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The Pussy Riot Affair: Gender and National Identity in Putin's Russia 1 Peter Rutland 2 the Pussy Riot Affair Was a Massive In
The Pussy Riot affair: gender and national identity in Putin’s Russia 1 Peter Rutland 2 The Pussy Riot affair was a massive international cause célèbre that ignited a widespread movement of support for the jailed activists around the world. The case tells us a lot about Russian society, the Russian state, and Western perceptions of Russia. It also raises interest in gender as a frame of analysis, something that has been largely overlooked in 20 years of work by mainstream political scientists analyzing Russia’s transition to democracy.3 There is general agreement that the trial of the punk rock group signaled a shift in the evolution of the authoritarian regime of President Vladimir Putin. However, there are many aspects of the affair still open to debate. Will the persecution of Pussy Riot go down in history as one of the classic trials that have punctuated Russian history, such as the arrest of dissidents Andrei Sinyavsky and Yuli Daniel in 1966, or the trial of revolutionary Vera Zasulich in 1878? Or is it just a flash in the pan, an artifact of media fascination with attractive young women behaving badly? The case also poses a challenge for feminists. While some observers, including Janet Elise Johnson (below), see Pussy Riot as part of the struggle for women’s rights, others, including Valerie Sperling and Marina Yusupova, raise questions about the extent to Pussy Riot can be seen as advancing the feminist cause. Origins Pussy Riot was formed in 2011, emerging from the underground art group Voina which had been active since 2007. -
Pussy Riot: Art Or Hooliganism? Changing Society Through Means of Participation
Pussy Riot: Art or Hooliganism? Changing Society through Means of Participation Camilla Patricia Reuter Ritgerð til BA-prófs í listfræði Háskóli Íslands Hugvísindasvið Pussy Riot: Art or Hooliganism? Changing Society through Means of Participation Camilla Patricia Reuter Lokaverkefni til BA-gráðu í listfræði Leiðsögukennari: Hlynur Helgason Íslensku- og menningadeild Menntavísindasvið Háskóla Íslands Maí 2015 Ritgerð þessi er lokaverkefni til BA- gráðu í listfræði og er óheimilt að afrita ritgerðina á nokkurn hátt nema með leyfi rétthafa. © Camilla Patricia Reuter 2015 Prentun: Bóksala Menntavísindasviðs Reykjavík, Ísland 2015 Preface In my studies of art history the connection between the past and present has always intrigued me. As a former history major, the interest in historical developments comes hardly as a surprise. This is why I felt that the subject of my essay should concentrate on a recent phenomenon in art with a rich history supporting it. My personal interest in Russian art history eventually narrowed my topics down to Pussy Riot and Voina, which both provide a provocative subject matter. Having spent a semester in St. Petersburg studying the nation’s art history one discovers a palpable connection between politics and art. From Ilya Repin’s masterpieces to the Russian avant-garde and the Moscow Conceptualists, Russian art history is provided with a multitude of oppositional art. The artistic desire to rebel lies in the heart of creativity and antagonism is necessary for the process of development. I wish to thank you my advisor and professor Hlynur Helgason for accepting to guide me in my writing process. Without the theoretical input from my advisor this bachelor’s thesis could not have been written. -
Russia 2012-2013: Attack on Freedom / 3 Introduction
RUSSIA 2012-2013 : Attack on Freedom Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. Article 5: No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, February 2014 / N°625a Cover photo: Demonstration in front of the State Duma (Russian Parliament) in Moscow on 18 July 2013, after the conviction of Alexei Navalny. © AFP PHOTO / Ivan Novikov 2 / Titre du rapport – FIDH Introduction -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 4 1. Authoritarian Methods to Suppress Rights and Freedoms -------------------------------- 6 2. Repressive Laws ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 8 2.1. Restrictions on Freedom -
Full Study (In English)
The Long Shadow of Donbas Reintegrating Veterans and Fostering Social Cohesion in Ukraine By JULIA FRIEDRICH and THERESA LÜTKEFEND Almost 400,000 veterans who fought on the Ukrainian side in Donbas have since STUDY returned to communities all over the country. They are one of the most visible May 2021 representations of the societal changes in Ukraine following the violent conflict in the east of the country. Ukrainian society faces the challenge of making room for these former soldiers and their experiences. At the same time, the Ukrainian government should recognize veterans as an important political stakeholder group. Even though Ukraine is simultaneously struggling with internal reforms and Russian destabilization efforts, political actors in Ukraine need to step up their efforts to formulate and implement a coherent policy on veteran reintegration. The societal stakes are