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The Rise of Syriza: an Interview with Aristides Baltas
THE RISE OF SYRIZA: AN INTERVIEW WITH ARISTIDES BALTAS This interview with Aristides Baltas, the eminent Greek philosopher who was one of the founders of Syriza and is currently a coordinator of its policy planning committee, was conducted by Leo Panitch with the help of Michalis Spourdalakis in Athens on 29 May 2012, three weeks after Syriza came a close second in the first Greek election of 6 May, and just three days before the party’s platform was to be revealed for the second election of 17 June. Leo Panitch (LP): Can we begin with the question of what is distinctive about Syriza in terms of socialist strategy today? Aristides Baltas (AB): I think that independently of everything else, what’s happening in Greece does have a bearing on socialist strategy, which is not possible to discuss during the electoral campaign, but which will present issues that we’re going to face after the elections, no matter how the elections turn out. We haven’t had the opportunity to discuss this, because we are doing so many diverse things that we look like a chicken running around with its head cut off. But this is precisely why I first want to step back to 2008, when through an interesting procedure, Synaspismos, the main party in the Syriza coalition, formulated the main elements of the programme in a book of over 300 pages. The polls were showing that Syriza was growing in popularity (indeed we reached over 15 per cent in voting intentions that year), and there was a big pressure on us at that time, as we kept hearing: ‘you don’t have a programme; we don’t know who you are; we don’t know what you’re saying’. -
Germany's Left Party Is Shut out of Government, but Remains a Powerful
Germany’s Left Party is shut out of government, but remains a powerful player in German politics blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2013/09/19/germanys-left-party-is-shut-out-of-government-but-remains-a-powerful- player-in-german-politics/ 19/09/2013 The Left Party (Die Linke) received 11.9 per cent of the vote in the 2009 German federal elections, and is predicted to comfortably clear the country’s 5 per cent threshold in this Sunday’s vote. Jonathan Olsen outlines the party’s recent history and its role in the German party system. He notes that although the Left Party appears willing to enter into coalition with the other major parties, it is not viewed as a viable coalition partner. Despite being shut out of government, the party nevertheless remains an important part of German politics. Although the government that emerges after Germany’s federal elections on 22 September will largely depend on the performance of the two biggest parties, the conservative block of CDU/CSU and the Left-Center Social Democrats (SPD), the impact of smaller parties on the ultimate outcome should not be underestimated. Thus the failure of the Free Democrats (FDP) to clear the 5 per cent hurdle necessary for legislative representation would most likely lead to a “Grand Coalition” of CDU/CSU and SPD, while an outstanding performance by the German Greens could make possible (though unlikely) an SPD-Greens coalition government. The third of Germany’s smaller parties – the Left Party – will not have the same impact on coalition calculations as the FDP and Greens, since all of the other four parties have categorically ruled out a coalition with it. -
The Making of SYRIZA
Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line Panos Petrou The making of SYRIZA Published: June 11, 2012. http://socialistworker.org/print/2012/06/11/the-making-of-syriza Transcription, Editing and Markup: Sam Richards and Paul Saba Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. June 11, 2012 -- Socialist Worker (USA) -- Greece's Coalition of the Radical Left, SYRIZA, has a chance of winning parliamentary elections in Greece on June 17, which would give it an opportunity to form a government of the left that would reject the drastic austerity measures imposed on Greece as a condition of the European Union's bailout of the country's financial