SOME REMARKS ON THE TWENTIETH ANNIVERSARY OF THE C. P. U. S. A.

BY EARL BROWDER

HE twentieth anniversary of the lagged behind that of the other capi­ T Communist Party of the U.S.A. talist countries. This was especially occurs at a moment of world and na­ true of the political movement of the tional crisis. At such moments ad­ working class, and of its highest ex­ vanced mankind instinctively turns to pression, the socialist or communist a re-evaluation of its history, of the movement. It is only in the last road by which it came to the crisis twenty years that there has been an facing it, in order the better to equip American party expressly basing itself itself for the impending struggles upon Marxian theory, and only in which will determine future history. the last decade that this party has It is thus no mere formal duty if we, come to play a sustained and impor­ on our anniversary, tum our atten­ tant role in the life of the country. tion more seriously than ever before In approaching the task of working to a consideration of the history of out a detailed and systematic under­ our Party. standing of the history of the U.S.A., It was more than ninety years ago of the labor movement, and of the when Marx and Engels penned their Socialist and Communist movement, famous phrase-"a specter hovers over specifically of the Communist Party Europe, the specter of Communism." of the U.S.A., we have received a Since that time Communism has highly important stimulus and help grown into a world movement of de­ in the recently-published History of cisive importance for every country. the Communist Party of the Soviet The Communist Party of the Soviet Union. This great book, the highest Union has come to power in a federa­ expression and epitome of the teach­ tion of nations, one-sixth of the earth, ings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and has successfully founded the first so­ Stalin, will more and more prove it­ cialist society, establishing an invinci­ self an invaluable guide to the master­ ble stronghold in a hostile world, and ing of the problems of American his­ is now proceeding to take up the tasks tory also, in the course of mastering of the transition to communism. Marxist-Leninist theory in practice. The United States has been, for There is, of course, no cheap and some generations, the land of the easy parallel to be drawn between most advanced capitali~t society. But Russian and American · history, for a long period the labor movement whether of the country, of the work- REMARKS ON THE 20m ANNIVERSARY OF C;P.U.S.A. 78g ing class, or of the Communist Party. Communist history in America up to Indeed, these two countries, despite the World War. most significant similarities and har­ The pre-war history falls quite monies, seemed to stand at opposite naturally into several distinctive peri· poles of historical development over ods. These may be briefly character­ a long time. No, it is not in the me­ ized as follows: (1) From the begin­ chanical translation of Russian ex­ nings of trade union organization, in perience to America, but in the the 182o's, through the Civil War and mastering of the theory which Reconstruction period; {2) the brought the Party of Lenin and Stalin Knights of Labor movement, its strug­ to its eminence of achievement, that gle with the rising American Federa­ the History of the Communist Party tion of Labor, and its . decline, of the Soviet Union will serve the through the 188o's; (3) the early American working class. American Federation of Labor, up to This article is but one of the pre­ the turn of the twentieth century; liminary steps toward a full analysis (4) from the early 19oo's up to the and exposition of our history upon World War, the rise of the Industrial Marxist-Leninist lines. It is a series of Workers of the World (I.W.W.), in suggestions, which must be submitted 1905, the dominance of "pure and to the most searching examination, shnple trade unionism" in the A. F. of correction, elaboration, and confirma­ L. (comparable to Russian "econo­ tion, in the course of writing the au­ mism") symbolized in the Civic Fed­ thoritative history of our Party. eration, organ of collaboration be­ tween labor leaders and monopoly THE PRE-WAR LABOR AND SOCIALIST capitalists. MOVEMENT Socialist or communist . develop­ ment for these periods may be brief­ American labor has a long and rich ly described as follows: (1) Utopian history. Its militancy is comparable socialist and communist colonization with that of any country. It ma.de schemes and philosophies; the first profound contributions to American beginnings of Marxian thought democracy. It produced many power­ through German immigrants; (2) the ful and selfless leading personalities, struggle between anarchism and as well as great mass movements. Yet Marxism; the American groups of the for many generations it lagged behind First International; (3) the rise of the other advanced countries in political Socialist-Labor Party, and, in the and intellectual development, and is West, the Social-Democratic Party; only beginning to achieve its inde-· (4) the Socialist Party, split from the pendence as a self-conscious and di­ Socialist-Labor Party and amalga­ recting force in the national life. The mated with the Social-Democratic full elucidation of these positive and Party, its rise as a mass movement negative features of the American under Debs, its crystallization around labor movement, with the tracing of two conflicting tendencies, vaguely their historical roots, poses the cen­ identified as "Right" and "Left" tral problem of working class and wing; the first mass circula- THE COMMUNIST tion of Marxian classic literature. brought a socialist consciousness and In the beginning of the modem or­ training from their lands of origiri, to ganized Socialist movement in the a great extent from Russia. U.S., its relations with the trade This illustrates the contradiction unions were close and harmonious. which runs throughout the pre-war Even Samuel Gompers, who later be­ history of American working class po­ came the traditional "socialist eater" litical and trade union organizations. as head of the A. F. of L., was trained All efforts to develop a principled in a Socialist environment, and for a policy and leadership, based on class­ time worked in harmony with the So­ consciousness and a vision of the his­ cialists. Later, in the closing years of toric mission of the working class, the nineteenth century, the Socialist­ were wrecked by sectarianism, rigid Labor Party entered into a disastrous and mechanical dogmatism, which factional struggle with the trade quickly divorced the movement from union leadership, under the inspira­ the masses; the efforts to regain a base tion of Daniel De Leon, on the issue among the masses, and to deal with of De Leon's demand for mechanical daily life in a realistic manner, control of the tra.de unions by the quickly degenerated into unprinci­ Socialist-Labor Party, and for the pled opportunism (which always re­ party's direct representation in trade mained narrowly sectarian) and the union councils. It was largely this liquidation of the party as the true issue that precipitated the split in the expression of the working class in its Socialist-Labor Party which gave birth historical development. to the Socialist Party of America, Clearly, what was missing in the under the leadership of Hillquit, American working class and Socialist Debs and Berger. movements was the type of leadership But if the Socialist-Labor Party, which Marx and Engels had provided under De Leon, had committed fata1 to the First International; which mistakes of rigid, doctrinaire, secta­ Engels gave to the first period of the rianism, the Socialist Party, under the Second International; which Lenin dominating influence of Hillquit, gave to the Russian Social-Democratic adopted an equally disastrous policy Labor Party (Bolsheviks), and to the of "neutrality" on trade union ques­ Communist International; the type of tions, a policy which liquidated the leadership which Stalin has provided influence of the Socialist Party in the to the C.P.S.U. and the international basic organizations of the working movement after the death of Lenin. dass. If Hillquit thought thereby to What was missing was the revolu.tion­ fill the gap between party and trade ary theory, and the Party that em­ unions caused by De Leonism, he mis­ bodies that theory, as founded by calculated. The Socialist Party at­ Marx and Engels and developed by tained a relatively stable influence Lenin and Stalin. primarily in those unions which it A characteristic of Marx, Engels, had been primarily instrumental in Lenin and Stalin, that dates from the founding-the needle trades unions Communist League of 1848. and the of New York, where the workers had Communist Manifesto, and is the REMARKS ON THE 20TH ANNIVERSARY OF C.P.U.S.A. 791 hallmark of scientific socialism or table Babel of confusion in ideology, communism, is the "struggle OR two and the stronger it grew in numbers fronts," ·simultaneously against Right the weaker it became in inner cohe­ and "Leftist" deviations from the cor­ sion. It tended more and more to be­ rect policy, against opportunist aban­ come a mere electioneering combimi­ donment of fundamental principles tion of the most disparate and ide­ for supposed "practical" advantages, ologically conflicting groups and ten­ and against sectarianism, against dis­ dencies. That the Socialist Party, even dain of the daily small problems of in its heyday, produced not a single the working class, against anarchist piece of literature of lasting signifi­ tendencies, and against revolutionary cance is sufficient commentary upon romanticism. Such "struggle on two the sterility of its inner political life, fronts" against the two fatal sick­ which is the inevitable consequence nesses that attack all working class of lack of Marxian theory, the lack of movements was never attained by the any understanding of dialectical ma­ pre-war Socialist movement in the terialism in its dominant leading cir­ U.S., because it had not learned the cles and party education. lessons of European experience, and Such was the condition of the so­ did not produce great enough minds cialist movement in America when to master and generalize its own ex­ the World War and then the Russian perience. The pre-war Socialist move­ Revolution struck it with stunning ment failed for lack of Marxian force, transformed overnight the po­ theory, without which it is impossible litical situation in which it operated, to create the "new type of party" and revealed the inevitable helpless­ which is necessary for the realization ness of any working class party in a of socialism, the greatest revolution revolutionary situation when it is not of all history. equipped with Marxism-Leninism. Of course, the Socialist Party did The old Socialist Party never recov­ produce strong individual leaders, ered from the blow; the most it could but they failed because they were not contribute to history was to give closely bound into a collectivity, birth, through a split forced by its based upon a deep common under­ dominant leadership, to the Commu­ standing and the profound faith to nist Party, in Sf"ptember, 1919. which it gives rise. Therefore, strong THE AMERICAN SOCIALIST PARTY AND leaders tended to create divisions and THE WORLD WAR factional tendencies, instead of the monolithic party unity that Lenin The World War revealed the bank­ and his co-workers created. The prob­ ruptcy of practically all the European lem of unity became a problem Socialist Parties, comprising the Sec· of unprincipled compromises be­ ond International, which fell apart at tween conflicting leaders, and of the first touch of war. Only the Bol­ blocs of special interests. Thus, when sheviks, under Lenin's guidance, pur­ the Socialist Party began to grow sued a clear and consistent line. rapidly just before and during the Recognizing the alignment as one of World War, its ranks became a veri- aggressive imperialism on both sides, 792 THE COMMUNIST

