A Fragment of the Library of Theodore Haak (1605-1690)
William Poole
Great libraries are often built on the stock of prior great libraries, as much in the early modern period as in others. As the seventeenth-century French librarian Gabriel Naudé counselled his budding collector, ‘the first, the speediest, easie and advantagious [way] of all the rest ... is made by the acquisition of some other entire and undissipated Library.’1 One of the more valuable pleasures of provenance research is the detection of such libraries- behind-libraries, often extending to two, three, or even more removes. Over time, however, many collections assembled upon earlier collections suffer mutilation, and this mutilation inevitably disturbs the older strata. One example relevant to this article is the library of the Royal Society of London: when this library was a mere toddler, it was joined in 1667 by the distinctly aristocratic Arundelian library; later, these collections effectively merged. Behind Thomas Howard, Fourteenth Earl of Arundel’s, great Caroline library lay the bulk of the German humanist Willibald Pirckheimer’s collection; and at the centre of Pirckheimer’s collection was a supposed third of the books of the fifteenth-century King of Hungary Matthias Corvinus. But even in its earliest days the archaeology of the Royal Society’s ‘Bibliotheca Norfolciana’ may not have been appreciated by its new custodians. As the FRS and mathematician John Pell (1611-1685) wrote in March 1667 on the Society’s new library to the subject of this article, Theodore Haak (1605-1690), ‘I beleeve, divers of the R. S. never heard of Bilibaldus Pirkheimerus, Erasmus’s great acquaintance & Albert Durer’s greatest Patron.’2 Today, only 10% of the Arundelian Library remains, scattered among the Royal Society collections, because in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries the Society deemed such antiquarian holdings to be peripheral to its mission, and sold them off.3 Naudé’s ideal was the acquisition of an ‘entire and undissipated’ collection. Many buyers, however, were more likely to settle for a portion of a given library, acquired either by private arrangement, or – in England after 1676 – by sustained success at public auction. One man who excelled in both strategies was Sir Hans Sloane (1660-1753), whose collections founded the British Museum, later divided into the British Museum, the Natural History Museum, and the British Library. Yet Sloane also diverted books out of his library, and his principal beneficiary throughout the first four decades of the eighteenth century was the Bodleian Library in Oxford. This essay uncovers an atypical Sloanian shipment to Oxford, made in 1703, a section of the otherwise invisible library of Theodore Haak, diplomat, correspondent, and translator. I shall first introduce Haak, next introduce some of his books, and finally reintroduce them to each other.
I am grateful to Noel Malcolm for reading a draft of this note. 1 Gabriel Naudé, Instructions concerning Erecting of a Library, tr. John Evelyn (London, 1661), p. 62. 2 Bodleian Library, MS. Aubrey 13, f. 93v. Compare also John Evelyn’s diary entries for 9 January 1667 and 29 August 1678 (text from John Evelyn, Diary, ed. E. S. de Beer, 6 vols (Oxford, 1955)). 3 Linda Levy Peck, ‘Uncovering the Arundel Library at the Royal Society: Changing Meanings of Science and the Fate of the Norfolk Donation’, Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, lii (1998), pp. 3-24. On the Royal Society library in the seventeenth century, see M. B. Hall, The Library and Archives of the Royal Society 1660-1990 (London, 1992), pp. 2-6.
