4TH QUARTERLY ACTIVITY REPORT 2020 1 October to 31 December
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A 2020 Vision for the Black Sea Region a Report by the Commission on the Black Sea
A 2020 Vision for the Black Sea Region A Report by the Commission on the Black Sea www.blackseacom.eu An initiative of: The Black eaS Trust for Regional Cooperation A 2020 Vision for the Black Sea Region A Report by the Commission on the Black Sea Contents Why read this Report? 4 What is the Commission on the Black Sea? 7 Executive Summary 12 Резюме выводов 15 Yönetici Özeti 19 The Report Introduction: The State of Play 22 Peace and Security 28 Economic Development and Welfare 31 Democratic Institutions and Good Governance 34 Regional Cooperation 36 Conclusions 38 Policy Recommendations 40 The Black Sea in Figures 45 Abbreviations 65 Initiators 67 The Rapporteurs, Editor and Acknowledgements 69 Imprint 70 3 Why read this Report? Why read this Report? … because the Black Sea matters The Black Sea region is coming into its own - but it is a contested and sometimes dangerous neighbourhood. It has undergone countless political transformations over time. And now, once again, it is becoming the subject of an intense debate. This reflects the changing dynamics of the Black Sea countries and the complex realities of their politics and conflicts, economies and societies. Geography, the interests of others and the region’s relations with the rest of the world in large part explain its resurgence. Straddling Europe and Asia, the Black Sea links north to south and east to west. Oil, gas, transport and trade routes are all crucial in explaining its increasing relevance. In the last two decades the Black Sea has changed beyond recognition. We have witnessed the transformation of the former communist societies and the impact of globalisation. -
Information As a Public Service
2019 ANNUAL REPORT INFORMATION AS A PUBLIC SERVICE Cover photo: A man identified as Georgy Oganezov is forcibly detained by Russian riot police in Moscow on August 3, 2019, while being interviewed on Current Time. Photo: Andrei Zolotov (MBKh Media) This report is submitted pursuant to Section 305(a) of the International Broadcasting Act of 1994 (Public Law 103-236). U.S. Agency for Global Media | 2019 Annual Report | 1 Overview and Impact ...................................2 Mission ........................................... 3 Languages ......................................... 3 Audience ..........................................4 Networks ..........................................6 Independence ......................................9 Threats to Our Journalists ............................... 10 Imprisoned and Missing Journalists ..................... 14 Transmissions and Broadcasting ......................... 16 Radio ............................................ 17 TV .............................................. 17 Digital (Web and Social Media Platforms) ................ 18 Affiliates ......................................... 18 Internet Freedom .....................................20 Providing Public Service Media .......................... 22 Impartial News Coverage ............................. 23 Unique Programming ...............................28 A Forum for Discussion .............................. 33 Reflects Underrepresented Voices ...................... 37 Media Development ...................................44 Outreach -
Bosnia and Herzegovina and the United Nations Sustainable Development Cooperation Framework
Bosnia and Herzegovina and the United Nations 2021- Sustainable Development Cooperation Framework 2025 A Partnership for Sustainable Development Declaration of commitment The authorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and the United Nations (UN) are committed to working together to achieve priorities in BiH. These are expressed by: ` The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and selected Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and targets1 as expressed in the emerging SDG Framework in BiH and domesticated SDG targets2; ` Future accession to the European Union, as expressed in the Action Plan for implementation of priorities from the European Commission Opinion and Analytical Report3; ` The Joint Socio-Economic Reforms (‘Reform Agenda’), 2019-20224; and ` The human rights commitments of BiH and other agreed international and regional development goals and treaty obligations5 and conventions. This Sustainable Development Cooperation Framework (CF), adopted by the BiH Council of Ministers at its 22nd Session on 16 December 2020 and reconfrmed by the BiH Presidency at its 114th Extraordinary Session on 5 March 2021, will guide the work of authorities in BiH and the UN system until 2025. This framework builds on the successes of our past cooperation and it represents a joint commitment to work in close partnership for results as defned in this Cooperation Framework that will help all people in BiH to live longer, healthier and more prosperous and secure lives. In signing hereafter, the cooperating partners endorse this Cooperation Framework and underscore their joint commitments toward the achievement of its results. Council of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina United Nations Country Team H.E. Dr. Zoran Tegeltija Dr. -
