The Spectrum of Political Attitudes
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Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany
University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2018 Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany William Peter Fitz University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Fitz, William Peter, "Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany" (2018). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 275. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/275 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REACTIONARY POSTMODERNISM? NEOLIBERALISM, MULTICULTURALISM, THE INTERNET, AND THE IDEOLOGY OF THE NEW FAR RIGHT IN GERMANY A Thesis Presented by William Peter Fitz to The Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The University of Vermont In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Bachelor of Arts In European Studies with Honors December 2018 Defense Date: December 4th, 2018 Thesis Committee: Alan E. Steinweis, Ph.D., Advisor Susanna Schrafstetter, Ph.D., Chairperson Adriana Borra, M.A. Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter One: Neoliberalism and Xenophobia 17 Chapter Two: Multiculturalism and Cultural Identity 52 Chapter Three: The Philosophy of the New Right 84 Chapter Four: The Internet and Meme Warfare 116 Conclusion 149 Bibliography 166 1 “Perhaps one will view the rise of the Alternative for Germany in the foreseeable future as inevitable, as a portent for major changes, one that is as necessary as it was predictable. -
Right‐Wing Populism and Climate Change Denial
Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Vol. 00, No. 0, 2020, pp. 1--21 Right-Wing Populism and Climate Change Denial: The Roles of Exclusionary and Anti-Egalitarian Preferences, Conservative Ideology, and Antiestablishment Attitudes Kirsti M. Jylha¨ * Institute for Futures Studies, Stockholm, Sweden and Department of Psychology, Uppsala University, Sweden Kahl Hellmer Department of Psychology, Uppsala University, Sweden Populist right-wing politicians and voters tend to dismiss climate change. To in- vestigate possible reasons for this, we tested correlations between climate change denial and variables linked to right-wing populism (Study 1: N = 1,587; Study 2: N = 909). The strongest predictor of climate change denial was an index capturing exclusionary and anti-egalitarian preferences (opposition to, e.g., multicultural- ism and feminism), followed by traditional values (Study 1) and Social Dominance Orientation (Study 2). Populist antiestablishment attitudes correlated only weakly with climate change denial, and this correlation vanished when exclusionary and anti-egalitarian preferences were controlled for. Also, the effects of authoritarian- ism (Study 2) and (low) openness vanished in the full models. Climate change de- nial did not correlate with (low) agreeableness, which is a personality trait linked to populism. However, both antiestablishment attitudes and climate change denial correlated with pseudoscientific beliefs (e.g., anti-vaccination attitudes) (Study 1). To conclude, we did not find support for a notable linkage between climate change ∗Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Kirsti M. Jylha,¨ Institute for Futures Studies, SE-101 31, Stockholm, Sweden [e-mail: [email protected]]. Acknowledgements: We are thankful for the anonymous reviewers and the editor for their valuable comments on the previous draft of this article. -
Anti-Establishment Coalition Governments in Southern Europe: Greece and Italy
Anti-establishment coalition governments in Southern Europe: Greece and Italy Vasiliki Georgiadou Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences, 136 Syngrou Ave. 17671, Athens, Greece. Email: [email protected] Jenny Mavropoulou Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences, 136 Syngrou Ave. 17671, Athens, Greece. Email: [email protected] Abstract Anti-establishment parties with either a left-wing or a right-wing ideological slant have been entering contemporary European Democracies with sizeable vote shares. During the Great Recession, the Greek and the Italian party system could be perceived as convergent case-studies for the formation and breakthrough of anti-establishment parties. Given the fact that ideologically diverging anti- establishment parties – the Coalition of the Radical Left - Social Unionist Front (SYRIZA) and the Independent Greeks (ANEL) in the Greek case, as well as the Five Star Movement (M5S) and the League in the Italian one – came to power and formed coalition governments, the primary goal of this article is to enquire into supply-side parameters, exploring potential associations along a range of programmatic stances and policy dimensions that effectuated these governing alliances. Using the Comparative Manifesto Project dataset, our findings confirm the existence of expected programmatic differences as well as a converging policymaking basis between the anti-establishment coalition partners of both governing alliances. Keywords: anti-establishment parties, SYRIZA, ANEL, M5S, League, supply-side, -
The Political Spectrum -- a System of Classifying Different Political Positions Upon One Or More Geometric Axes Radical Liberal Moderate Conservative Reactionary
