DOCSLIB.ORG

OD 012 956 AUTHOR TITLE Strategies; Mass Control; *Social Vocational Education Ability to Adapt the Environment to His Appreciat

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
OD 012 956 AUTHOR TITLE Strategies; Mass Control; *Social Vocational Education Ability to Adapt the Environment to His Appreciat DOCUMENT RESUME ED 068 595 OD 012 956 AUTHOR Gordon, Edmund W. TITLE Broadening the Concept of CareerEducation. PUB DATE Sep 72 NOTE 15p. EDRS PRICE MF-$0.65 HC-$3.29 DESCRIPTORS *Career Education; Communications;*Cultural Factors; Educational Development; EducationalNeeds; *Educational Objectives; EducationalPhilosophy; Educational Planning; EducationalStrategies; Mass Media; Secondary Education; SelfControl; *Social Change; *Technological Advancement;Vocational Education ABSTRACT The advanced technology of moderncommunications has created a condition in which thecontradictions of complex social orders, the atrocities ofinterpersonal, intertribal, and international conflicts, theinequities inherent in practicallyall of our social systems, as well asthe richness of our culturaland technical accomplishments constantlybombard the human spirit with relentless assault and stimulation.Human beings, accustomed to far simpler social environments, havereacted to these inputs with habituation or adaptation. As theseinputs increase in complexity and intensity, the process of habituationis likely to accelerate and the processes of adaptationmust become more complex. Undersuch capacities the survival of man willincreasingly depend on his capacity to use his intellectual powerto adapt to his changing environment as well as on hisability to adapt the environment tohis special needs. Such capacities arelikely to be the product of learning experiences designed tocultivate the mind and spirit of man in ways which combine competencein the use of knowledge, compassionate and empatheticappreciation of values, and masteryof selected skills. It is then thesethree which must comprise the dimensions of career education --education which prepares for continued progress in the life of a person.(Author/3M) FILMED FROM BEST AVAILABLE COPY U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH, EDUCATION & WELFARE OFFICE OF EDUCATION THIS DOCUMENT HAS BEEN REPRO- OUCEO EXACTLY AS RECEIVED FROM THE PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIG- INATING IT. POINTS OF VIEW OR OPIN. IONS STATED DO NOT NECESSARILY REPRESENT OFFICIAL OFFICE OF EDU CATION POSITION OR POLICY. Broadening the Concept of Careereducation by Edmund W. Gordon Professor of Education Teachers College Columbia University New York, N. Y. September 1972 *4. I 1 In a paper which has reached much toolimited an audience, Mar land has made an eloquent plea for the expansion andenhancement of the comprehensive high school to insure that all youngpeople leave the secondary school with generic competence in general educationand specific mastery of some area of vocational education.The paper speaks primarily to the need forthe develop- ment of assessment instrumentsand procedures by which such competenceand mastery may be measured andrecorded. However, it is in this paper(written in about 1968) that Mar land used the term careerentry to refer to the transi- tion from the truly comprehensivehigh school to post high school studyand/or work. Implicit in that paper is a concernfor the achievement of a high degree of syrmnetry in the attention given tointellectual and vocational development. Both were seen as crucial elements inthe educational process but the latter had traditionally been given second class status.The oppor=tunities for the schools to reward wider varieties of talent, todevelop curricular that had greater relevance for a wider range ofpupils and at the same time to contri- bute to the nation's pool of trained laborwere given emphasis.It is out of this kind of thinking that the current concernwith Career Education, also introduced by Marland, has emerged. Three factors, however, have contributed to aprevailing view of career education which is too narrow.First, we have traditicr.ally considered all basic education which includes vocational skillmastery as a specific goal to be vocational education. Second, in aneffort at redressing the balance to give greater status to preparationfor work, the employability potential 2 2 of the products of career education hasbeen overemphasized.Third, the traditional reservations held by academiciansfor anything that smacks of vocational edUcation has enabled experts invocational education to preempt early developments in the emergenceof career education. In the review of much of the contemporarythink ing relative to career education, one finds a heavy emphasis given to concernfor vocational educa- tion and development. As recently as1971, in searching the Educational Index for references to career education, oneis referred to vocational education as if the terms are synonymous.In some discussions of the con- cept, career education takes on differentmeanings depending on the level of schooling at which it is introduced. Forexample, in the primary grades career education would involveintroduction to some of the categories of work experience available in the immediatecommunity; in the middle grades youngsters are likely to be exposed to guestswho are representatives of varieties of vocations.It is also at that level that some attentionmight be given to attitudes toward work and exposure to someof the tools and instru- ments associated with categories of work. Atthe high school level youngsters would be expected to master the skills of atleast one marketable occupation. There have been some efforts at broadening the concept so asto