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I. Theodore Haak
Theodore Haak was born in Neuhausen in the Palatinate, but eventually settled in England in the autumn of 1638 after a number of earlier visits.4 There, he formed an alliance with Samuel Hartlib (c. 1600-1662) the intelligencer and John Dury (1596-1680) the irenicist. These men and their activities were already known to him through his cousin Christopher Schloer, who had earlier settled in England, and who had corresponded with Hartlib. Haak soon lent his own aid to Hartlib and Dury’s Comenian pansophism, and when Jan Amos Comenius himself arrived in England in the winter of 1641-42, he was met by a welcoming committee consisting of Hartlib, Dury, Joachim Hübner, John Pell, and Haak himself. In 1645, according to the mathematician John Wallis, it was Haak who instigated the London meetings in experimental philosophy and medicine to which Wallis later traced the origin of the Royal Society. In the Cromwellian years, Haak served the state as a diplomat and translator, and after the Restoration he was elected to the Royal Society in 1661, proposed by the President, Viscount William Brouncker. Haak was not a particularly active experimentalist himself, but he was useful to the Society on account of his international reputation as an intermediary and intelligencer. His interventions in Royal Society meetings therefore centred around correspondence received from and books presented by European intellectuals (see Appendix 2), although he did propose ‘a compendious way of repertory’ (presumably a data storage system), and a way of ‘recovering and increasing the attractive power of a magnet’.5 His portrait in the Royal Society shows him with what is probably his magnet. Many of the Society’s foreign correspondents who wrote to its secretary Henry Oldenburg included lavish formal notice of Haak in their letters; and when, after Oldenburg’s death, his secretaryship was assumed by Robert Hooke, the septuagenarian Haak could still broker correspondence between Hooke and Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz. Hooke’s later journal frequently mentions Haak and their games of chess, and despite a note on Haak’s sudden decline in early 1689, Haak actually remained fairly active in his last years, pottering round London bookshops, meeting Hooke, and attending Royal Society meetings.
4 Biographical material derives chiefly from Pamela Barnett, Theodore Haak, F.R.S. (1605-1690). The First German Translator of ‘Paradise Lost’ (The Hague, 1962), supplemented by the mentions of Haak in Charles Webster, The Great Instauration: Science, Medicine and Reform 1626-1660, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 2002); Noel Malcolm and Jacqueline Stedall, John Pell (1611-1685) and His Correspondence with Sir Charles Cavendish: The Mental World of an Early Modern Mathematician (Oxford, 2005). See also Dorothy Stimpson, ‘Hartlib, Haak and Oldenburg: Intelligencers’, Isis, xxxi (1940), pp. 309-26. 5 Thomas Birch, The History of the Royal Society of London, 4 vols (London, 1756-57), vol. i, pp. 123, 127 (repertory); vol. iv, pp. 68, 209, 490 (magnet). Though not a prominent experimenter, Haak had the means to conduct experiments, which were occasionally reported by him to the Royal Society (e.g. Birch, History, vol. i, p. 362, vol. ii, p.22, vol. iii, p. 393, vol. iv, pp. 68, 209). For another glimpse of Haak experimenting, see Robert Boyle, The Works of Robert Boyle, ed. Michael Hunter and Edward B. Davis, 14 vols (London, 1999- 2000), vol. iv, pp. 534, 540-1. Haak’s ‘repertory’ is intriguing, and is possibly related to Thomas Harrison’s ‘Ark of Studies’, an early filing-cabinet. See Noel Malcolm, ‘Thomas Harrison’s ‘Ark of Studies’: An Episode in the History of the Organisation of Knowledge’, The Seventeenth Century, xix (2004), pp. 196-232, esp. pp. 197-201. A few of Haak’s scientific papers are preserved in the Royal Society Archives.
