ITINERARI NEL SACRO L’Esperienza Religiosa Giapponese

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ITINERARI NEL SACRO L’Esperienza Religiosa Giapponese Massimo Raveri ITINERARI NEL SACRO L’esperienza religiosa giapponese Massimo Raveri Itinerari nel sacro. L’esperienza religiosa giapponese © 2006, 1984 Libreria Editrice Cafoscarina ISBN 88-7543-109-4 In copertina: Bambina in costume sciamanico durante un matsuri (Foto dell’autore) Tutti i diritti riservati. Libreria Editrice Cafoscarina Calle Foscari 3259, 30123 Venezia www.cafoscarina.it Seconda edizione riveduta e ampliata aprile 2006 Stampato in Italia presso Selecta SpA, Milano A Luisa e in memoria di Elsa AVVERTENZE Il sistema di trascrizione seguito è lo Hepburn, che si basa sul principio ge- nerale che le vocali siano pronunciate come in italiano e le consonanti come in inglese. In particolare si tengano presente i seguenti casi: ch è un’affricata come l’italiano “c” in cena g è sempre velare come l’italiano “g” in gara h è sempre aspirata j è un’affricata s è sorda come nell’italiano sasso sh è una fricativa come l’italiano “sc” di scena u in su e in tsu è quasi muta e assordita w va pronunciata come una “u” molto rapida y è consonantico e si pronuncia come l’italiano “i” di ieri z è dolce come nell’italiano rosa; o come in zona se iniziale o dopo “n” La lunga sulle vocali indica l’allungamento delle stesse, non il raddoppio. Tutti i termini giapponesi sono resi al maschile. Seguendo l’uso giapponese, il cognome precede sempre il nome. PERIODIZZAZIONE DELLA STORIA GIAPPONESE Jōmon 縄文 (fino al 200 a.C.) Yayoi 彌 生 (200 a.C. – 250) Kofun 古墳 (250-552) Asuka 飛鳥 (552-646) Hakuhō 白鳳 (646-710) Nara 奈良 (710-794) Heian 平安 (794-1185) Kamakura 鎌倉 (1185-1333) Nanbokuchō 南北朝 (1336-1392) Muromachi 室町 (1392-1568) Azuchi Momoyama 安土桃山 (1568-1600) Tokugawa 徳川 (1600-1868) Periodi moderni Meiji 明治 (1868-1912) Taishō 大正 (1912-1926) Shōwa 昭和 (1926-1988) Heisei 平成 (1988- ) INDICE I. LO SPAZIO 11 Lo spazio sacro 11 La risaia 13 La montagna 19 Il tempio 24 Il concetto di oku 30 Uno spazio marginale 34 Architettura dell’impermanenza 40 Il limite 42 Coltivato e incolto 48 Il gusto per l’asimmetria 50 Giardini e paradisi 56 Esterno e interno 59 La casa 63 La fuga e il ritorno: il pellegrinaggio 68 Itinerari di ascesi 75 II. IL TEMPO 87 La ciclicità del tempo 87 I riti dell’anno 89 I riti e la vita dell’uomo 93 Il sacro e il quotidiano 101 Il tempo come pienezza d’azione 103 Il dono 106 La scansione del rito 107 Il valore dei proverbi 113 I vagabondi e il fantastico 114 Il calendario e il potere sul tempo 118 La divinazione e l’annullamento del tempo 121 Il senso dell’impermanenza 135 Contro la logica del tempo: il miira 139 Il potere del passato 140 Il millennio e il paradiso che verrà 147 10 ITINERARI NEL SACRO III. LA MORTE 151 Il corpo 151 Purezza e impurità 154 Il cadavere 159 Riti di separazione del morto 165 La morte di Izanami 168 La doppia sepoltura 170 Il lutto 172 Gli antenati 175 Spiriti dei morti, spiriti divini 183 La festa del ritorno dei morti 188 Iconografia dell’aldilà 195 Il giudizio dei morti 207 Il viaggio estatico nel mondo ultraterreno 210 I morti inquieti 219 I culti del rimorso 229 Il suicidio rituale 243 L’automummificazione 248 IV. IL POTERE 253 Gli dei 253 Lo shintō e l’ideologia nazionalista 268 La gerarchia religiosa 280 Il vertice del potere 292 L’impurità della donna 307 Le sciamane cieche e gli spiriti infelici 315 La forza dei liminali 320 Majutsushi, il maestro di illusioni 323 Le fondatrici carismatiche delle Nuove Religioni 331 BIBLIOGRAFIA 341 LO SPAZIO Il passaggio segreto verso le profondità della montagna sacra di Yoshino, là dov’è la dimora del nulla. (formula rituale degli yamabushi) Lo spazio sacro Ogni cultura opera delle scelte per definire lo spazio sacro, le sue specificità e i suoi limiti, e queste scelte non sono mai casuali. Al- l’origine vi è un’organizzazione generale dell’ecosistema; in questo ordinamento viene designata la porzione spaziale che ha le caratteri- stiche più adatte a riassumere le connotazioni del sacro. Lo spazio sacro infatti non è una configurazione culturale isolata e avulsa dal contesto e i criteri della sua struttura simbolica non se- guono delle proprie specifiche leggi. Non vi è una dicotomia di spa- zio sacro e profano con caratteristiche diverse, che presuppongano comportamenti sociali differenti. Il tempio, il cimitero, il villaggio, la casa sono collocati in modo coerente con l’insieme e in base a signi- ficati che trascendono quelli della loro funzione concreta. Spazio sa- cro e profano appartengono alla stessa logica culturale. È per como- dità e semplicità che, parlando di una qualsiasi delle modalità dello spazio, si sceglie di astrarla dalle altre; ma né l’una né le altre cessa- no di influenzarsi e di concorrere a una sua determinata organizza- zione. La questione dunque è di definire le caratteristiche