include college bound as well as non-college bound pupils.In this scheme it is pro- posed that effort be directed at the achievement ofcompetencies in the content of general education as well as mastery of amarketable skill.Graduates of such programs (very much like the comprehensivehigh school) could go on 3 5 of man's labor from idiosyncraticnuturance and crafting tohomogeneous and repetitious manipulation.Cybernetic era may not only completelychange the nature of man's work butcould eliminate work as anessential human education function.The implications of thesechanges will greatly influence and practically all other aspectsof our society. As societies become morecomplex and congested, political processes become more intricate and therequirement for politicalizationbecomes almost essential to survival.The growing political awarenessand social action of significant segmentsof the society is but a reflectionof this pheno- menon. As a result ofthis politicalization and other pressures,patterns of social organization are in aconsiderable state of flux with oldfoci and insti- tutions giving way to new andsometimes none. In addition,institutional ties are being severedand alienation is prevalent. Inthis period of increasingly rapid change, old values aresurrendering to new, contradictionsbetween professed and practical values arebecoming more obvious, and conflicts between values are more disruptive.Among the contradictions none is more obvious than the fact of hunger andpoverty in the midst of affluence.This discrepancy in the distribution ofsociety's wealth is maintained by ourtechno- 3 logical developments that havebroaght us to a point where ourpotential pro- ductivity is almost unlimited.Such conditions in Cle presence ofhigh economic potential could become the basis forradical changes in the political economy of the nation.Prediction of the direction of changeis difficult, but the existence of such circumstances makeobsolete many aspects of traditionalcultures as well as the current predominanttrend toward political and socialconservatism. 6 To enable our educational efforts to matchthe demands of these develop- ments, attention must be focused on remodelingthe concepts and structure of education so that schools of the future will not onlybe more appropriately aligned with the needs of that future society, but will alsobe a positive force in facilitating societal transition.The vast amount of knowledge available to man, together with the demands ofthe advanced technology by which our society moves will require of our student-future-citizensskill in the manage- ment of knowledge; just as changes in the politico-socialsphere will make more necessary than ever before competenciesand skill in intrapersonal management and interpersonal relations. A society which approaches education with these concerns might appro- priately give attention to five specific educational goals. 1. Mastery of basic communication skills: Education for all in our society must be built upon the mastery of basic skills in symbolic representa- tion and utilization.The survival tools of the cybernetic era are communica- tion skills including speech, reading, writing and arithmetic computation. 2.Problem solving: The movement from anxiety, confusion and disorder to problem formulation involves competence in the analysis of dataand exper- ience leading first to problem identification followed by competence in the synthesis of concepts and postulates to the end that strategic approaches to problem solution may be generated. 3.The management of knowledge; Knowledge of the physical, biological, and social sciences is so vast as to preclude complete content nasteryby any single person.Knowledge of the dimensions of these fields, mastery of 7 important. Al- priority.At another time, the roleof producer may be most though the assignment ofpermanent pre-eminence to any oneof these roles In must be avoided, temporaryemphasis on one or another maybe justified. that sense some concernwith vocational education maybe justified since the vocational role is one forwhich we must prepare (atleast in the immediate development may be inappropriatefor future).However, vocational skill long-term goal fulfillment.It
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany
    University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2018 Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany William Peter Fitz University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Fitz, William Peter, "Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany" (2018). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 275. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/275 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REACTIONARY POSTMODERNISM? NEOLIBERALISM, MULTICULTURALISM, THE INTERNET, AND THE IDEOLOGY OF THE NEW FAR RIGHT IN GERMANY A Thesis Presented by William Peter Fitz to The Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The University of Vermont In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Bachelor of Arts In European Studies with Honors December 2018 Defense Date: December 4th, 2018 Thesis Committee: Alan E. Steinweis, Ph.D., Advisor Susanna Schrafstetter, Ph.D., Chairperson Adriana Borra, M.A. Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter One: Neoliberalism and Xenophobia 17 Chapter Two: Multiculturalism and Cultural Identity 52 Chapter Three: The Philosophy of the New Right 84 Chapter Four: The Internet and Meme Warfare 116 Conclusion 149 Bibliography 166 1 “Perhaps one will view the rise of the Alternative for Germany in the foreseeable future as inevitable, as a portent for major changes, one that is as necessary as it was predictable.