Lenin charted the course of "revolu­ made their exit from the Socialist Party tionary defeatism" which led to the under the direction of Gompers, with­ October Revolution of 1917. All other out much influence among the Social­ Socialist Parties became patriotic ist Party membership. The St. Louis agencies of their governments, except Convention, therefore, had no open those of Italy and the U.S., which pro-war influence to speak of. But adopted a formal course of opposition the anti-war delegates were far from but in practice fell into confusion. any unified opinion. There were, of course, groups within There was, first of all, the tendency many parties (e.g., Liebknecht and of American isolationism, the middle­ Luxemberg in Germany; Bulgaria, western Populist influence, which on etc.), which approached Lenin's posi­ purely empirical and separatist tion, and which later contributed to grounds, opposed American interven­ the founding of Communist Parties. tion. Secondly, there was a strong The American Socialist Party did trend of Christian-Socialist pacifism, not attempt to answer the question which later came to dominate the of its war policy until 1917, in the Socialist Party through the person of same month the U.S. entered the war. Norman Thomas. Thirdly, there was In special convention in the city of a pro-German influence, which, from St. Louis, it patched up a compromise long dependence upon the leadership resolution opposing American en­ of the German Social-Democratic trance into the war, but failing to in­ Party, concluded that German victory dicate any line of action for the would best serve the world Socialist masses. The weakness of the St. movement. And, fourthly, by no Louis Convention was but the inevit­ means the dominant tendency, was able consequence of its whole history, the revolutionary socialist influence, the absence of a consistent Marxian striving toward but not yet clearly theory, and indeed of any consistent understanding the position taken by ideology. Its opposition to the war Lenin and the Bolsheviks in Europe. remained without any serious influ­ Two outstanding figures in the So­ ence upon the working class, nor in­ cialist Party tried heroically to lead deed did it give direction even to the their party into a revolutionary strug­ Socialist Party itself. gle against the war. They were Eu­ At least four distinct ideological gene V. Debs and Charles E. Ruthen­ currents combined to determine the berg. Just before going to prison for anti-war resolution at St. Louis. The his anti-war struggle, Debs dramati­ pro-war Socialists, headed by John cally exclaimed, in a public speech: Sp~rgo (today a rock-ribbed Repub­ "I am a Bolshevik from the crown of lican reactionary in Vermont); Ches­ my head to the tip of my toes." ter Wright (then editor of the New Ruthenberg later became a lead­ York Call, Socialist daily, and since ing figure in the formation of then in the personal service of Gom­ the Communist Party and was its pers and William Green); and Wil­ first General Secretary until his liam English Walling (shortly before death in 1927; with him went most a super-Leftist) , had dramatically of those who actively fought against REMARKS ON THE 20TH ANNIVERSARY OF C.P.U.S.A. 793 the war. Debs, held back by his own was born in Chicago, on September lack of Marxian theory, isolated in 1, 1919, with little preparation, very prison and after his release by sick­ chaotic organization, and a minimum ness, and repelled by the manifesta­ of mature and tested leadership or tions of "infantile Leftism" in the program. confused formative period of the THE FIRST DECADE OF THE C.P.U.S.A.- Communist Party, never made the 1919-1929 transition to the mOdern Communist movement, although by temperament It is convenient to deal with the and instinct he fully belonged with it. first decade of Communist Party his­ The October Revolution in Russia tory as a single period, because the brought a wave of mass enthusiasm entire ten years was dominated by among the workers and of rapid the basic problem of the creation of growth to the Socialist Party. The a "party of the new type," basing it­ writings of Lenin began to appear in self on Marxism-Leninism, beginning English, in imperfect and sometimes the mastery of theory and its inde­ even distorted translations, but of a pendent application to American most profound influence. A period of problems and conditions. intense study and furious discussions Throughout these first ten years, ensued. Theory became a matter of the Party's development was ham­ pre-occupation on the part of thou­ pered and distorted by alien and hos­ sands and tens of thousands. Marxism tile influences working within its was discovered by the Amer~can leadership. These influences, in the . movement. A revolutionary wing course of these years, finally crystal­ took shape within the Socialist Party, lized into two definitely counter-revo­ quickly obtaining the allegiance of lutionary and anti-Communist the great majority of its membership. groups. First was the Trotskyites, fol­ The call for the founding of the lowers and adherents of Leon Trot­ Communist International appeared. sky, represented in the U.S. by James The Left wing in the Socialist Party Cannon, Martin Ahern and Max organized itself in a National Confer­ SChachtman. Second was the Love­ ence early in 1919. At first the Social­ stone group, followers and adherents ist Party leadership maneuvered with of Bukharin, represented by Jay the issue; but, finally, under the in­ Lovestone, Bertram D. Wolfe and fluence of Hillquit, it took its stand Ben Gitlow. It was not until 1928 that against the Russian Revolution and the Party gathered enough internal against the Communist International. strength and cohesion to throw off the Abandoning all pretense of majority Trotskyite group; and 1929, when it rule within the Socialist Party, it ex­ cleansed itself of the Lovestone group. pelled the organizations representing Until then, these two groups worked the majority oi the membership, right in a conspiratorial manner within the on the eve of the national convention Party leadership, creating confusion called in Chicago. Thus, the split in and political deviations, organizing the Socialist Party was forced by its factional struggles, and keeping the leadership, and the Communist Party Party in turmoil and separated from 794 THE COMMUNIST the American masses and American of America, who were less politically life. educated but in closer contact with This decade covered the first two the broader American masses. Both periods of post-war world history; groups were necessary to the forma­ first, the period of post-war crisis, up­ tion of an effective Party, but neither heavals and revolutions, up to 1923, had leadership sufficiently mature to and second, the period of temporary solve the problems of unity at the and relative capitalist stablilization, moment. Both groups suffered