dello spazio sacro e di mettere in luce le ragioni della scelta. Il problema in realtà 12 ITINERARI NEL SACRO è uno solo: nel momento in cui si riescono a delineare le tipologie dello spazio, dalle caratteristiche stesse dei termini tassonomici risul- ta chiara la logica culturale per cui lo spazio scelto per il sacro non poteva essere che quello. Qui sorge un’ulteriore domanda. Se lo spazio ha quelle specifiche caratteristiche è perché, in precedenza, è stato interpretato simboli- camente in un certo modo, e di conseguenza così è stato vissuto nella prassi economica? O è perché è vissuto in un certo modo a livello materiale che viene inevitabilmente classificato e organizzato con quelle modalità e non con altre? Vi è prima un’esigenza economica che condiziona la classificazione simbolica dello spazio, o è una scelta culturale a condizionare la prassi economica? Il problema rimanda alla necessità di comprendere se la diversità estensionale delle culture sia basata o meno sulla diversità dell’eco- sistema e quale tipo di relazione si determini tra l’ambiente ecologico e la società che lo esperisce1. Si devono oltrepassare le teorie di un semplice determinismo geografico in cui non vi è posto per variabili culturali. Anni fa, gli antropologi che sostenevano questa tesi non si limitavano a dire che una particolare combinazione di tecnologia e di ambiente rendeva solo possibile all’uomo di creare un particolare ti- po di organizzazione culturale2. Essi insistevano nel sostenere che rapporti tecno-ambientali simili causavano (con un alto grado di pro- babilità) effetti simili. La risposta al problema di quali siano le relazioni che inter- corrono fra ecosistema organizzato e società, è sfumata. Essa com- porta, come ha messo in rilievo Marshall Sahlins, “l’idea di recipro- cità, di dialogo tra cultura e ambiente. La cultura, come un modello per la perpetuazione del gruppo sociale ‘postula’ il proprio ambiente. 1 Per una definizione di ecosistema vedi E. Odum, Fundamentals of Ecology, Saun- ders, Philadelphia-London 1959, p. 10. 2 Sul problema del determinismo geografico visto dalle varie scuole di antropologia vedi P. Burnham e R. Ellen (a cura di), Social and Ecological Systems, A.S.A. Mo- nographs 18, Academic Press, London 1979 e A. Vayda (a cura di), Environment and Cultural Behavior, American Museum Sourcebooks in Anthropology, The Na- tural History Press, New York 1969. LO SPAZIO 13 Attraverso i suoi modi di produzione, i bisogni materiali della pro- pria struttura sociale nelle sue percezioni standardizzate, una cultura determina la rilevanza di particolari condizioni esterne. Persino il suo divenire storico è movimento lungo la ‘sutura ecologica’ di cui essa stessa ha organizzato lo sfruttamento. Eppure una cultura è plasmata dai limiti che si è autoimposta: si modifica secondo condizioni ester- ne significative per sfruttare al massimo le possibilità di vita. […] La migliore risposta alla controversia su quale sia il determinante – cul- tura o ambiente – dovrebbe essere questa: entrambe. La risposta si situa in ambedue gli estremi”3. La società produce lo spazio che le è proprio e questo spazio è la condizione della sua esistenza come so- cietà. La parola “organizzazione” definisce bene il rapporto analogico fra i vari livelli di interpretazione dello spazio. Vi è un’organizzazio- ne passiva che riassume le condizioni materiali, oggettive e inevita- bili, dell’ecosistema dato, e vi è un’organizzazione attiva, che è frut- to del lento processo di appropriazione e di modificazione del territo- rio da parte della società. Secondo Augustin Berque, si può distin- guere fra organizzazione tecnica, organizzazione sociale e organiz- zazione mentale dello spazio4. Lo spazio sacro riassume tutte e tre le tipologie. La risaia La percezione dello spazio si attua attraverso due vie: l’una, dinami- ca, che consiste nel percorrerlo prendendone coscienza, l’altra, stati- ca, che permette, da fermi, di ricostituire attorno a sé i cerchi succes- sivi che vanno attenuandosi fino ai limiti dell’ignoto. “La mitologia dei cacciatori-raccoglitori comporta essenzialmente immagini di iti- 3 M. Sahlins, “Culture and Environment: the Study of Cultural Ecology”, in A. Manners e D. Kaplan (a cura di), Theory in Anthropology, Aldine, Chicago 1973, p. 368. 4 Cfr. A. Berque, Vivre l’espace au Japon, Presses Universitaires de France, Paris 1982, pp. 23-25. 14 ITINERARI NEL SACRO nerari: itinerari degli astri, itinerari degli eroi organizzatori. In nume- rosi miti di diverse parti del mondo […] l’universo è inizialmente caotico e popolato di esseri mostruosi. Seguendo un percorso, l’eroe combatte i mostri, stabilisce la posizione delle montagne e dei fiumi, dà agli esseri il loro nome, trasformando di conseguenza l’universo in un’immagine simbolicamente regolata, assimilabile e controllabile dall’uomo”5.
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