    [Show full text]
  • Islam and the Challenge of Democratic Commitment
    Fordham International Law Journal Volume 27, Issue 1 2003 Article 2 Islam and the Challenge of Democratic Commitment Dr. Khaled Abou El-Fadl∗ ∗ Copyright c 2003 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Islam and the Challenge of Democratic Commitment Dr. Khaled Abou El-Fadl Abstract The author questions whether concurrent and simultaneous moral and normative commit- ments to Islam and to a democratic form of government are reconcilable or mutually exclusive. The author will argue in this Article that it is indeed possible to reconcile Islam with a commitment in favor of democracy. The author will then present a systematic exploration of Islamic theology and law as it relates to a democratic system of government, and in this context, address the various elements within Islamic belief and practice that promote, challenge, or hinder the emergence of an ideological commitment in favor of democracy. In many ways, the basic and fundamental ob- jective of this Article is to investigate whether the Islamic faith is consistent or reconcilable with a democratic faith. As addressed below, both Islam and democracy represent a set of comprehensive and normative moral commitments and beliefs about, among other things, the worth and entitle- ments of human beings. The challenging issue is to understand the ways in which the Islamic and democratic systems of convictions and moral commitments could undermine, negate, or validate and support each other. ISLAM AND THE CHALLENGE OF DEMOCRATIC COMMITMENT Dr. Khaled Abou El Fadl* The question I deal with here is whether concurrent and simultaneous moral and normative commitments to Islam and to a democratic form of government are reconcilable or mutually exclusive.
    [Show full text]
  • Ranke the Reactionary
    Syracuse Scholar (1979-1991) Volume 9 Issue 1 Syracuse Scholar 1988 Article 5 1988 Ranke the reactionary Peter Burke Follow this and additional works at: https://surface.syr.edu/suscholar Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Burke, Peter (1988) "Ranke the reactionary," Syracuse Scholar (1979-1991): Vol. 9 : Iss. 1 , Article 5. Available at: https://surface.syr.edu/suscholar/vol9/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by SURFACE. It has been accepted for inclusion in Syracuse Scholar (1979-1991) by an authorized editor of SURFACE. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Burke: Ranke the reactionary RANKE THE REACTIONARY PETER BURKE T IS NOT EASY to give a definition, or even an exact descrip­ tion, ofRanke's contribution to the discipline of history. Many past i definitions characterize his achievement in such a way that they do injustice to important developments in European historical writing in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. For this reason it may be useful to creep up on Ranke from behind, in other words, to see him from the perspective of his predecessors rather than his successors. For example, Ranke is some­ times claimed to be the originator of the important historiographical turn from the narrative "chronicle'' to the documentary "record." On the one side, his famous Zur Kritik neuer Geschichtschreiber is presented as the first serious criticism of narrative sources such as Giovio and Guicciardini. On the other, Ranke is described, as he was by Lord Acton in his inaugural lecture at Cam­ bridge, as "the real originator of the heroic study of records;' and great em­ phasis is placed on his use, for example, of the archives of Venice (for the reports of ambassadors) and Frankfurt (for the proceedings of the Reichstag 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Is There No Reactionary International Theory? Authors
    This is a pre-copyedited, author-produced version of an article accepted for publication in International Studies Quarterly following peer review. The version of record Joseph MacKay, Christopher David LaRoche, Why Is There No Reactionary International Theory?, International Studies Quarterly, Volume 62, Issue 2, June 2018, Pages 234–244, https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/ sqx083 https://academic.oup.com/journals/pages/access_purchase/rights_and_permissions/self_archiving_policy_f (Publisher journal website 15/5/2019) Why Is There No Reactionary International Theory? Authors: Joseph MacKay ([email protected]) Postdoctoral Research Fellow Harriman Institute Columbia University Christopher David LaRoche Doctoral Candidate Political Science University of Toronto Abstract: Why is there no reactionary international theory? International Relations has long drawn on a range of traditions in political thought. However, no current or recent major IR- theoretic school is expressly reactionary. This is surprising both because reaction was once common in IR, and is now common in world politics. We define reaction as a form of political nostalgia: a belief the past was better than the present and likely future, generally accompanied by a desire to recover that prior condition. The current lack of reactionary IR impacts the field’s capacity to make sense both of its own history and of reactionary practice in the world. In this exploratory account, we provide a definition of reaction, then show no current school of IR theory falls within it—but that it nonetheless once deeply shaped the field. We survey reactionary ideas in the history of political thought, finding a cogent and persistent tradition. We then explore the impact of reactionary ideas on the practice of world politics, identifying two distinct varieties of reactionary state and illustrating them empirically.