The Political Spectrum -- a system of classifying different political positions upon one or more geometric axes Radical Liberal Moderate Conservative Reactionary The Traditional One-Dimensional Political Spectrum Radical LIBERAL Moderate Conservative Reactionary Favors _________________progress and _________________;reform Works for reform _________________within existing systems; looks to the _____________future for an improved society Favors government intervention in _________________________the economy (to improve treatment of people and the environment) Wants government to stay out of _______________________social matters (to allow expansion of rights) Radical Liberal Moderate CONSERVATIVE Reactionary Favors society _________________as it is or a _________________return to what society ________________________;once was opposed to abrupt change; Values ____________________tradition Wants government to stay out of _________________________the economy (to conserve freedom of action & maintain limited government) Favors government intervention in _______________________social matters (to conserve traditional values) RADICAL Liberal Moderate Conservative Reactionary Favors _________________dramatic and _________________immediate change; Change comes in the form of a new _________________________society or a ________________________________new political system Radical Liberal Moderate Conservative REACTIONARY Favors _________________dramatic and _________________immediate change; Change comes in the form of a new _________________________restoration -
OD 012 956 AUTHOR TITLE Strategies; Mass Control; *Social Vocational Education Ability to Adapt the Environment to His Appreciat
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 068 595 OD 012 956 AUTHOR Gordon, Edmund W. TITLE Broadening the Concept of CareerEducation. PUB DATE Sep 72 NOTE 15p. EDRS PRICE MF-$0.65 HC-$3.29 DESCRIPTORS *Career Education; Communications;*Cultural Factors; Educational Development; EducationalNeeds; *Educational Objectives; EducationalPhilosophy; Educational Planning; EducationalStrategies; Mass Media; Secondary Education; SelfControl; *Social Change; *Technological Advancement;Vocational Education ABSTRACT The advanced technology of moderncommunications has created a condition in which thecontradictions of complex social orders, the atrocities ofinterpersonal, intertribal, and international conflicts, theinequities inherent in practicallyall of our social systems, as well asthe richness of our culturaland technical accomplishments constantlybombard the human spirit with relentless assault and stimulation.Human beings, accustomed to far simpler social environments, havereacted to these inputs with habituation or adaptation. As theseinputs increase in complexity and intensity, the process of habituationis likely to accelerate and the processes of adaptationmust become more complex. Undersuch capacities the survival of man willincreasingly depend on his capacity to use his intellectual powerto adapt to his changing environment as well as on hisability to adapt the environment tohis special needs. Such capacities arelikely to be the product of learning experiences designed tocultivate the mind and spirit of man in ways which combine competencein the use of knowledge, compassionate and empatheticappreciation of values, and masteryof selected skills. It is then thesethree which must comprise the dimensions of career education --education which prepares for continued progress in the life of a person.(Author/3M) FILMED FROM BEST AVAILABLE COPY U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH, EDUCATION & WELFARE OFFICE OF EDUCATION THIS DOCUMENT HAS BEEN REPRO- OUCEO EXACTLY AS RECEIVED FROM THE PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIG- INATING IT. -
Liberalism, Radicalism, and Legal Scholarship Steven H
Cornell Law Library Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository Cornell Law Faculty Publications Faculty Scholarship 8-1983 Liberalism, Radicalism, and Legal Scholarship Steven H. Shiffrin Cornell Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/facpub Part of the Law and Philosophy Commons, and the Legal History, Theory and Process Commons Recommended Citation Shiffrin, Steven H., "Liberalism, Radicalism, and Legal Scholarship" (1983). Cornell Law Faculty Publications. Paper 1176. http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/facpub/1176 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell Law Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ARTICLE LIBERALISM, RADICALISM, AND LEGAL SCHOLARSHIP Steven Shiffrin*t INTRODUCTION In the eighteenth century, Kant answered the utilitarians.I In the nineteenth century, without embracing utilitarianism, 2 Hegel * Professor of Law, UCLA. This project started out as a broad piece entitled "Away From a General Theory of the First Amendment." It has taken on un- bounded proportions and might as well be called "Away From A General Theory of Everything." During the several years I have worked on it, more than thirty friends and colleagues have read one version or another and have given me helpful com- ments. Listing them all would look silly, but I am grateful to each of them, especially to those who responded in such detail. I would especially like to thank Dru Cornell, who served early in the project as a research assistant and thereafter offered counsel, particularly lending her expertise on continental philosophy. -
Alexis De Tocqueville: the Traditionalist Roots of Democracy