Bosnia-Herzegovina Political Briefing: BIH`S Troyka Agreement - Ambitious Or Premature Plan to Exit from 10 Months-Long Government Crisis? Ivica Bakota
ISSN: 2560-1601 Vol. 21, No. 1 (BH) Sept 2019 Bosnia-Herzegovina political briefing: BIH`s Troyka Agreement - ambitious or premature plan to exit from 10 months-long government crisis? Ivica Bakota 1052 Budapest Petőfi Sándor utca 11. +36 1 5858 690 Kiadó: Kína-KKE Intézet Nonprofit Kft. [email protected] Szerkesztésért felelős személy: Chen Xin Kiadásért felelős személy: Huang Ping china-cee.eu 2017/01 BIH`s Troyka Agreement - ambitious or premature plan to exit from 10 months-long government crisis? Introduction On August 5, the leaders of three dominant ethno-political parties (Troyka) in rather unexpected turn signed a coalition agreement that would put an end to 10 month-long crisis in forming the central government. Bakir Izetbegovic, leader of the Democratic Action Party (SDA), Milorad Dodik, Serb Member of Presidency and Chairman of the Union of Independent Social Democrats (SNSD), and Dragan Covic, leader of the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ BIH) seemed to have finally reached an agreement on the formation of the Council of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina, troubleshooting deadlock in the BIH Parliamentary Assembly and forming the Federal government. The Troyka Agreement was supported by the Head of Delegation of the European Union, Lars G. Wigemark and very ambitiously included a clause to form a government within a month time period from signing the agreement. As a main initiator, SNSD Chairman Milorad Dodik according to ethnic rotation key will nominate the Chairman of the Council of Ministers (COM Chairman) and also outline the distribution of the ministerial posts. Without big surprises, Zoran Tegeltija, SNSD member and RS government member, remains the sole candidate for COM Chairman, and 3 x 3 - 1 ministry allocation scheme (three ministries for each three party/ethnicities minus one ministry to “other” ethnicities) was also preliminary agreed. -
Western Balkans Stability Monitor
Western Balkans Stability Monitor December 2018 Issue* * The issue is published in December and primarily covers issues occurring in the previous month. Table of contents Regional Overview 4 Albania 6 Government Stability 7 Opposition Activities 7 Regional Relations 8 Security 9 Looking Forward 10 Bosnia-Herzegovina 11 Government Stability 12 Opposition Activities 14 Regional Relations 15 Security 16 Looking Forward 17 Kosovo 18 Government Stability 19 Opposition Activities 20 Regional Relations 21 Security 23 Looking Forward 24 Macedonia 25 Government Stability 26 Opposition Activities 27 Regional Relations 29 Security 30 Looking Forward 31 2 Montenegro 32 Government Stability 33 Opposition Activities 34 Regional Relations 35 Security 36 Looking Forward 37 Serbia 38 Government stability 39 Opposition activities 40 Regional relations 41 Security 42 Looking Forward 43 About Risk Dimensions 44 War 44 Terrorism 44 Government Instability 44 Civil Unrest 44 Ethnic Unrest 44 About 45 Contact 45 3 Regional Overview Instability across the region remained unevenly spread over the last month in the Western Balkans. While most of the countries of the region remained broadly stable, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo set themselves apart as pockets of real – or possible – instability. In the case of Bosnia, the risk of instability largely derived from the post-election challenge of forming ruling coalitions at different levels of government. The process of ethnic coalition building can be challenging enough at the best of times. However, this time around it is compounded by the lack of a legal basis for forming part of the Federation entity’s Parliament (the upper House of Peoples), without which the Federation entity government cannot be formed. -
Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine's 2019 Elections
Études de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Reports 25 KREMLIN-LINKED FORCES IN UKRAINE’S 2019 ELECTIONS On the Brink of Revenge? Vladislav INOZEMTSEV February 2019 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-981-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 How to quote this document: Vladislav Inozemtsev, “Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine’s 2019 Elections: On the Brink of Revenge?”, Russie.NEI.Reports, No. 25, Ifri, February 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Dr Vladislav Inozemtsev (b. 1968) is a Russian economist and political researcher since 1999, with a PhD in Economics. In 1996 he founded the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and has been its Director ever since. In recent years, he served as Senior or Visiting Fellow with the Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen in Vienna, with the Polski Instytut Studiów Zaawansowanych in Warsaw, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik in Berlin, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Johns Hopkins University in Washington. -