    [Show full text]
  • Challenging the Status Quo: the Rise and Consequences Of
    CHALLENGING THE STATUS QUO: THE RISE AND CONSEQUENCES OF ANTI-ESTABLISHMENT PARTIES IN WESTERN EUROPE A Dissertation by JASON MATTHEW SMITH Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY May 2009 Major Subject: Political Science CHALLENGING THE STATUS QUO: THE RISE AND CONSEQUENCES OF ANTI-ESTABLISHMENT PARTIES IN WESTERN EUROPE A Dissertation by JASON MATTHEW SMITH Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Approved by: Chair of Committee, Robert Harmel Committee Members, Alexander Pacek Michael T. Koch Harland Prechel Head of Department, James Rogers May 2009 Major Subject: Political Science iii ABSTRACT Challenging the Status Quo: The Rise and Consequences of Anti-Establishment Parties in Western Europe. (May 2009) Jason Matthew Smith, B.A., University of North Texas; M.A., University of North Texas Chair of Advisory Committee: Dr. Robert Harmel This dissertation examines two interconnected research questions: What conditions give rise and lead to the electoral success of anti-establishment parties and what are the consequences of this electoral success? Literature concerning anti- establishment parties fails to investigate this phenomenon in its entirety by focusing disproportionately on the electoral success of these parties neglecting the consequences of this electoral success. Although the electoral success of anti-establishment parties and the subsequent consequences have different theoretical underpinnings, the effects that anti-establishment parties have on individual parties and the party system are dependent upon the electoral success of these of parties.
    [Show full text]
  • Pandemic Populism”: the COVID-19 Crisis and Anti-Hygienic Mobilisation of the Far-Right
    social sciences $€ £ ¥ Article The “New Normal” and “Pandemic Populism”: The COVID-19 Crisis and Anti-Hygienic Mobilisation of the Far-Right Ulrike M. Vieten School of Social Sciences, Education and Social Work, Queen’s University Belfast, Belfast BT7 1NN, UK; [email protected] Received: 30 June 2020; Accepted: 15 September 2020; Published: 22 September 2020 Abstract: The paper is meant as a timely intervention into current debates on the impact of the global pandemic on the rise of global far-right populism and contributes to scholarly thinking about the normalisation of the global far-right. While approaching the tension between national political elites and (far-right) populist narratives of representing “the people”, the paper focuses on the populist effects of the “new normal” in spatial national governance. Though some aspects of public normality of our 21st century urban, cosmopolitan and consumer lifestyle have been disrupted with the pandemic curfew, the underlying gendered, racialised and classed structural inequalities and violence have been kept in place: they are not contested by the so-called “hygienic demonstrations”. A digital pandemic populism during lockdown might have pushed further the mobilisation of the far right, also on the streets. Keywords: far-right populism; structural violence; national elites; normalisation; COVID-19; “anti-hygienic” demonstrations in Germany 1. Introduction1 In 1953, Hannah Arendt argued that the subject of a totalitarian state is the individual, who cannot distinguish between fact and fiction and, in consequence, the totalitarian threat could be witnessed to the degree to which the individuals’ capacity of differentiating true from false information is undermined (Arendt 1953).