elite. SYRIZA rose from small-party status to a second-place finish in elections on May 6, 2012, finishing ahead of the PASOK party, which has ruled Greece for most of the past four decades, and close behind the main conservative party New Democracy. When none of the three top finishers were able to form a government with a majority in parliament, a date for a new election was set -- and SYRIZA has been neck-and-neck with New Democracy ever since. Where did SYRIZA, an alliance of numerous left-wing organisations and unaffiliated individuals, come from? Panos Petrou, a leading member of Internationalist Workers Left (DEA, by its initials in Greek), a revolutionary socialist organisation that co-founded SYRIZA in 2004, explains how the coalition rose to the prominence it has today. -
Kommunalwahlen Am 14. März 2021
Kommunalwahlen am 14. März 2021 Öffentliche Bekanntmachung der vom Gemeindewahlausschuss zugelassenen Wahlvorschläge für die Wahl zur Gemeindevertretung und der Ortsbeiräte in der Gemeinde Ebsdorfergrund Der Wahlausschuss der Gemeinde Ebsdorfergrund hat in seiner Sitzung am 15. Januar 2021 folgende Wahlvorschläge für die am 14. März 2021 stattfindende Wahl der Gemeindevertretung und der Ortsbeiräte der Gemeinde Ebsdorfergrund zugelassen, die hiermit öffentlich bekannt gegeben werden. Nach § 15 (4) des Hessischen Kommunalwahlgesetzes i. d. F. der Bekanntmachung vom 07. März 2005 (GVBl. I S. 197), zuletzt geändert durch Artikel 1 des Gesetzes vom 11. Dezember 2020 (GVBl. S. 915) gebe ich die vom Gemeindewahlausschuss zugelassenen Wahlvorschläge für die am 14. März 2021 stattfindenden Kommunalwahlen bekannt. Die Wahlvorschläge der Parteien und Wählergruppen und die jeweils darin benannten Bewerberinnen und Bewerber für die Wahl zur Gemeindevertretung und der Ortsbeiräte der Gemeinde Ebsdorfergrund sind in der Reihenfolge aufgeführt, dass zuerst die im Landtag vertretenen Parteien nach der Zahl ihrer Landesstimmen bei der letzten Landtagswahl aufgeführt sind. Danach folgen die in der zu wählenden Vertretungskörperschaft vertretenen Parteien und Wählergruppen in der Reihenfolge der bei der letzten Wahl erreichten Anzahl der Stimmen. Schließlich folgen die übrigen Wahlvorschläge. Die Wahlvorschläge sind mit den jeweils darin benannten Bewerberinnen und Bewerbern in der Anlage 1 bis 16 beigefügt. Anlage Nr. 1 zur öffentlichen Bekanntmachung -
A Close Correspondence
jointly open their 2016-2017 seasons with A Close Correspondence featuring the music of Leoš Janáček David Lang Onur Türkmen Mark Winges based on the letters of Leoš Janáček and Kamila Stösslová Sullivan Ballou Johann Wolfgang von Goethe and Charlotte von Stein Abelard and Héloïse Virginia Woolf First Presbyterian Church, Berkeley October 15, 2016 San Francisco Conservatory of Music, Caroline Hume Concert Hall October 24, 2016 Singing without a net Greetings and Welcome! Volti and Left Coast Chamber Ensemble, two of the most innovative forces in the Bay Area new music scene, are joining forces to launch the 2016-2017 season together. It is a natural alliance for instrumentalists and singers who have been admiring each other’s work across the Bay for many years. Since our collaboration on Kurt Rohde and Thomas Laqueur’s opera Death with Interruptions, our two organizations have been talking about doing another project together. The result is tonight’s concert, a program that coalesced around music based on letters, intimate letters from across several centuries in which correspondents revealed their tender, fearful, spiritual, and joyful innermost thoughts. Working together has been a great pleasure. We hope you will enjoy the works, new and old, as much as we do. As we are at the beginning of the season, this is a great time to subscribe to both Volti and Left Coast. Subscribing is one of the best ways to support music-making like you hear tonight, and you have the opportunity at this show to apply the price of tonight’s ticket to a season subscription to either or both of our groups. -
Bus Linie AST 45 Fahrpläne & Karten