Alexis de Tocqueville: The Traditionalist Roots of Democracy Isidre MOLAS Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Working Paper n. 9 Barcelona 1990 Both the American and French Revolutions went beyond national borders and shook the world. This was the beginning of a new age. As BALLANCHE said in the middle of the Restoration: "Nous sommes arrivés à un âge critique de l'esprit humain, à une époque de fin et de renouvellement. La société ne repose plus sur les mêmes bases, et les peuples ont besoin d'institutions qui soient en rapport avec leurs destinées futures. Nous sommes semblables aux Israélites dans le désert”1, he work of Alexis de TOCQUEVILLE (1808-1859) comes into this context of profound change. He had been born into a family of Norman aristocracy, related to MALESHERBES and CHATEAUBRIAND. The July Monarchy removed his stock from power and placed it in the ranks of legitimism. After his trip to the United States, he began his political thought, encouraged by the implicit desire to offer his world a prospect for the future in the face of the new liberal regime of bourgeoisie and officials. In 1835, when he was thirty, he published the first volume of La Démocratie en Amérique (D), which was a great success, unlike the second, which was more ambitious and detailed, published five years later. In short, it led him to political action, that was not very spectacular, and that left him with a certain feeling of disappointment. A Member of Parliament from 1839 until 1851 for Valognes, where he lived, he was not particularly enthusiastic about the Republic and was relieved when CAVAINGAC defeated the people of Paris. -
A Retrospective View of Critical Legal Studies and Radical Criminology Albert P
Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology Volume 84 Article 3 Issue 3 Fall Fall 1993 Radicalism in Law and Criminology: A Retrospective View of Critical Legal Studies and Radical Criminology Albert P. Cardarelli Stephen C. Hicks Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/jclc Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminology Commons, and the Criminology and Criminal Justice Commons Recommended Citation Albert P. Cardarelli, Stephen C. Hicks, Radicalism in Law and Criminology: A Retrospective View of Critical Legal Studies and Radical Criminology, 84 J. Crim. L. & Criminology 502 (Fall 1993) This Criminology is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology by an authorized editor of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. 009 1-4169/93/8403-0502 THE JOURNAL OF CRIMINAL LAW & CRIMINOLOGY Vol. 84, No. 3 Copyright © 1993 by Northwestern University, School of Law Printedin U.S.A. CRIMINOLOGY RADICALISM IN LAW AND CRIMINOLOGY: A RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF CRITICAL LEGAL STUDIES AND RADICAL CRIMINOLOGY ALBERT P. CARDARELLI* & STEPHEN C. HICKS** I. INTRODUCTION: HISTORY AS A PRELUDE As the end of the century approaches, there is a growing senti- ment that we may be witnessing the end of the "Left" as a major ideological force in American society.' The reasons for the pur- ported demise, especially in American politics, are not always in agreement, even among leftist scholars themselves. 2 One explana- tion posits that the fall from power began with the ascendancy of the "Right" in national politics with the election of Ronald Reagan, and was accelerated by the collapse of communist governments through- * Senior Fellow, John W. -
Clarifying the Structure and Nature of Left-Wing Authoritarianism
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology PREPRINT © 2021 American Psychological Association In press. Not the version of record. Final version DOI: 10.1037/pspp0000341 Clarifying the Structure and Nature of Left-wing Authoritarianism Thomas H. Costello, Shauna M. Bowes Sean T. Stevens Emory University New York University Foundation for Individual Rights in Education Irwin D. Waldman, Arber Tasimi Scott O. Lilienfeld Emory University Emory University University of Melbourne Authoritarianism has been the subject of scientific inquiry for nearly a century, yet the vast majority of authoritarianism research has focused on right-wing authoritarianism. In the present studies, we inves- tigate the nature, structure, and nomological network of left-wing authoritarianism (LWA), a construct famously known as “the Loch Ness Monster” of political psychology. We iteratively construct a meas- ure and data-driven conceptualization of LWA across six samples (N = 7,258) and conduct quantitative tests of LWA’s relations with over 60 authoritarianism-related variables. We find that LWA, right- wing authoritarianism, and social dominance orientation reflect a shared constellation of personality traits, cognitive features, beliefs, and motivational values that might be considered the “heart” of au- thoritarianism. Still, relative to right-wing authoritarians, left-wing authoritarians were lower in dog- matism and cognitive rigidity, higher in negative emotionality, and expressed stronger support for a political system with substantial centralized state control. Our results also indicate that LWA power- fully predicts behavioral aggression and is strongly correlated with participation in political violence. We conclude that a movement away from exclusively right-wing conceptualizations of authoritarian- ism may be required to illuminate authoritarianism’s central features, conceptual breadth, and psycho- logical appeal. -