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Ontology of Islamic Democracy: an Ontological Narrative of Contemporary Muslim Political Thought
    The Political Ontology of Islamic Democracy: An Ontological Narrative of Contemporary Muslim Political Thought Halil Ibrahim Yenigun Istanbul, Turkey Master of Arts, Texas Tech University, 2003 Bachelor of Arts, Boğaziçi University, 2000 A Dissertation presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Politics University of Virginia August, 2013 ABSTRACT The primary focus of my dissertation is the trajectory of the democratic discourse in the post-Afghani era of Muslim political thought, in particular among the reformist (islahi) current. Toward this end, I situate my comparative political theory within the emerging genre of “political ontology,” which I deploy as an analytical device. More specifically, I seek to demonstrate that the shifting attitudes toward democracy over time among contemporary Muslim thinkers can be better grasped by approaching each of the selected thinkers’ political theories as a constellation of ontological, ethical, and political dimensions. Accordingly, the first part presents several new themes that have received substantial interest in recent political theory. I dedicate each chapter to a specific genre of political ontology, political theology, and radical democracy. Having laid the ground for my ontological narrative, the second part analyzes the political theories of Jamaladdin Afghani (d. 1897), Sayyid Qutb (d. 1966), Fazlur Rahman (d. 1985), and such current liberal Muslim thinkers as Abdelwahab El-Affendi, Khaled Abou El Fadl, Nader Hashemi, and Abdullahi An-Na‘im. While I analyze their political theories as ontopolitical constellations, I seek to show that each one’s approach to democracy or self- government is prefigured by his conception of God as well as how they conceive of the relationship between the Muslim self and the “other,” the rest of creation, and the revealed text (viz., the Qur’an).
    [Show full text]
  • Remapping the American Left: a History of Radical Discontinuity
    Remapping the American Left: A History of Radical Discontinuity James N. Gregory Is the American Left reemerging as a political force? Suddenly there are socialists in Congress, socialists on city councils, socialists in the Democratic Party, and much of the media has taken up the question of whether the Democratic Party is swinging to the left. If we are indeed seeing a new surge to the left and new phase of Ameri- can radicalism, it would not be the first time. This is something that has happened repeatedly in the past century. The particulars are new, but the cycles of movement reinvention appear to be a feature of American politics, one that historians have not adequately explored. American radicalism has been a vexing subject for many years. It was not long ago that historians could do little more than grieve, framing the subject as a story of failures and asking why- not questions. Why was there no revolution? Why wasn’t the US Left more like the European Left or the Canadian Left? Why did the Socialist Party fall apart? Why did the New Left fade?1 No longer. Books by Paul Buhle, Richard Flacks, Michael Kazin, Doug Rossinow, Howard Brick, Christopher Phelps, Rhodri Jeffrey- Jones, and Dawson Barrett have changed the tone, examining accomplishments as well as limitations, arguing that the Left has initiated significant transformations, especially involving the rights of previously excluded populations, while a century of radical action has also changed the dimensions of the civic sphere and democratic practice by fostering a culture of activism. The newer books do so in This article began as my presidential address at the Labor and Working- Class History Association banquet at the 2018 Organization of American Historians conference in Sacramento.
    [Show full text]
  • Revolutionary Versus Reactionary: Contrasting Portuguese And
    Revolutionary versus reactionary: contrasting Portuguese and Spanish civil-military relations during democratisation LSE Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/100892/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Olivas Osuna, José Javier (2019) Revolutionary versus reactionary: contrasting Portuguese and Spanish civil-military relations during democratisation. War & Society, 38 (3). pp. 225-248. ISSN 0729-2473 https://doi.org/10.1080/07292473.2019.1617663 Reuse Items deposited in LSE Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the LSE Research Online record for the item. [email protected] https://eprints.lse.ac.uk/ Revolutionary versus Reactionary: Contrasting Portuguese and Spanish Civil-Military Relations during Democratization Abstract The military is an important factor for the success or failure of democratization processes. Portugal and Spain provide two paradigmatic cases. Despite their socio-economic, political and cultural similarities, these countries developed very different civil-military relations which significantly impacted their transitions. After having handed power over to a civilian dictator, Salazar, the Portuguese military eventually caused the downfall of his authoritarian Estado Novo regime and steered the transition to democracy. In contrast the Spanish military, which had helped Franco defeat the Second Republic, remained loyal to the dictator’s principles and, after his death, obstructed the democratization process. Drawing on primary and secondary sources, this interdisciplinary article contrasts the challenges posed by the military and the policies implemented by the Iberian governments to depoliticize and control it.
    [Show full text]
  • John Rawls, the Conception of a Liberal Self, and the Communitarian Critique
    Portland State University PDXScholar Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 1990 John Rawls, the conception of a liberal self, and the communitarian critique Johnathan Edward Mansfield Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds Part of the Philosophy Commons, and the Political Science Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Mansfield, Johnathan dwarE d, "John Rawls, the conception of a liberal self, and the communitarian critique" (1990). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 4142. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.6026 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF Johnathan Edward Mansfield for the Master of Science in Political Science presented July 3, 1990. Title: John Rawls, the Conception of a Liberal Self, and the Communitarian Critique. APPROVED BY THE MEMBERS OF THE THESIS COMMITTEE: craie L ¢-arr, cri1 :ii I '- Gary L. Scott Byron L. Haines John Rawls's A Theory of Justice stands as the single most important work in the Anglo-American liberal tradition after World War II. In A Theory of Justice, Rawls revives the social contract doctrine in order to determine principles of justice that would be 2 chosen by persons who are free and equal moral individuals. Since Rawls believes that no single conception of the good can establish justice in a pluralistic society, he posits a set of principles of right which are prior to any particular good.