Bus Linie AST 45 Fahrpläne & Netzkarten AST 45 Marburg-Marbach Behringwerke - Im Website-Modus Anzeigen Gladenbach Busbahnhof Die Bus Linie AST 45 (Marburg-Marbach Behringwerke - Gladenbach Busbahnhof) hat 2 Routen (1) Gladenbach Busbahnhof: 00:35 - 22:10 (2) Marburg-Marbach Behringwerke: 05:50 - 23:20 Verwende Moovit, um die nächste Station der Bus Linie AST 45 zu ƒnden und, um zu erfahren wann die nächste Bus Linie AST 45 kommt. Richtung: Gladenbach Busbahnhof Bus Linie AST 45 Fahrpläne 16 Haltestellen Abfahrzeiten in Richtung Gladenbach Busbahnhof LINIENPLAN ANZEIGEN Montag 00:35 - 22:10 Dienstag 00:35 - 22:10 Marburg-Marbach Behringwerke Mittwoch 00:35 - 22:10 Marburg-Dagobertshausen Hirtenberg Donnerstag 00:35 - 22:10 Marburg-Elnhausen am Denkmal Freitag 00:35 - 22:10 Marburg-Dilschhausen Samstag 00:35 - 22:10 Weitershäuser Straße 4, Germany Sonntag 00:35 - 20:05 Gladenbach-Weitershausen Dilschhäuser Straße Weimar-Nesselbrunn Nesselbrunner Straße, Germany Bus Linie AST 45 Info Gladenbach-Diedenshausen Untermühle Richtung: Gladenbach Busbahnhof Stationen: 16 Gladenbach-Diedenshausen Dorfmitte Fahrtdauer: 36 Min Damshäuser Straße, Germany Linien Informationen: Marburg-Marbach Behringwerke, Marburg-Dagobertshausen Gladenbach-Bellnhausen Runzhäuser Straße Hirtenberg, Marburg-Elnhausen am Denkmal, Runzhäuser Straße, Germany Marburg-Dilschhausen, Gladenbach-Weitershausen Dilschhäuser Straße, Weimar-Nesselbrunn, Gladenbach-Sinkershausen Bachgrundstraße Gladenbach-Diedenshausen Untermühle, Gladenbach-Diedenshausen Dorfmitte, Gladenbach- -
Newsletter International Department
NEWSLETTER International 03/2014 (2nd september 2014) Saxony: 6th State Elections on 31. 8.2014 Overview Results Voter turnout: The new state parliament of Saxony was elected by Contents: less then half of the constituency. Voter turnout reached a historical low for state elections in Saxony with 49.2 per cent but was as high as turnout for European Parliament elections earlier this year. On n 6th State Elections in election night numerous times the holidays were mentioned (Sunday Saxony … p. 1 was the last day of summer holidays in Saxony) as a reason for this. This argument can not convince: If results had been open, if there n International Community had been a thematic profilation during the campaign, or an actual to Speak and Act Concer fight for power – then voter turnout would have been clearly higher. tedly … p. 3 De facto, the results were foreseeable. n Summer-Interview ARD Gregor Gysi … p. 3 n Economic Warriors on Escalation Path … p. 3 n New Chance for Testimony of Edward Snowden in Ger many … p. 3 n Immediate Ceasefire. Pro tection of Civilians… p. 3 Gregor Gysi, chairman of the left fraction DIE LINKE at the Bundestag, during the election campaign in Saxoni. 79 per cent of the pollees – more then ever before at state elections in Saxony - assessed the economic situation as good (2009: 38 per cent; 2004: 26 per cent; 1999: 40 per cent, Infratest dimap). 75 per cent considered the economic situation in Saxony as better then in any other Land (Forschungsgruppe Wahlen). There was no issue top- ping all other election issues and, as already mentioned, no alternati- ve to a further five years of CDU government and Minister-President Tillich. -
Weimar (Lahn) (534020)
Gemeindedatenblatt: Weimar (Lahn) (534020) Die Gemeinde Weimar liegt im mittelhessischen Landkreis Marburg-Biedenkopf und fungiert mit rund 7.200 Einwohnern (Stand: 31.12.2019) als ein Grundzentrum im Ordnungsraum des Regierungsbezirks Gießen. Bevölkerungsentwicklung von 2000 bis 2019 im Regionalvergleich (Jahresendstand im Jahr 2000=100) Fortschreibungsergebnisse auf Fortschreibungsergebnisse auf Basis der Volkszählung 1987 Basis des Zensus 2011 106 104 102 100 98 96 94 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 Weimar (Lahn) LK Marburg-Biedenkopf RB Gießen Hessen Quelle: Hessisches Statistisches Landesamt (2020), Berechnungen der Hessen Agentur. Vorausschätzung: Bevölkerungsentwicklung von 2019 bis 2035 im Regionalvergleich (Jahresendstand im Jahr 2019=100) 104 102 100 98 96 2019 2020 2025 2030 2035 Weimar (Lahn) LK Marburg-Biedenkopf RB Gießen Hessen Quelle: Bevölkerungsvorausschätzung der Hessen Agentur (2019). __________________________________________________ 