Islam and the Challenge of Democratic Commitment
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 27, Issue 1 2003 Article 2 Islam and the Challenge of Democratic Commitment Dr. Khaled Abou El-Fadl∗ ∗ Copyright c 2003 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Islam and the Challenge of Democratic Commitment Dr. Khaled Abou El-Fadl Abstract The author questions whether concurrent and simultaneous moral and normative commit- ments to Islam and to a democratic form of government are reconcilable or mutually exclusive. The author will argue in this Article that it is indeed possible to reconcile Islam with a commitment in favor of democracy. The author will then present a systematic exploration of Islamic theology and law as it relates to a democratic system of government, and in this context, address the various elements within Islamic belief and practice that promote, challenge, or hinder the emergence of an ideological commitment in favor of democracy. In many ways, the basic and fundamental ob- jective of this Article is to investigate whether the Islamic faith is consistent or reconcilable with a democratic faith. As addressed below, both Islam and democracy represent a set of comprehensive and normative moral commitments and beliefs about, among other things, the worth and entitle- ments of human beings. The challenging issue is to understand the ways in which the Islamic and democratic systems of convictions and moral commitments could undermine, negate, or validate and support each other. ISLAM AND THE CHALLENGE OF DEMOCRATIC COMMITMENT Dr. Khaled Abou El Fadl* The question I deal with here is whether concurrent and simultaneous moral and normative commitments to Islam and to a democratic form of government are reconcilable or mutually exclusive. -
Radicalism, Racism, and Affirmative Action: in Defense of a Historical Approach
Digital Commons @ Touro Law Center Scholarly Works Faculty Scholarship 1999 Radicalism, Racism, and Affirmative Action: In Defense of a Historical Approach Deseriee Kennedy Touro Law Center Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.tourolaw.edu/scholarlyworks Part of the Law and Society Commons Recommended Citation 27 Cap. U. L. Rev. 61 (1999) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Digital Commons @ Touro Law Center. It has been accepted for inclusion in Scholarly Works by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Touro Law Center. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RADICALISM, RACISM AND AFFIRMATIVE ACTION: IN DEFENSE OF A HISTORICAL APPROACH DESERIEE KENNEDY* "The history of the world is the history, not of individuals, but of groups, not of nations, but of races, and he who ignores or seeks to override the race idea in human history ignores and overrides the central thought of all history."l "No history, no justice; no justice, no peace. What it means to live in 2 history is to recognize that the past has not passed." Radicalism, in general and as resistance to injustice and power imbalances, has played a noble part in history. In an editorial in support of affirmative action, 3 a local columnist recently commented that he was struck by the irony and ahistoricism of the current virulent resistance to radicalism and embrace of conservatism. He noted that American history has been marked by radical resistance: George Washington was radical in his opposition to the British crown; Abraham Lincoln was radical in his resistance to Southern whites; Dr. -
Ranke the Reactionary
Syracuse Scholar (1979-1991) Volume 9 Issue 1 Syracuse Scholar 1988 Article 5 1988 Ranke the reactionary Peter Burke Follow this and additional works at: https://surface.syr.edu/suscholar Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Burke, Peter (1988) "Ranke the reactionary," Syracuse Scholar (1979-1991): Vol. 9 : Iss. 1 , Article 5. Available at: https://surface.syr.edu/suscholar/vol9/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by SURFACE. It has been accepted for inclusion in Syracuse Scholar (1979-1991) by an authorized editor of SURFACE. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Burke: Ranke the reactionary RANKE THE REACTIONARY PETER BURKE T IS NOT EASY to give a definition, or even an exact descrip tion, ofRanke's contribution to the discipline of history. Many past i definitions characterize his achievement in such a way that they do injustice to important developments in European historical writing in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. For this reason it may be useful to creep up on Ranke from behind, in other words, to see him from the perspective of his predecessors rather than his successors. For example, Ranke is some times claimed to be the originator of the important historiographical turn from the narrative "chronicle'' to the documentary "record." On the one side, his famous Zur Kritik neuer Geschichtschreiber is presented as the first serious criticism of narrative sources such as Giovio and Guicciardini. On the other, Ranke is described, as he was by Lord Acton in his inaugural lecture at Cam bridge, as "the real originator of the heroic study of records;' and great em phasis is placed on his use, for example, of the archives of Venice (for the reports of ambassadors) and Frankfurt (for the proceedings of the Reichstag 1.