seri­ that continued until the outbreak of ously from "infantile Leftism" and the great economic crisis of 1929. revolutionary romanticism. In the U.S. the period immediately These "normal" difficulties were following the war was also one of multiplied, and confusion was con­ deep disturbance and conflicts. Great founded, when the infamous "Palmer strike movements took place, and seri­ raids" of January, 1920, fell upon the ous political unrest swept the country. infant parties like a thunderbolt. The But the Communist Party was unable first great modern "red scare" had to play any decisive role as yet. It had swept through the ruling class, as a not attained even the organizational result of the great strike movements unity of all important groups which of 1919, which synchronized with rev­ declared their adherence of the Com­ olutionary upheavals in Europe. Not- _ munist International. The "party of withstanding the almost complete iso­ the new type" was as yet only an lation of both the infant Communist aspiration, a desire, something to be Parties from these mass strike move­ achieved, but it did not exist in con­ ments-neither of them exercised any crete American reality. In September, important influences either on the 1919, at Chicago, the party had been initiation or conduct of these strikes­ "born as twins," known as the "Com­ the fear and wrath of the employers munist Party of America" and the born of the strikes and the unstable "Communist-Labor Party of Amer­ world situation were all concentrated ica"; the cause of this division was against the two young parties, which only incidentally ideological differ­ were identified with "foreign-born" ences. Besides the general political and "alien" groups. immaturity of the movement, and A gigantic scheme for mass deport­ the confusion prevalent at the time, ation of all foreign-born Communists the division must be ascribed pri­ was hastily conceived, and launched marily to the existence of the na­ by Attorney-General Palmer in simul­ tional group Federations, as the taneous "raids" all over the country, most powerful organizations among timed at a common hour of the night, the expelled Socialist Party member­ arresting thousands of known or sus­ ship; the Federation leadership, form­ pected Communists who · were torn ing the Communist Party of America, from their families and thrown into was quite rigid and doctrinaire in immigrant detention stations for in­ political and organizational questions, definite periods, subject to purely ad­ and repelled those forces which ministrative handling. Although La­ formed the Communist-Labor Party bor Secretary Post, technically the REMARKS ON THE 20TH ANNIVERSARY OF C.P.U.S.A. 795 final authority on deportations, la­ in 1922, when the Communists were bored seriously to introduce some brought together again in an open, sanity and humanity into the problem legal, political party under the name thus created, the "red scare" hysteria "Workers' Party of America" (De­ whipped up by both Republican and cember 25, 1921), which also amalga­ Democratic politicians in the hope of mated the "Workers' Council Group" capitalizing it for the 1920 Presiden­ which had remained with the old So­ tial elections, or at least with the idea cialist Party until that time; as well of preventing the other side from as significant groups from the S.L.P. monopolizing and using the "red" and the I.W.W., and, more impor­ issue against them, overbore all lib­ tant, the trade union groups around eral influences and counsels. Federal William Z. Foster, who entered the and state legislation and prosecutions Party leadership. multiplied. Not since the days of The Workers' Party was the first John Adams and the infamous "alien united organization of the American and sedition laws" (1796-18oo), had Communists; it was a sharp break anything like it been seen in America. with the romantic "Leftism" of un­ It should be called to the attention of derground days, for which it accepted timid New Dealers that the Palmer no responsibility; and it established "red raids" were not unconnected the first American affiliation to the with the Republican victory in 1920. Communist International as a "fra­ The divided and unorganized Com­ ternal" affiliate not subject to· the or­ munist groups were scattered. All ganizational rules then being applied their immaturities and romantic ten­ in the Communist Parties in Europe. dencies were multiplied and empha­ (The "underground" parties had de­ sized by the official hysteria and perse­ clared their adhesion to the Commu­ cution. They "went underground" to nist International but had not been escape the constant harassment of accepted, due to their splits and im­ "red raiders," and began a slow and maturity). There has never been any painful process of secret gathering of formal change in this relationship be­ the Party members, hidden away tween the American Party and the from the forces of persecution, as well Communist International, the close as the almost totally inexperienced relationship between which have not organizations knew how to hide, been based upon formal statutes and which turned out to be not very rules. effective. In making available the lessons of It is of tremendous significance that the broadest international experience, these terrific assaults could not de­ in the first place, the tremendous stroy the Party. But there is little achievements of the Communist Party value in tracing the tortured experi­ of the Soviet Union which is success­ ences of the "underground" days fully building the new socialist so­ through their details. What is impor­ ciety embracing one hundred and tant is that the indestructible ele­ seventy million population and one­ ments of the Party existed and sixth of the earth's surface, the Com­ worked. The underground days ended munist International has played and THE COMMUNIST continues to play a great role in the regarding short intervals, it was a development of the Communist Party period of isolation for the Commu­ of the United States. It is precisely nists, in spite of strenuous efforts to this education in internationalism broaden the field of cooperative and which has enabled the C.P.U.S.A. to united front action which was the de­ become organically American, rooted clared policy of the Party from 1923. in the American