too high to leave the issue unaddressed. gppi.net This study was funded by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation in Ukraine. The views expressed therein are solely those of the authors and do not reflect the official position of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation. The authors would like to thank several experts and colleagues who shaped this project and supported us along the way. We are indebted to Kateryna Malofieieva for her invaluable expertise, Ukraine-language research and support during the interviews. The team from Razumkov Centre conducted the focus group interviews that added tremendous value to our work. Further, we would like to thank Tobias Schneider for his guidance and support throughout the process. This project would not exist without him. Mathieu Boulègue, Cristina Gherasimov, Andreas Heinemann-Grüder, and Katharine Quinn-Judge took the time to provide their unique insights and offered helpful suggestions on earlier drafts. -
Andrey Tolokonnikov
Andrey Tolokonnikov Kirill, the Patriarch and Putin should be on the Pussy Riot list Andrey Tolokonnikov is the father of Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, one of the members of the punk outfit Pussy Riot, sentenced to two years of labour camp following their protest in the Church of Christ the Saviour in Moscow. After the Pussy Riot trial, Andrey Tolokonnikov wrote a book about his daughter. Interview conducted in August 2013 Elena Servettaz: Sergei Magnitsky was found guilty posthumously. Such liti- gation is forbidden by law in the Russian Federation unless it is at the request of relatives (for the purposes of rehabilitation). Sergei’s relatives did not make any such request. On the contrary, Natalia Nikolaevana, Sergei’s mother, wrote to lawyers explicitly asking them not to participate in a posthumous trial of her son. How do you react to such a trial in modern Russia? Andrey Tolokonnikov: As one five-year-old girl (Andrey is speaking about Héra, the daughter of Nadezhda - editor’s note) said to me: “Medieval”. In certain courts during the inquisition, the dead person was placed in a chair for the “trial”. How strange then that they did not exhume Magnitsky and torture his remains! There is no political stability in Russia nowadays. In Russia, since time im- memorial, the war of Good vs. Evil has been waged. Magnitsky’s death speaks far more loudly than Magnitsky ever could do himself. Exposure to financial fraud has become the norm in Russia. Elena Servettaz: Recently, there have been other “show trials” in Russia. After Pussy Riot, Alexei Navalny has now also been found guilty. -
A Militant Reconfiguration of Peter Bürger's “Neo-Avant-Garde”
Counter Cultural Production: A Militant Reconfiguration of Peter Bürger’s “Neo-Avant-Garde” Martin Lang Abstract This article re-examines Peter Bürger’s negative assessment of the neo-avant-garde as apolitical, co-opted and toothless. It argues that his conception can be overturned through an analysis of different sources – looking beyond the usual examples of individual artists to instead focus on the role of more politically committed collectives. It declares that, while the collectives analysed in this text do indeed appropriate and develop goals and tactics of the ‘historical avant-garde’ (hence meriting the appellation ‘neo-avant-garde’), they cannot be accused of being co-opted or politically uncommitted due to the ferocity of their critique of, and attack on, art and political institutions. Introduction Firstly, the reader should be aware that my understanding of the avant-garde has nothing to do with how Clement Greenberg used the term.1 I am aligning myself with Peter Bürger’s position that the ‘historical avant-garde’ was, primarily, Dada and Surrealism, but also the Russian avant-gardes after the October revolution and Futurism.2 These are movements that Greenberg saw as peripheral to the avant-garde. Greenberg did, however, share some of Bürger’s concerns about the avant-garde’s institutionalisation, or ‘academisation’ as he would put it. I borrow the term ‘neo-avant-garde’ from Bürger, but with some trepidation. In Theorie der Avantgarde (1974 – translated into English as Theory of the Avant-Garde 1984) he describes the neo-avant-garde of the 1950s and 1960s as movements that revisit the historical avant- garde, but he dismisses them as inherently compromised: The neo-avant-garde institutionalizes the avant-garde as art and thus negates genuinely avant-gardiste intentions. -
The Problematic Westernization of Pussy Riot
