIII. The Question of Justice h1 FOREWORD The South African Government spends an enormous amount of money on propaganda. Hostile world reactions to the Sharpeville shootings of i960 and still more the consequent flight of capital, affected even the isolationist Afrikaners very deeply and over the last ten years universal efforts have been made to present South Africa favourably to the outside world. This effort and the vast sums of money expended upon it, have met with consider able success. Large numbers of people, particularly British business men, politicians, journalists and others have been invited to South Africa, taken on guided tours, fed with various kinds of "information" and have returned to tell travellers' tales of the success of apartheid, of the happiness of the coloured people, of the stability and tranquillity of this smiling and beautiful land where white people certainly enjoy the highest standard of living in the world. The International Defence and Aid Fund is not in the above sense a propagandist organisation. It does not have vast sums of money to spend, and even if it did it could make better use of it. -
The Black Sash, Vol. 16, No. 7
The Black Sash, Vol. 16, No. 7 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org/. Page 1 of 41 Alternative title The Black SashThe Black Sash Author/Creator The Black Sash (Johannesburg) Contributor Duncan, Sheena Publisher The Black Sash (Johannesburg) Date 1973-11 Resource type Journals (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa Coverage (temporal) 1973 Source Digital Imaging South Africa (DISA) Relation The Black Sash (1956-1969); continued by Sash (1969-1994) Rights By kind permission of Black Sash. Format extent 39 page(s) (length/size) Page 2 of 41 SASHVol. 16. No. 7Nov. 1973Price: 40cThe Black Sash magazine Page 3 of 41 BLACK SASH OFFICE BEARERSIlEADQUARTERSNational President: Mrs. -
Obituary: Professor Kenneth Cunningham Rankin FRCS, FCS (ECSA), OBE, Orthopaedic Surgeon, Human Rights Activist and Past President of ASEA
ISSN 20732073----999999999090 East Cent. Afr. J. surg. (Online) Obituary: Professor Kenneth Cunningham Rankin FRCS, FCS (ECSA), OBE, Orthopaedic Surgeon, Human Rights Activist and Past President of ASEA Born 22 January, 1939. Died in Newcastle, 3 July, 2011, aged 72 . Kenneth Cunningham Rankin was born in 1967. The following year he moved to Egypt on 22 nd January 1939 to George Rankin Baragwanath Hospital, Soweto and was and Christina Cunningham, while his father attached to KwaZulu Natal. While working was serving with the Royal Air Force in there he also visited the rural areas in Natal Alexandria. He undertook his undergraduate and elsewhere in order to assist people training at Edinburgh University and displaced by the apartheid regime. It was graduated in 1963. As a student Ken was during the course of this work that he met his inspired by the work of the medical future wife, a journalist and political activist missionary Albert Schweitzer in Africa. He Joyce Sikakane to whom he became secretly later served in various surgical posts in engaged. The harsh apartheid laws forbade an Edinburgh and his spare time was taken up inter-racial marriage and the two made plans with hill walking and sailing with friends to marry outside South Africa. However which became passionate lifetime pursuits. Joyce was detained by the authorities so in After acquiring his Fellowship in surgery he 1969 Ken and Joyce separately left South was appointed as ship's doctor on the Canberra Africa but their reunion was delayed by the and voyaged to Australia. detention of Joyce under the Apartheid Regime. -
Dennis Brutus: Activist for Non-Racialism and Freedom of the Human Spirit
Dennis Brutus: Activist for Non-racialism and Freedom of the Human Spirit Johannes A. Smit For the struggle for human rights, for justice, is one struggle (Dennis Brutus, ‘Steve Biko: In Memoriam’ [1978] 2006). Abstract This article provides a detailed overview of Dennis Vincent Brutus’s anti- apartheid sports activism. Focusing primarily on the period of 1948 – 1970, it traces Brutus’s activism from his earliest critical consciousness of racism in the apartheid state’s sport codes, positions it vis-à-vis apartheid as part of the struggle for freedom in 1950s South Africa, and follows him on his international travels in his quest for non-racialism in sport and the isolation of the apartheid sporting fraternity. Brutus’s literary activism as an integral component of his sports activism is also addressed. This is done in the broader theoretical framework of the ideological hegemony of the racist apartheid state, and Brutus’s advocacy for non-racial sports, as a conflict between apartheid and human rights in ideological terms. The main contention of the article is that it was Brutus’s commitment to non-racialism and the ‘freedom of the human spirit’ that served as navigating mechanism through all the socio-political turmoil he has had to live and struggle as exile and activist. Keywords: Activism, Non-racialism, human rights, ideology, apartheid, IOC, SANROC Alternation 17,2 (2010) 8 - 71 ISSN 1023-1757 8 Dennis Brutus: Activist for Non-racialism and Freedom … Introduction Certainly one of the great political enigmas of the twentieth century is South Africa’s white minority’s decision to follow the road of apartheid while the rest of the enlightened and developing world took a firm decision for equality and human rights. -
Winds of Change Speech by British Prime Minister Maurice Harold Macmillan
Winds of Change Speech by British Prime Minister Maurice Harold Macmillan 3 February 1960 It is, as I have said, a special privilege for me to be here in 1960 when you are celebrating what I might call the golden wedding of the Union. At such a time it is natural and right that you should pause to take stock of your position, to look back at what you have achieved, to look forward to what lies ahead. In the fifty years of their nationhood the people of South Africa have built a strong economy founded upon a healthy agriculture and thriving and resilient industries. No one could fail to be impressed with the immense material progress which has been achieved. That all this has been accomplished in so short a time is a striking testimony to the skill, energy and initiative of your people. We in Britain are proud of the contribution we have made to this remarkable achievement. Much of it has been financed by British capital. According to the recent survey made by the Union Government, nearly two-thirds of the oversea investment outstanding in the Union at the end of 1956 was British. That is after two staggering wars which have bled our economy white. But that is not all. We have developed trade between us to our common advantage, and our economies are now largely interdependent. You export to us raw materials, food and gold. We in return send you consumer goods or capital equipment. We take a third of all your exports and we supply a third of all your imports. -
The Shifting Attitudes of Australian Evangelicals Towards Race in the 1960S
The shifting attitudes of Australian evangelicals towards race in the 1960s Phil Rademaker Australian attitudes to race and racial discrimination were changing in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The Commonwealth Government’s policies of restrictive immigration (known as the ‘White Australia’ policy) had enjoyed strong support as the majority of Australians believed the country was destined to be, in the words of Prime Minister John Curtin in 1939, ‘forever the home of the descendants of those people who came here in peace in order to establish in the South Seas an outpost of the British race.’1 Yet the Second World War stoked fears of being overrun by Asian masses and this prompted a relaxation of the policy to enable non-British Europeans to become citizens.2 While this change was motivated by racist fears, over the next decade as former British colonies declared their independence and as the world reflected upon the actions of Nazi Germany, many in Australia started questioning Australia’s racial policy. In 1963, Hubert Opperman replaced Alexander Downer (Sr) as minister for immigration, signalling a shift in the Liberal party, and by 1965 Gough Whitlam had convinced the Australian Labor Party (ALP) to remove its support for White Australia. Yet, as historian Judith Brett notes, there was still significant support for the policy among older ALP members and voters, and among much of the Coalition.3 Paul Strangio likewise observes a division in Australia regarding the question of race. On the one hand, Prime Minister Harold Holt saw humanitarian