soil and tradition, In three fields of activity the Com­ and understanding American prob­ munists in this period made signifi­ lems and history in a deeper sense cant contributions to the labor move­ than they have ever been probed be­ ment and gained immense and in­ fore. Both Lenin and Stalin, besides valuable experience. These were: the the contribution to the American movement for industrial unionism workers made by their leadership of (through amalgamation of the craft the Soviet Union, have by direct ex­ unions), various big strike movements pression of opinions contributed in­ that arose against and in spite of the estimably to the mastering of Ameri­ reactionary union leaderships, and can problems. Of this contribution I the political movement toward a la­ have· written in more detail previ­ bor or farmer-labor party. In the ously. field of anti-imperialist struggle, and From the founding of the Workers' of struggle for Negro rights, the Party Party until 1929 was the period of made constant efforts, which left their the famous Coolidge-Hoover "perma­ impress, and laid the basis for the nent prosperity," the illusions of permanent achievements of the next economic grandeur of American capi­ period. talism, the fantastic stock market and The chief problem of the period, land booms, the erection of the great in the sphere of internal Party de­ Tower of Babel that collapsed with velopment, was that of transforming such destructive effects in the crisis the Party from a federation of na­ of 1929. Within the labor movement tional group organizations to a uni­ it was marked by the rise of illusions form party structure uniting all its of the working class entering into members in a centralized and demo­ partnership with capital, through la­ cratic organization on a territorial bor banking, efficiency engineering sub-division basis. This problem, in­ (B. & 0. Plan), profit-sharing, etc., herited from long years of a wrong while extension of the labor move­ organizational practice in the old So­ ment and the fight for better condi­ cialist Party, was a stubborn one, and tions was largely abandoned. Labor proved amenable to final solution leadership was dominated by extreme only with the cleansing of the Party reaction. The Communists were from Trotskyites and Lovestoneites. swimming against the stream; they This whole period of Party devel­ found but few and unstable allies opment was distorted and slowed up among labor organizations with by chronic factional struggles, ori­ whom it was possible to cooperate ginating in the leadership and spread­ during that period. On the whole, ing to involve the whole membership. with certain necessary reservations, Two major groupings crystallized, REMARKS ON THE 20TH ANNIVERSARY OF C.P.U.S.A. 797 forming around two main leading no little clique could long dominate figures, Ruthenberg and Foster, which the main body of the Party. In 1928 came to be identified by their names. the membership and leading forces The Ruthenberg group, on the so overwhelmingly repudiated the whole, had experience and contacts Trotskyites, that even Lovestone and mostly from the Socialist Party; the his group found it expedient to go Foster group was, by and large, the along in cleansing them from the most typical American, with the Party. Some years after he publicly broadest mass experience and con­ repented of that "moment of weak­ tacts, and was especially marked as ness," and apologized to the Trotsky­ practical trade union workers. Clear­ ites for it, when he was again making ly, a healthy party development called one of his periodical coalitions with for the fusion of these two groups, them. The next year, 1929, Loves~one and not their crystallization as rivals and some two hundred of his per­ for party leadership. But for a variety sonal following were expelled from of reasons this did not take place. the Party, following the revelation of One contributing factor was the his project to seize control of Party growth of objective difficulties, the property when he had been defeated apathy of the main labor movement, in the Central Committee. and the isolation of the Party. More This was the period when the capi­ important, however, was the sinister talist world was approaching the and hostile manipulations, within the turning point of the 1929 crisis. The two major groupings, of two small Soviet Union, preparing its First Five­ secret cliques, headed respectively by Year Plan of socialist industrializa­ Cannon (Trotskyite) and Lovestone tion, had been forced to meet and de­ (Bukharinite). Every promising be­ feat the attacks of the Trotskyites, ginning of united collaboration of and then that of the "Right" Bukha­ the main Party forces was always rinites, and later the combined forces wrecked on their separate and joint of both. Similar groupings took place conspirings. Until 1925 each operated throughout the world, including with­ through one of the main groups; at in the C.P.U.S.A. In America the the end of that year they combined, issue took place on the estimate of at the climax of a factional struggle, the character of the period of Herbert jointly to seize a decisive place in the Hoover, elected to the Presidency in leadership independently; and on the 1928. Lovestone took over Hoover as death of Ruthenberg in 1927, Love­ his guiding star; he predicted that his stone assumed his place through a sys­ regime would become known in his­ tem of unprincipled deception and tory as the "Hooverian Age," corre­ combinations. sponding to the "Victorian Age" of But the Party was far from being Britain, the time of unexampled ex­ the mere passive victim of a little pansion and prosperity. Bertram group of unprincipled leaders. Po­ Wolfe wrote a programmatic article, litical education and mass experience entitled "A Program for Prosperity," had already, despite all negative fea­ based upon a supposed necessity for tures of Party life, gone so far that the Communist Party to adjust itself THE COMMUNIST to the "permanent prosperity" prom­ Party sailed into the storms of the ised by Hoover. crisis boldly, beginning to gather its Against this vulgar philistinism, the fundamental political experience that most active Marxian students in the made it a factor in the national po­ Party raised the alarm, and pointed litical life. The struggle for its basic