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II. Haak’s Books
Haak’s greatest significance is as an intelligencer, but he was also an important translator both into and out of English; he is remembered today primarily for his fragmentary German translation of John Milton’s Paradise Lost.6 Yet the exact fate of Haak’s books and papers upon his death has hitherto been an unasked question. He died in the house of Frederick Slare, the son of Christopher Schloer, who later told Thomas Birch that he blamed Haak’s death on Hooke’s dubious medical advice.7 Frederick was thus Haak’s first cousin once removed, and was also an FRS himself and a chemical experimenter of note.8 Haak and Slare lived together for several years, and in Hooke’s journal the two are often coupled. Hooke eventually proposed Slare to the Royal Society in late 1680, and in 1683 Slare was appointed the Society’s Curator of Experiments in Chemistry. Haak’s will, dated 9 June 1676, bequeathed his goods and chattels to his ‘deare Cousin Fredrick Skler [i.e. Schloer/Slare] of the Citty of Westminster’, whom he also named his executor.9 To Slare, then, Haak’s books, papers, and any experimental apparatus will have passed.10 Slare’s own will, unlike Haak’s, mentions explicitly such a stock of instruments, manuscripts, and printed books, with specific directions concerning their dispersal.11
6 Anthony Wood, Athenæ Oxonienses, ed. Philip Bliss, 4 vols (London, 1813-20), vol. iv, pp. 278-80, lists Haak’s translations as the English translation of the ‘Dutch Annotations’ (1657), commissioned by the Westminster Assembly; three translations into German of English devotional works; ‘half ’ of Milton’s Paradise Lost into German; some German-to-English and Spanish-to-German collections of proverbs; and ‘other’ unprinted works. Documents relating to Haak’s official work as the translator of the Dutch Annotations are calendared in D. F. McKenzie and Maureen Bell, A Chronology and Calendar of Documents relating to the London Book Trade 1641-1700, 3 vols (Oxford, 2005). Compare Barnett, Haak, Appendix 2. 7 Add. MS. 4460, f. 71r. 8 Marie Boas Hall, ‘Frederick Slare, F.R.S. (1648-1727)’, Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, xlvi (1992), pp. 23-41. 9 London, National Archives, PROB 11/399. 10 Slare appears to have presented at least two items of his inheritance to the Society: see Royal Society Journal Book (Copy) vol. viii, p. 15: ‘Dr Slare presented a small roll of Tobacco which had been kept by Mr Haak 45 years in a tin box’; p. 16: ‘The same presented the picture of Mr Haak to be hung up in the meeting room’. Heinrich Ludolf Benthem, who visited England between 1686 and 1687, was shown Haak’s museum of exotica and his mathematical instruments (Barnett, Haak, p. 156). Late in life Slare dictated some notes to Birch on his illustrious relative, including such details as Haak’s special lamp in his chamber that could ‘spring light into 5 or more branches, artificially placed’, and his private passion for chocolate (Add. MS. 4460, f. 70v). 11 National Archives, PROB 11/617, from Greenwich, Kent, and dated 22 September 1727. After various financial benefactions, Slare specifies: ‘To my Godson Mr Michael Belk three hundred pound I also do give to him all my Telescopes or manuscripts and Philosophical Glasses and Mapps and my Manuscripts relating to learning as also one half of my Library and the other half I bequeath to Mr Samuel Stanton but if either dye before the Execution of this will then the whole Library of Printed Books goe to the Survivor I except such English Books as my Sister Jane Slare shall chuse for herself ’. Samuel Stanton, probably the husband of Slare’s niece Patience Stanton, apothecary in Hackney, also received £200, in addition to Patience’s £300; Slare was rich. If the main portion of Haak’s books remained with Slare, then, it presumably passed to Belk and/or Stanton.