Macalester College DigitalCommons@Macalester College Gateway Prize for Excellent Writing Academic Programs and Advising 2020 The Riot Continues: The Problematic Westernization of Pussy Riot Adam Clark Macalester College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/studentawards Part of the Music Commons Recommended Citation Clark, Adam, "The Riot Continues: The Problematic Westernization of Pussy Riot" (2020). Gateway Prize for Excellent Writing. 16. https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/studentawards/16 This Gateway Prize for Excellent Writing is brought to you for free and open access by the Academic Programs and Advising at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Gateway Prize for Excellent Writing by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Adam Clark Victoria Malawey, Gender & Music The Riot Continues: The Problematic Westernization of Pussy Riot “We’re gonna take over the punk scene for feminists” -Kathleen Hanna Although they share feminist ideals, the Russian art collective Pussy Riot distinguishes themselves from the U.S.-based Riot Grrrl Movement, as exemplified by the band Bikini Kill, because of their location-specific protest work in Moscow. Understanding how Pussy Riot is both similar to and different from Riot Grrrl is important for contextualizing the way we think about diverse, transnational feminisms so that we may develop more inclusive and nuanced ways in conceptualizing these feminisms in the future. While Pussy Riot shares similar ideals championed by Bikini Kill in the Riot Grrrl movement, they have temporal and location-specific activisms and each group has their own ways of protesting injustices against women and achieving their unique goals. -
SEPT 2018 Part A.Pdf
Page | 1 C2BRNE DIARY– September 2018 www.cbrne-terrorism-newsletter.com Page | 2 C2BRNE DIARY– September 2018 CBRNE-Terrorism Newsletter – 2018© September 2018 Website: www.cbrne-terrorism-newsletter.com Editor-in-Chief BrigGEN (ret) Ioannis Galatas MD, MA, MC (Army) PhD cand Consultant in Allergy & Clinical Immunology Medical/Hospital CBRNE Planner & Instructor Senior Asymmetric Threats Analyst Manager, CBRN Knowledge Center @ International CBRNE Institute (BE) Athens, Greece Contact e-mail: [email protected] Editorial Team Bellanca Giada, MD, MSc (Italy) Hopmeier Michael, BSc/MSc MechEngin (USA) Kiourktsoglou George, BSc, Dipl, MSc, MBA, PhD (cand) (UK) Photiou Steve, MD, MSc EmDisaster (Italy) Tarlow Peter, PhD Sociol (USA) Advertise with us! CBRNE-Terrorism Newsletter is published on-line monthly and distributed free of charge. Sponsors of the International CBRNE Institute can advertise for free. CBRNE related companies: negotiable (very low) fees upon request. PUBLISHER Mendor Editions S.A. 3 Selinountos Street 14231 Nea Ionia Athens, Greece Tel: +30 210 2723094/-5 Fax: +30 210 2723698 Contact e-mail: Valia Kalantzi [email protected] DISCLAIMER: The CBRNE-Terrorism Newsletter® is a free online publication for the fellow civilian/military First Responders worldwide. The Newsletter is a collection of papers/articles related to the stated thematology. Relevant sources/authors are included and all info provided herein is from open Internet sources. Opinions and comments from the Editor, the Editorial group or the authors publishing in the Newsletter do not necessarily represent those of the Publisher or the International CBRNE Institute. www.cbrne-terrorism-newsletter.com Page | 3 C2BRNE DIARY– September 2018 CBRNE-Terrorism Newsletter is: 1. -
2.2. What Does the Balaclava Stand For? Pussy Riot: Just Some Stupid Girls Or Punk with Substance?
2.2. What does the Balaclava stand for? Pussy Riot: just some stupid girls or punk with substance? Alexandre M. da Fonseca 1 Abstract 5 punk singers walk into the Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow, address the Mother of God herself, ask her to free Russia from Putin and “become a feminist”. They are stopped by the security and three members are later arrested. The rest is history… Nevertheless, Pussy Riot have proven to be more complex. This article aims to go beyond the dichotomies and the narratives played out in Western and Russian media. Given the complexity of the affair, this article aims to dissect the political thought, the ideas (or ideology), the philosophy behind their punk direct actions. Focusing on their statements, lyrics and letters and the brechtian way they see “art as a transformative tool”, our aim is to ask what does the balaclava stand for? Are they really just some stupid punk girls or is there some substance to their punk? Who are (politically) the Pussy Riot? Keywords: Pussy Riot; Punk and Direct Action; Political Thought; Critical Discourse Analysis; 3rd wave feminism Who are the Pussy Riot? Are they those who have been judged in court and sentenced to prison? Or those anonymous member who have shunned the two persecuted girl? Or maybe it’s everyone who puts a balaclava and identifies with the rebellious attitude of the Russian group? Then, are Pussy Riot an “Idea” or are they impossible to separate from the faces of Nadia and Masha? This is the first difficulty of discussing Pussy Riot – defining who their subject is. -
Gerasimov Doctrine” Why the West Fails to Beat Russia to the Punch