to the gathering signs that the Cool­ clarification had left the Party, how­ idge-Hoover boom was nearing its ever, with but 7,ooo members in 1929, peak, and that its collapse would fully of whom around 1,ooo had been mem­ involve the U.S. in the impending bers since the beginning in 1919. It world crisis. At the Sixth Party Con­ still carried a heavy baggage of sec­ vention, in March, 1929, Lovestone tarian practices and pre-conceptions, maintained himself in the leadership which it had to struggle against, and by unparalleled deception, assuring which it finally threw off only in the the Convention delegates that, what­ period of the Seventh World Congress ever their individual opinions might in 1935, with the full development of be, he had the weight of Communist the policy of the People's Front. world opinion behind him, and the During the three years, 1930-32 in­ full support of the Communist Inter­ clusive, the Party was a major factor national. in two fields of mass. struggle and or­ A few months later, when the ganization, and participated in a Party learned of his deception, the third; it initiated the unemployed same Central Committee elected at movement, it threw all its strength the Sixth Convention overwhelming­ in support of the independent unions ly repudiated him; when he tried to and their strikes that arose as a result seize the Party property to override of the complete passivity of the estab­ the Central Committee, the Commit­ lished trade unions, and it partici­ tee expelled him and his followers pated in the initiation and conduct from the Party. In October, 1929, a of the veterans' bonus movement and few days before the great stock market the famous "march on Washington" crash, the Central Committee met and in 1932. adopted a resolution predicting the The Party directly called and or­ crisis, calling upon the Party and the ganized the national demonstration working class to prepare for the life­ of the unemployed, on March 6, 1930, and-death problems that would en­ which brought a million and a quar­ sue. Before all the Central Committee ter demonstrators into the streets of members had time to return to their American cities. Up to that moment, homes, the crisis had broken over the the press and· all other political or­ country. ganizations had united in denying the existence of any significant mass THE MATURING OF A BOLSHEVIK PARTY unemployment and suffering. These -1929-1939 demonstrations smashed that pre­ Entering the crisis period, the Party tence, and established the issue of un­ was basically united for the first time employment in first place in nationitl in its history. Its enemies were on the life; they gave rise to the first moves outside, not within its ranks, and the for independent organization of the REMARKS ON THE 20TH ANNIVERSARY OF C.P.U.S.A. 799

unemployed. At a Party Conference It was, without doubt, the broad called in April to discuss the results mass movements of the unempl<:>yed of Mar~ 6, it was agreed that the councils and for unemployment in­ Party could not continue directly to surance, from 1930 to 1935, which lead the unemployed, and the sugges­ laid the foundation for the New Deal tion was thrown out that the unem­ measures of social security and relief. ployed should immediately proceed From 1929 to 1933, despite the to organize themselves into Councils. passivity of the official labor move­ In July, 1930, the first National Con­ ment, strikes and organizing move­ ference of Unemployed Councils was ments broke out more and more held, which organized the struggle for among the employed industrial work­ relief in all the major centers of the ers. With the labor officials ignoring country. The Unemployed Councils or sabotaging these movements, it was organized the great "Hunger inevitable that independent unions Marches" to Washington in 1931 and should arise. These efforts were fully 1932. These Councils continued for six supported by the Communist Party, years, until 1936, when they merged which used its influence to unite their with all other similar organizations forces in the Trade Union Unity in the country, to form the present League, established at a conference Workers Alliance of America. in Cleveland in 1929. The unions af­ Throughout 1930, the Party was filiated with this center conducted a discussing the demand for unemploy­ very high proportion of all strikes of ment insurance. The A. F. of L. was this period, trained a large number openly opposed to such a measure, of trade union organizers, and estab­ and no other organization took up the lished some stable organizations. lts question seriously. Finally, early in membership, however, never rose 1931, the Communist Party itself above a quarter-million. formulated a Draft Law for a system The T.U.U.L. had voted to associate of unemployment insurance, and se­ itself on a world scale with the Red cured its introduction in Congress by International of Labor Unions. How­ Representative Lundeen of Minne­ ever, its constituent organizations sota (Farmer-Labor), the same who, never acted on this affiliation, and it as Senator, is today voting on most was cancelled formally in 1934. major issues with the reactionary In 1930, the Party began its historic coalition in Congress. Around the work of penetration of the old South, Lundeen Bill, a broad movement always before that time neglected by arose in the trade unions, organized the socialist movement. around the A. F. of L. Committee for With the beginning of 1933, at the Unemployment Insurance, which depths of the economic crisis, the finally forced the A. F. of L. to reverse New Deal was inaugurated in the its former stand, and come out in U.S., almost simultaneously with the favor of the principle of such insur­ rise of Hitler in Germany. The new ance. The United Mine Workers was period of wars for imperialist redi­ the first great trade union to endorse vision of the world, already initiated unemployment insurance. in 1931 by the Japanese seizure of Soo THE COMMUNIST