1 Eckwerte der regionalen Bevölkerungsentwicklung im Überblick (bis 2019 realisierte Werte / 2025, 2035 vorausgeschätzte Werte) Weimar (Lahn) LK Marburg-Biedenkopf RB Gießen Hessen Einwohner am Jahresende (Angaben in 1.000) 2000 7,0 253,3 1.063,5 6.068,1 2019 7,2 247,1 1.048,6 6.288,1 2025 7,2 248,2 1.044,5 6.340,9 2035 7,2 247,6 1.028,8 6.353,0 relative Veränderung (Angaben in %) 2019-2025 -0,2% 0,5% -0,4% 0,8% 2025-2035 0,5% -0,2% -1,5% 0,2% 2019-2035 0,3% 0,2% -1,9% 1,0% nachrichtlich (vor Zensus 2011): 2000-2011 -1,3% -1,0% -2,2% 0,4% Durchschnittsalter (Angaben in Jahren) 2000 40,2 39,7 40,4 41,1 2019 44,6 43,1 44,1 43,9 2025 45,5 44,0 45,1 44,9 2035 47,0 45,9 46,9 46,7 2000 und 2000-2011: Fortschreibungsergebnisse auf Basis der Volkszählung 1987; 2019: Fortschreibungsergebnisse auf Basis des Zensus 2011; 2025 und 2035: Bevölkerungsvorausschätzung der Hessen Agentur. -
GERMAN GREENS in COALITION GOVERNMENTS a Political Analysis
GERMAN GREENS IN COALITION GOVERNMENTS A Political Analysis by Arne Jungjohann 1 GERMAN GREENS IN COALITION GOVERNMENTS A Political Analysis A Political Analysis A Political German Greens in Coalition Governments German Greens in Coalition Governments A Political Analysis By Arne Jungjohann Published by the Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung European Union English version published with the support of the Green European Foundation About the author CONTENTS Arne Jungjohann is an energy analyst and political scientist. He advises foundations, think tanks, and civil society in communication and strategy building for climate and energy policy. Previously, he worked for Minister President Winfried Kretschmann of Baden-Württemberg, the Heinrich Böll Foundation in Washington DC, in the German Bundestag, and in the family owned business. As its editor he launched the most influential English Twitter account on the German Energiewende (@ EnergiewendeGER). He co-authored ‘Energy Democracy: Germany’s Energiewende to Renewables’ Foreword 7 (Palgrave Macmillan 2016). Arne is a member of the Green Academy, a network with leading thinkers Foreword by the author 9 from science, politics and civil society which is facilitated by the Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung. He is the founder of the local chapter of the German Green Party in Washington DC and lives in Stuttgart. He studied at Philipps University Marburg and at the Free University of Berlin. 1 Introduction 11 1.1 State of the research and sources used 12 1.2 Lead Questions and Composition of the Study 14 2 Coalition Constellations 15 3 The Coalition Arena at State Level 19 3.1 Departmental Responsibilities of the Greens 19 3.2 Coalition Management in the G-states 26 3.2.1 The Bundesrat Clause 27 3.2.2 Coalition Personnel 28 3.2.3 Coalition Committees 30 You are free to share – copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format and adapt – remix, transform, and build upon the material. -
40 Jahre Gemeinde Weimar Herausgeber Gemeindevorstand Der Gemeinde Weimar (Lahn)
Heimatwelt Mit Beiträgen von Gemeinde Weimar Gemeindearchiv Geschichtsverein Weimar Heft Nr. 50/2014 40 Jahre Gemeinde Weimar Herausgeber Gemeindevorstand der Gemeinde Weimar (Lahn) Inhalt Rückblick auf die Gebietsreform 1974 von Karl Krantz …………..……………………………………………………………….. 3 Erinnerungen und Erlebnisse als Mitarbeiter in der Gemeindeverwaltung von Hans Schneider ………………………………………………………………………….. 6 Zeitzeugen erinnern sich an die Gebietsreform – Befragungen durch Hans Schneider Erinnerungen von Johannes Grün, Roth .......................................................................................... 15 Erinnerungen von Adam Barth, Oberweimar .................................................................................. 15 Erinnerungen von Gerhard Happel, Wolfshausen .......................................................................... 15 Erinnerungen von Heinrich Laucht, Allna ..................................................................................... 16 Erinnerungen von Ludwig Agel, Weiershausen ............................................................................. 16 Erinnerungen von Werner Grosch, Nesselbrunn ............................................................................ 16 Erinnerungen von Heinrich Schmidt, Wenkbach ..................................................................... 17 Erinnerungen von Konrad Gilbert, Niederweimar ........................................................................ 17 Erinnerungen von Wilhelm Muth, Niederweimar ......................................................................... -