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We know from various sources about many books that passed through Haak’s hands. Early on in his career as an intelligencer he communicated printed materials to the French Minim friar Marin Mersenne, on occasion asking for them to be returned with Mersenne’s reponse.12 He acted as a factor for John Pell when the latter was in Zurich 1654-58, and indeed forwarded books intermittently to Pell until virtually the end of the latter’s life.13 He also handled books coming in the other direction, for instance Pell’s loan in 1663 of his presentation copy of the Latin translation of Joseph Mede’s book on ‘Dæmons’, passed via Haak and John Aubrey.14 Later on, Hooke in the ‘memoranda’ he kept 1672-83 recorded many lendings to and borrowings from Haak; additionally Hooke presented Haak with copies of his own works, fresh off the press.15 He
12 For one such example (Francis Godwin’s Nuncius Inanimatus (1629)), see William Poole, ‘Nuncius Inanimatus: Telegraphy and Paradox in the Seventeenth Century: The Schemes of Francis Godwin and Henry Reynolds’, The Seventeenth Century, xxi (2006), pp. 45-71, at p. 47. 13 Barnett, Haak, pp. 98-106; Malcolm and Stedall, John Pell, pp. 172-4, 199, 312. After Pell withdrew from active contribution to the Royal Society, Haak acted as the go-between between the Society and the often rather grumpy old mathematician. 14 Add. MS. 4365, ff. 17r (Pell to Haak, 14 December 1663), 41r (Haak to Pell, 16 December 1663). Mede’s work on ‘Dæmons’ is his Apostasy of the Latter Times, reprinted five times between 1641 and 1655. The translation referred to was published in Basel in 1656 under the title Prophetia apostolica. The authorship and identity of the Mede translation by ‘Monsieur Schonawer’, preacher to the French Church at Basel, is supplied by Add. MS. 4364, f. 141v, Pell to Haak, 10 September [c. 1655], ‘I might send you as much of Mr Medes treatise of the Doctrine of Dæmons &c translated into Latine by a Minister of the French Church at Basil’. 15 H. W. Robinson and W. Adams (eds.), The Diary of Robert Hooke M.A., M.D., F.R.S. 1672-1680 (London, 1935): see under the following dates: 18 January 1673 (‘Lent Mr. Haux Thucidides of Hobbs’); 25 September 1673 (‘at Mr Haak, borrowd his Japan, his Linepen &c’); 4 November 1673 (‘read Hobbs his life. Mr. Haak transcribd it’ [presumably Hobbes’ autobiographical prose Vita, printed by Anthony Wood the following year as part of his Historia et antiquitates Universitatis Oxoniensis; see Noel Malcolm (ed.), The Correspondence of Thomas Hobbes, 2 vols (Oxford, 1994), vol. ii, p. 918]); 11 December 1673 (‘at Mr Haaks, he lent me a french book of miniatures’), returned 23 December following; 13 December 1674 (‘Gave Mr Haak 1 book’ [of Hooke’s Animadversions upon the first Part of the Machina Coelestis of Johannes Hevelius]); 12 October 1675 (Helioscopes); 3 August 1677 (‘borrowd French book of Haak’); 19 January 1678 (‘Haak here about Mr Barnards booke’); 13 February 1678 (‘translated Baldwin by Haak’); 29 March 1678 (‘with books ... Gave ... Haak ... 1 L’ [probably Hooke’s Lectures de Potentia Restitutiva; his Lectures and Collections were only licensed by the Society 4 July following]); 19 July 1678 (‘Received translate of Spitsbergen from Mr Haak’) [compare Royal Society RCN 54611: ‘Friedrich Martens vom Hamburg Spitzbergische oder Groenlandische Reise’ (1675); the English translation of Martens’s account was later included in Samuel Smith and Benjamin Walford (eds.), An Account of Several Late Voyages and Discoveries (London, 1694)]; 10 February 1679 (‘Haak home. Saw his Dutch grammer’); 26 October 1680 (Philosophical Collections no. 2). Haak attended a book auction with Hooke (18 December 1678, the auction of Moses Pitt’s stock, which Hooke had been attending since the 2nd of that month). See also British Library printed book 528.n.20(5*), incipit ‘Sir: The summe of what I have heretofore written ...’ [i.e. Pell’s Idea Matheseos], endorsed in Hooke’s hand ‘mr Haak told me June 30 1678 [this] was printed about ye year 1638’. This item, followed by Pell’s Tabula Numerorum (1672), is in a volume of Sloanian provenance.