Manchuria, had now definitely arising of mass proportions. By the opened up for the whole world. In middle of 1935, these amalgamations the first period of the New Deal, the had been large completed. The trade Communist Pa:r;-ty viewed it with the unions were growing by some million deepest suspicion, considering it but new members. At the end of 1935, a camouflage for reaction. This sus­ those forces in the A. F. of L. largely picion was fed by the vociferous sup­ instrumental in the great forward port of Wall Street to the President, movement, had united themselves in and by the role of such men as Gen­ the Committee for Industrial Organ­ eral Hugh Johnson, of Blue Eagle ization (C.l.O.), with the program to fame, as head of the N .R.A., who did complete the organization of the mass not hide his admiration of Mussolini production industries, which the re­ nor his basic fascist tendencies. It was actionaries controlling the A. F. of L. further strengthened by the conces­ Executive Council were attempting to sions to monopoly capital, by the re­ halt. liance upon dollar-devaluation as the Beginning with the Party's Eighth basis for the first New Deal, and by National Convention, in 1934, was the policies of restriction of produc­ launched our systematic campaign to tion and destruction of commodities. revive American revolutionary tradi­ Within the first New Deal phase, only tions, and for rediscovery and re-eval­ the famous Section 7a, of the Na­ uation of American history in general. tional Industrial Recovery Act, guar­ This played an enormous role, not anteeing the workers' right of organ­ only in the further development of ization in unions of their own choice, our Party, but for the whole country. clearly pointed the road of the fur­ The literature on this subject is so ther development of the New Deal; widely distributed, and of such recent but even on Section 7a, there were date, that it is familiar to all our two interpretations, General Johnson readers, and needs no detailed exam­ and Leo Wolman attempting to trans­ ination in this brief article. form it into a means of fostering a Toward the last half of 1935, great semi-company unionism. realignments crystallized in America From 1933 to 1935, accompanying and on a world scale. The Soviet the economic revival stimulated by Union, having successfully established Roosevelt's policies, and assisted by the collectivization of agriculture, and the legal establishment of the right of launched the Second Five-Year Plan, collective bargaining, a great mass had begun to expose and destroy the movement of trade union organiza­ conspiracy of the "Bloc of Rights and tion began. By 1934, this was already Trotskyites," in the service of the fas­ fundamentally changing the situation cist powers, that had culminated in that had given rise to the independent the assassination of Kirov in Decem­ unions of the T.U.U.L., and in 1935 ber, 1934. Italy had launched its war the Communists joined full-heartedly to destroy the . Ethiopian state. The in the movement to merge these in­ Popular Front had been formed in dependent unions into the A. F. of L., France, and checkmated the· first fas­ within which a militant wing was cist attempts to dominate that coun- REMARKS ON THE 20TH ANNIVERSARY OF C.P.U.S.A. 8o1 try. Hitler had reoccupied the Rhine­ who had played the dominant role in land with his military. The Soviet the rise of his party to power. That union was actively cooperating in the conference decided, with the concur­ League of Nations, while the fascist rence of the Communists, that the axis powers were withdrawing from situation was not ripe for launching it. In the United States, the "national a national Farmer-Labor Party, be­ unity" around the Roosevelt Admin­ cause the progressive and labor move­ istration had been broken, by the ments were inevitably going to sup­ emergence of the Liberty League, rep­ port President Roosevelt for re-elec­ resenting Wall Street and the "sixty tion in their overwhelming majority. families," with a fierce assault against The Communist Party, while retain­ the President. The Communist Party, .ing grave reservations toward Roose­ foreseeing a basic shake-up and re­ velt, whose previous course had been alignment in the political life of the at least ambiguous, agreed that the country, began searching for possible main task in 1936 was to defeat reac­ co-workers and allies, :under the slo­ tion at all costs, as represented by the gan, revived from former days, of the Liberty League · and Republican Farmer-Labor Party; and began dis­ Party, and that its own course should cussions with the Socialist Party, be directed toward cementing gen­ which culminated in the big debate eral progressive unity, while maintain­ with Norman Thomas in Madison ing its own complete independence. Square Garden. The Communist Party conducted its The Seventh World Congress of the 1936 election campaign, organized at Communist International took place its Ninth Convention, under this gen­ in the late summer of •935· The his­ eral orientation, with considerable toric report of George Dimitroff, success, which won it a host of friends placing clearly the perspective and and sympathizers, and opened many tasks of the People's Front against doors to future collaboration with fascism and war, for the Communists sections of broadest laoor and pro­ of the entire world, fitted with the gressive movements. utmost precision the situation of the Since the purpose of these brief re­ United States. Our own Party's ex­ marks on Party history are to relate perience and line of development had the present period, which opens in contributed to the results of this Con­ 1935, with the origin, background, gress, and in turn were enormously and early history of the Party, the stimulated by it. The Party made a outline of dates, events and issues may tremendous step forward. A great his­ well conclude with 1936. This back­ torical turn had been made. ground will greatly deepen our under­ Early in 1936, the Communist Party standing of the historic significance officially participated in a national of the Party's Tenth National Con­ conference of Farmer-Labor Party vention in 1938, which resolved all forces, called in Chicago by the unclarities, and in the new Party con­ Farmer-Labor Party of Minnesota, stitution fixed its character as the under the leadership of the late democratic party of the working class, Floyd B. Olson, Governor of the state, continuing the best American tradi- THE COMMUNIST tions while preparing for the socialist Indeed, we have recently been accused future. of belittling our strength, of desiring to hide it, for fear of frightening