Western Balkans Stability Monitor
Western Balkans Stability Monitor November 2019 Issue Table of contents European Self-Harm 4 Albania 7 Government Stability 8 Opposition Activities 10 Regional Relations 11 Security 12 Looking Forward 13 Bosnia-Herzegovina 14 Government Stability 15 Opposition Activities 17 Regional Relations 18 Security 19 Looking Forward 20 Kosovo 21 Government Stability 22 Opposition Activities 24 Regional Relations 25 Security 27 Looking Forward 28 North Macedonia 29 Government Stability 30 Opposition Activities 32 Regional Relations 34 Security 35 Looking Forward 35 Montenegro 37 Government Stability 38 Opposition Activities 39 Regional Relations 40 Security 40 Looking Forward 41 2 Serbia 42 Government stability 43 Opposition activities 44 Regional relations 46 Security 47 Looking Forward 48 About Risk Dimensions 49 War 49 Terrorism 49 Government Instability 49 Civil Unrest 49 Ethnic Unrest 49 About 49 Contact 50 3 European Self-Harm Having deferred the question of opening accession negotiations with Albania and North Macedonia several times, European leaders were expected – with some trepidation – to give the green light to at least North Macedonia and possibly Albania’s EU accession hopes at the October European Council. Instead, the October 17-18 European Council not only failed to approve the opening of accession negotiations but sent Balkan hopefuls a signal that they should not bet on having any kind of accession prospects at all. In one fell swoop, the EU came close to entirely destroying its own credibility and leverage in the Western Balkans. To make the situation more bizarre, the chief architect of this act of European self-harm was none other than the man positioning himself to be the EU’s new leading statesman, French President Emmanuel Macron. -
Potential Consequences of the China-India Border
05.10.2020-11.10.2020 • No: 275 7 POTENTIAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE CHINA-INDIA BORDER DISPUTE The border dispute that started on May 5, conflicts among themselves without turn- of both Beijing and New Delhi since it 2020, along the Line of Actual Control ing them into a border war. The reasons may escalate many regional issues. For (LAC) on the border of China and India, for this can be found in the global geo- China, a potential border war with India the two most populous countries in the economic environment in general and the may not only endanger security and sta- world, cause the existing tensions in Bei- current trade-economic relations and stra- bility in the Tibet region but also foment jing-New Delhi relations to increase tegic priorities of China and India in par- China-Bhutan border disputes. For in- again. In particular, on June 15, 2020, a ticular. stance, it is no coincidence that the news clash took place between soldiers of the From a geo-economic perspective, the of the death of an ethnic Tibetan soldier two sides in the Galwan river valley in the global economic recession, especially in serving in the Indian army emerged dur- Ladakh region. The deaths of 20 Indian the last few years, slowed the export-led ing the China-India border conflict. Tak- and 43 Chinese soldiers in the conflict is economic growth of both China and In- ing into account that today around the first such bloodshed in the last 45 dia. Beijing strived to focus more on eco- 100,000 ethnic Tibetans live in India and years in the border region. -
C05516700.Pdf
'C00175067 Page: 116 of 170 UNCLASSIFIED Document 61 CLAS UNCLASSIFIED CLAS UNCLASSIFIED APSN TB1506101591C PROM PaIS LONDON UK SUBJ TAKEALL-- Comllst: Moscow Consolidated 14 Jun 91 Full Text Super zone of Message 1 GLOBAL 2 1 "intl situation: questions and answers": viktor levin on nato's future as discussed in recent bessmertnykh-genscher talks (4 min, sent); in reply to two letters which regret loss of eastern europe to socialism and note onset of anarchy and famine there, gubernatorov talks to k. pat syuk , who does not believe that all the sacrificies made by soviet ppl to secure victory in VVII were made only to split germany and its ppl for an indefinite period and to try to implant soviet ways in europe (5 min); civil engineer from krasnodar kray asks why usa is so stubbornly seeking to retain their military bases in philippines? gubernatorov quotes armitage as saying that u.s. future is linked with asia, further quotes from intl herald tribune and u.s. marine general grey (4 min); letter from ventspils raises question of use of force abroad by usa on pretext of defending its interests, gubernator quotes from nixon's book "real war," published in 1980 in which he exhorts his successors on need to learn to make effective use of force for defending u.s. interests, casey quoted on range of these interests, quotes from white house document for u.s. ambassadors and cia issued 10 yeara ago as guide for action, from shultz stmt in '83 on usa having sent armed forces to developing countries VVII (5 min); gubernatorov chats to sergey pravdin in reply to kiev teacher's question about circumstances in which u.s. -