    [Show full text]
  • Traditional Or Reactionary Conservatism: Exploring the Far-Right of the 1960S
    Traditional or Reactionary Conservatism: Exploring the Far-Right of the 1960s Christopher C. Towler University of Washington Abstract: The emergence of the Tea Party movement is a reminder that the Far Right can be a powerful political force in America. Yet, scholarship on the Far Right pales in comparison to work on left-wing social movements. This paper examines the Far Right by revisiting the 1960s, a critical time because of the ideological realignment that shapes America today. Scholars explain that far-right movements are motivated by a commitment to retain social prestige, and unlike traditional conservatives, sympathizers with the Far Right are reactionary conservatives who resists social change at all costs. However, work on the Far Right and reactionary conservatism, especially work focused on the 1960s, fails to place the movement in its appropriate historical context, theorize and subsequently test the theory. Through a comparison of Far Right literature to mainstream conservative thought in the 1960s, the Far Right’s anxiety toward social change stands out. I find that anxiety toward social change – manifested as far right conspiracy - is an important explanation for reactionary conservatism. (Please do not cite without author’s permission) Traditional or Reactionary Conservatism: Exploring the Far-Right of the 1960s In March of 2009, America was starting to realize the growing strength of the Tea Party movement. The Tea Party had just identified the song titled, “American Tea Party” as its movement anthem.1 The song, directed at newly elected President Obama, begins: Mr. President! Your stimulus is sure to bust It’s just a socialist scheme The only thing it will do Is kill the American Dream The song goes on to criticize President Obama for “taking from achievers” and redistributing to folks who “won’t get out of their easy chair.” In true Tea Party fashion, the real American patriots should “boot” anyone who tramples the constitution out of the country.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Unity Spectrum: a Theory of Left- Right Politics, from Liberalism to Emancipatory Progressivism
    Değerlendirme Makalesi LAÜ Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi (X-I): 91-105 THE POLITICAL UNITY SPECTRUM: A THEORY OF LEFT- RIGHT POLITICS, FROM LIBERALISM TO EMANCIPATORY PROGRESSIVISM SĠYASĠ BĠRLĠK SPEKTRUMU: LĠBERALĠZM’DEN ÖZGÜRCÜ ĠLERLEMECĠLĠĞE, SOL-SAĞ POLĠTĠKA TEORĠSĠ Amin SADEGHI European University of Lefke MA International Relations Student [email protected] ORCID ID:0000-0001-7143-0786 Received 26 February 2019-Accepted 25 April 2019 Gönderim 26 Şubat 2019-Kabul 25 Nisan 2019 Abstract: While political ideologies are often portrayed along a liberal–conservative continuum in the United States and a left–right continuum in Europe, their universal applicability is questionable. The switch between left and right, and the nature of what is being conserved in the US for the former, conflating left and leftism for the latter, and the differing aspects of the words „liberal‟ and „liberalism‟ make it confusing to authors to devise similar continuums for other countries. The Political Unity Spectrum offers a visual abstraction of universalistic left-right politics under four types of political unity as well as suggesting that moving between these confines is possible. Using this abstraction, the positions of Turkey and Iran are defined, while also answering the following political questions: (1) how failing to maintain political cohesion could lead to civil wars; (2) how left and right switched places in the US; (3) how both left and right in the US and in Europe are left-wing in Turkey and in Iran; (4) the difference between liberalism and progressivism. Keywords: Left-right politics; partisanship; liberalism; public opinion; the Overton Window of Political Possibilities Öz: Siyasi ideolojiler, Amerika BirleĢik Devletleri'ndeki liberal-muhafazakâr/tutucu bir süreklilik ve Avrupa'da sol-sağ bir süreklilik boyunca sıklıkla tasvir edilirken, evrensel uygulanabilirlikleri sıklıkla sorgulanmaktadır.
    [Show full text]