our SOME GENERAL REMARKS AND enemies. Mr. George Sokolsky, who CONCLUSIONS has carved out a highly remunerative What is the picture we obtain from career as writer and idea-man for em­ this review of the development of ployers' organizations, recently ac­ the Communist Party? cused the Communists of having a It is the process of gathering- to­ truly enormous, even dominating, in­ gether a body of men and women who fluence in the country, and hiding it are in ever closer contact with and by talldng about how weak we are. participation in the life and struggles But in truth, our course is to try to of the masses of the people, voicing estimate our strength accurately, their. demands and grievances, and neither to exaggerate nor to underesti­ pointing the road of organization and mate it. We must not exaggerate it, struggle by which alone these . de­ for if we do we will surely undertake mands can be realized and grievances tasks beyond our powers of fulfill­ remedied; who are constantly making ment, we will bite off more than we clear the inter-relation between the can chew. We must not underestimate particular and the general, the local it, because that will cause us to lag and the national, the national and behind the current of history, to pass the international, and deepening the up our opportunities of achievement, masses' understanding of their world; to miss the boat. We must have ac­ who are persistently and systematical­ curate knowledge of our own strength ly educating the masses in the nature as well as of the world about us and of the future society and its inevitable its historical development. rise, preparing the people for their From this historical sketch we also next historic step forward in the mas­ see quite clearly that the Communist tery of their own life. The Party em­ Party was not suddenly invented by bodies all this; without the Party, some bright young man. It grew up there would only be so many individ­ out of years of struggle and experi­ uals, with all their limitations, with ence, participated in by hundreds of little more significance than any other thousands and even millions of peo­ equal number of individuals. As the ple. Its building was an arduous and Party, working as a united whole, difficult task, and it is only well be­ upon scientific principles, and draw­ gun. On our twentieth anniversary ing upon the accumulated wisdom of we are only reaching our first hun­ mankind, this collection of individ­ dred thousand members. uals multiply their power in geometri­ We are not at all satisfied with our cal ratio, and become a significant rate of growth. But neither are we im­ and inescapable national political patient. We know the deadly dangers force even while the Party is still of impatience and the desire to find quite small. historical short-cuts to our goal, of We have not the slightest desire t\l substituting wishful thinking for exaggerate the strength of our Party. scientific objectivity. We have seen REMARKS ON THE 20TH ANNIVERSARY OF C.P.U.S.A. 8o3 what happened to the Socialist Party which our Party gave more than a in the past few years, under the im­ thousand of its best sons who rest in patient and confused leadership of Spanish soil. We must mention our Norman Thomas, and we have no de­ growing collaboration with the Com­ sire to emulate its rapid scattering of munist Parties and democratic move­ a once great political capital, like a ments in the Latin American coun­ drunken profligate getting rid of sev­ tries and of the Philippines. These eral months' wages in a single night. essential features of our Party, of We are patient, but not self-satisfied; fundamental importance, we can no we know that Rome was not built more than mention here, to register in a day, and that the Party which that their role is an indispensable part will lead the American people to so­ of our history, for understanding our cialism must be tempered and tested ties with the masses. in years of struggle. We set ourselves Nor would even the briefest review the task to win the respect and alle­ of our history be acceptable, that did giance of the majority of the American not mention our Party's study of the people, as the precondition for social­ agrarian problem, of it!l participation ism in our country. We have complete in the struggles of the farmers and confidence in our ultimate success. agricultural workers, and of our basic Many important phases of our programmatic task of welding the Party's history have not been dealt forces of the workers and toiling farm­ with here, both strong and weak items ers to defeat monopoly capital; to in its work, because of the necessity which must be added the observation of brevity and because they will be that this, as the weakest phase of our dealt with elsewhere. But even if Party's work, is today the subject for only to mention, we must speak of special concentrated attention. the Party's role in the struggle for The Seventh to the Tenth Conven­ Negro rights; the Party's contribution tions of the C.P. U.S.A., taking place to the rise of a great united mass in 1930, 1934, 1936 and 1938, each youth movement in America; its con­ made lasting contributions to the tribution to hammering out a clear American working class and to our peace policy for the United States, Party history. The ~leventh Conven­ and the creation of a mass movement tion in 1940 will register a higher in its support; the Party's leadership point in Party history. in the struggle against the threatening The history of the C.P. U.S.A. is, on rise of intolerance, of a new "Know­ its twentieth anniversary, the history Nothingism," of anti-Semitism, of of the creation of a Bolshevik Party anti-Catholicism, of anti-Negro cults; within the stronghold of world capi­ its leadership in the revival of the talism, the history of the emergence American revolutionary and demo­ of the American working class as a cratic traditions in all their richness, self-conscious force in American life, purifying the conceptions of Ameri­ the history of the preparation of the canism and of "the nation." We American people for struggle against must mention the glorious history of fascist world-conquest and imperial­ the Abraham Lincoln Battalion in the ist war, the history of the first stage fight for the Spanish republic, to in preparing America for socialism.