12. Zig-Zagging Towards Independence
12 ZIG-ZAGGING TOWARDS INDEPENDENCE Ukraine rejects Gorbachev's draft Union treaty On 23 November, Gorbachev presented the draft of the new Union treaty. Describing the nationalities problem as 'the central issue of domestic policy', he again played on fears of bloodshed and anarchy and depicted the proposed treaty as virtually a last-ditch effort to prevent disintegration. By now, though, the Baltic republics and Georgia had made it clear that they would not sign, and Moldova and Armenia had also expressed their misgivings. Never• theless, the Soviet leader declared that he was convinced that even in the Baltic republics 'most people' were 'in favour of preserving the Union' and accused their 'separatist leaders' of being afraid to agree to hold referendums on the issue of inde• pendence.1 As expected, the draft of the Union treaty fell well short of what the republics were seeking. It proposed a federation with a centre which would still have substantial powers and there was no mention of the right to secession. There were, however, three controversial changes. First, the status of the autonomous republics was to be upgraded: the new Union treaty would recognize them as sovereign states and as co-signatories. For Ukraine, this concession to the autonomous republics threatened to complicate its problems with Crimea further. Second, the role of the Council of the Federation was to be enhanced from a consultative to a policy- and decision• making body. And, third, the word 'Socialist' in the name Union of Soviet Socialist Republics was to be replaced by 'Sovereign'. As the prominent deputy from the 'Democratic Russia' bloc, Galina Starovoitova, put it, the draft was simply a 'cosmetic renewal' of the 1922 Union treaty. -
Mr. António Costa, Prime Minister of Portugal Rua Da Imprensa, No
Mr. António Costa, Prime Minister of Portugal Rua da Imprensa, no. 2 – Estrela 1250 – 126 Lisboa Portugal Brussels, 13.08.2020 Subject: Crew changes in Covid-19 times – Save our Seafarers, call for action Dear Prime Minister, We, the European and international social partners for maritime transport together with our maritime partners, would like to thank you for the efforts Portugal is making to facilitate crew changes. We however call for more to be done to relieve seafarers and facilitate crew changes, which are currently happening at a rate of only 30% of what is needed. Over a quarter of a million seafarers currently need to be relieved, and this number rises with every week that passes. Some of these seafarers have now spent 15 months or more continuously on board. An equal number are awaiting to join ships. This is a humanitarian crisis that must be solved in order to protect seafarers that have been on ships for far too long. We are also concerned that any interruption to the flow of trade could have devastating consequences for the recovery phase. We acknowledge that all stakeholders in the industry, as well as IMO, ILO and the European Commission, have been working ceaselessly over the past months to enable crew changes to happen. While we welcome all these actions, we consider it is now time for the immediate involvement of the Heads of States and Governments. We are therefore writing to EU Member States at the highest political level in order to call for urgent action nationally and in partnership with other countries. -
Bosnia: What Does Republika Srpska Want?
BOSNIA: WHAT DOES REPUBLIKA SRPSKA WANT? Europe Report N°214 – 6 October 2011 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. THE POLITICAL SCENE ............................................................................................... 2 A. THE RS GOVERNMENT ................................................................................................................. 2 B. THE OPPOSITION .......................................................................................................................... 3 III. THE IMPENDING ECONOMIC CRUNCH ................................................................. 5 A. REVENUES AND REFORMS ............................................................................................................ 6 B. EAST AND WEST, REGIONALISATION AND CENTRALISATION ....................................................... 7 C. CORRUPTION AND THE RULE OF LAW .......................................................................................... 8 1. The judiciary and prosecution ...................................................................................................... 9 2. The police .................................................................................................................................. 10 IV. RS AND THE BOSNIAN STATE.................................................................................