FRIDMAN In August 2018, service members from many nations were represented in the Ukrainian Independence Day parade. Joint Multinational Training Group-Ukraine has been ongoing since 2015 and seeks to contribute to Ukraine’s internal defense capabilities and training capacity. (Tennessee Army National Guard) 100 | FEATURES PRISM 8, NO. 2 On the “Gerasimov Doctrine” Why the West Fails to Beat Russia to the Punch By Ofer Fridman he first week of March 2019 was very exciting for Western experts on Russian military affairs. On March 2, the Russian Academy of Military Sciences held its annual defense conference with Chief of the General Staff, Army General Valery Gerasimov, giving the keynote address. Two days Tlater, official Ministry of Defense newspaper Krasnaya Zvesda published the main outlines of Gerasimov’s speech, igniting a new wave of discourse on Russian military affairs among Western experts.1 The New York Times’ claim that “Russian General Pitches ‘Information’ Operations as a Form of War” was aug- mented by an interpretation claiming that Gerasimov had unveiled “Russia’s ‘strategy of limited actions,’” which was “a new version of the ‘Gerasimov Doctrine’” that was to be considered the “semi-official ‘doc- trine’ of the Russian Armed Forces and its General Staff.”2 Interestingly enough, this echo chamber–style interpretation of Gerasimov’s speech emphasized only the one small part of it that discussed information/ propaganda/subversion/nonmilitary aspects of war. The main question, however, is whether this part deserves such attention—after all, this topic was discussed only in one short paragraph entitled “Struggle in Informational Environment.” Was there something in his speech that deserved greater attention? And if so, why was it missed? Did Russia Surprise the West? Or Was the West Surprised by Russia? Since 2014, Western experts on Russian military affairs have been trying to understand the Russian dis- course on the character of war in the 21st century, as it manifested itself in Ukraine and later in Syria. -
Dangerous Myths How Crisis Ukraine Explains
Dangerous Myths How the Crisis in Ukraine Explains Future Great Power Conflict Lionel Beehner A Contemporary Battlefield Assessment Liam Collins by the Modern War Institute August 18, 2020 Dangerous Myths: How the Crisis in Ukraine Explains Future Great Power Conflict Table of Contents Acknowledgments........................................................................................................................................... 1 Executive Summary ........................................................................................................................................ 2 Introduction ...................................................................................................................................................... 5 Chapter I — Russian Intervention in Ukraine: A Troubled History ............................................. 12 Chapter II — Russian Military Modernization and Strategy ........................................................... 21 Chapter III — Hybrid Warfare Revisited .............................................................................................. 26 Chapter IV — A Breakdown of Russian Hybrid Warfare ................................................................. 31 Proxy Warfare ..................................................................................................................................... 32 Information Warfare .......................................................................................................................... 38 Maritime/Littoral -
Russian Court Leaves Pussy Riot Singer Behind Bars
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL PRESS RELEASE AI Index: PRE 01/362/2013 24 July 2013 Russian court leaves Pussy Riot singer behind bars A Russian appeal court decision to refuse parole to Maria Alekhina, one of the Pussy Riot punk group singers jailed for singing a protest song in an Orthodox cathedral is a further travesty of justice, Amnesty International said today. "This decision is a further confirmation that the Russian authorities are uncompromising in their suppression of freedom of expression," said Denis Krivosheev, Europe and Central Asia Deputy Programme Director. Today the Perm Regional Court upheld a previous decision to refuse to grant parole to 24-year-old Alekhina. She together with Nadezhda Tolokonnikova and Ekaterina Samutsevich, three of the members of the all-female group Pussy Riot, were charged with “hooliganism on grounds of religious hatred” after they sang a protest song in Moscow’s main Orthodox cathedral in February 2012. All three were subsequently sentenced to two years imprisonment in a penal colony but later Ekaterina Samutsevich was given a suspended sentence on appeal. "Maria Alekhina and the other two punk singers shouldn't have been arrested in the first place. They were deprived of their freedom solely for the peaceful expression of their beliefs and Amnesty International considers them to be prisoners of conscience .The Russian authorities must release Maria Alekhina and Nadezhda Tolokonnikova immediately and unconditionally and the sentences against them and Ekaterina Samutsevich should be overturned," said Denis Krivosheev. “Today’s court decision is meant to intimidate further free speech. It may be presented as principled but it reveals a trend of bullying critics in spite of the country’s obligations to defend and promote human rights.” In January 2013, Maria Alekhina applied for an early release so she could take care of her five-year-old son.