The Green Party of Germany: Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen [PDF]
THE GREEN PARTY OF GERMANY BÜNDNIS 90 / DIE GRÜNEN 1. Historical Context and democratic structure of Germany The political structures that existed before a united German state emerged were dominated by relatively small political entities, which enjoyed varying degrees of political autonomy. The Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Federal Republic of Germany) is formally only 70 years old. Unsurprisingly, this history of federalism is represented in the Bundesrepublik as well. Today we have 16 federal states. This decentralization is one of the most important parts of our democracy. Berlin, as the capital, was and is the best symbol of Germany’s colourful past. West Berlin’s location deep within the territory of Eastern Germany made it an island of the Bundesrepublik (Western Germany). West Berlin has had a very special phase after WWII that was deeply intertwined with the Cold War. With the end of the Cold War, the two German states the German Democratic Republic or GDR (East Germany) and Bundesrepublik finally became a united state again. Today, Berlin with its 3.6 million inhabitants, is Germany’s biggest city, its capital and the place to be for culture, arts, lifestyle, politics and science. Germany’s democratic system is a federal parliamentary republic with two chambers: the Bundestag (Germany’s parliament) and the Bundesrat (the representative body of the federal states). Germany’s political system is essentially a multi-party system, which includes a 5% threshold (parties representing recognised national minorities, for example Danes, Frisians, Sorbs and Romani people are exempt from the 5% threshold, but normally only run in state elections). -
Political Parties in the Empire 1871 – 1918 the Imperial Constitution
HISTORICAL EXHIBITION PRESENTED BY THE GERMAN BUNDESTAG ____________________________________________________________________________________________________ Political parties in the Empire 1871 – 1918 The Imperial Constitution made no reference to political parties, whose activities were governed by the law on associations. Indeed, prior to 1908 political parties were subject to the legislation of the individual federal states regulating the activities of associations, but in that year the statutory provisions governing associations were standardised throughout the Empire, and this codification was accompanied by a liberalisation of the right of association and the right of assembly, which lifted existing restrictions whereby women could not normally become members of associations, and public political gatherings in enclosed spaces required authorisation by the police. The dominant type of political party in the Empire was an elite-based party, in which all of the crucial party-political functions were performed by small groups of personalities whose role as leading representatives of their respective sections of society gave them an exalted position. Party organisations were still in their infancy and only existed at the constituency level. After 1871 the way in which parties were led and organised began to change, and during the Empire the Centre and the Social Democratic Party became the first mass-membership parties of the modern type. The five-party landscape may be said to have prevailed throughout the duration of the Empire, as the various splinter parties never came to exert any real influence. Each of the five large political camps was largely linked with a particular milieu. The model of the people’s party, drawing support from various milieux, was still in its infancy.