4 eBLJ 2007, Article 6 A Fragment of the Library of Theodore Haak (1605–1690) also lent Haak some Philipp Clüver, probably the latter’s textbook on geography, and some J. J. Zimmermann, the German Pietist and astronomer.16 Hooke met Haak in his very last years browsing in Boudet’s and in Caillou’s London bookshops, regular spots for purchasing continental imprints. In the last year of his life Haak also enquired of Hooke after ‘Dr Barnards Alphabet’, Edward Bernard’s 1689 one-page broadsheet attempt to derive all western scripts from Samaritan.17 We know very little about what manuscripts Haak possessed, although Wood attests that Henry Briggs’s commentary on Ramus eventually ended up in Haak’s hands, and that Haak also cherished a copy of William Alabaster’s youthful Neo-Latin poem on Elizabeth I, Elisæis.18 Hooke recorded in 1673 that ‘Mr Haak gave Catalogue and Ramus Geometry to [the Royal Society] Library’, and it is probable that this refers to Briggs’s commentary.19 The Alabaster manuscript is untraced.20 In the 1670s Haak was also known to hold copies of Pell’s letters on Descartes, letters which he was eventually persuaded to publish in the Philosophical Collections edited by Hooke in 1682.21
16 These concluding examples are from the unpublished portion of Hooke’s ‘Memoranda’: see Thursday [4] August 1681: ‘Lent Mr Haak Cluuerus title’; and Wednesday [24] August 1681: ‘Lent Mr Haak
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Slare, who died in 1727, presumably kept much of what he inherited from his older relation, as they shared both experimental and evangelical interests – Slare was also a member of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. One section of Haak’s library, however, appears to have passed out of Slare’s hands relatively early on, and survives today, hitherto unnoticed, in the Bodleian Library.
III. The Bodleian and Hans Sloane
It is well known that the Bodleian library received around and perhaps significantly more than 1,500 duplicate titles from the London library of Sir Hans Sloane throughout the first four decades of the eighteenth century. Around one third of these books was declared in a string of entries in the official Benefactors’ Register, which also noted in passing the presence of at least 1,000 other titles considered too minor to merit mention. The distinction was supposedly a matter of format not of content, but many of the undeclared gifts so far located were omitted from the official register out of laziness, disorganization, or even, on one occasion, probable inability to read the script of the gift in question.22 The Bodleian Library Records, however, contain a valuable resource for provenance research in the Bodleian for the decades around the turn of the seventeenth century: the draft accessions register for the years 1692-1710, a resource as far as I know untapped by book historians.23 This register contains lists of books received from the London Stationers, from Oxonians, and from more remote benefactors, as well as the costs associated with carriage. Here and there, other types of object, such as coins and manuscripts, are also noted. The draft accessions register (DAR) can be used to make fuller sense of an entry in the formal Benefactors’ Register (BR) that otherwise gives us very incomplete information. When the Register’s scribe (Thomas Hearne, the Library Assistant, for these entries)24 came to enter the seven titles of Sloane’s most recent shipment that were considered worthy of individual record, he headed his list with the statement ‘Idem Dns. Dr. Sloane ex uberiori sua in Academiam benevolentia libros insequentes (ut et alios numero XCV.) linguis Germanica et Belgica conscriptos D. D.’25 From BR, then, we can tell that Sloane certainly gifted in this shipment alone over twelve times what the Bodleian scribe cared to record, and that probably these anonymous gifts were also written in German or Dutch. DAR clears the matter up. At the head of a list that was compiled sometime probably in early January 1703 appears ‘Given by Dr Sloan. A.D. 1702/3’.26 There follows a list in Latin, again in the hand of Hearne, of ninety-five separate items, all texts written in German or Dutch. All bar one
22 See William Poole, ‘Francis Lodwick, Hans Sloane, and the Bodleian Library’, The Library, 7th Series, vii (2006), pp. 377-418. See Bodleian Library, 4o U 38 Jur for a 1648 Cyrillic grammar (Meletii Smotritski/Smotrytskyi, Grammatiki slavenskiia pravilnoe syntagma (Moscow, 1648)) initially from the library of Pierre de Cardonnel, which passed from Sloane to the Bodleian unannounced: I suspect the scribe of the Register could not transliterate from Russian into Latin. 23 Bodleian Library, MS. Lib. recs. d. 423. The list that concerns us here occupies pp. 61-3. 24 Examples of Hearne’s autograph are numerous, but a convenient 1709 witness is Bodleian Library, MS. Autog. c. 10, ff. 79-80. This MS. is a collection of autographs of Bodleian librarians and sub-librarians, and includes holographs of John Hudson (ff. 3-4*) and Thomas Hyde (ff. 124-26). Hyde is the dominant scribe of the first half of DAR. 25 Bodleian Library, MS. Lib. recs. b. 904, p. 51. 26 The page before Sloane’s list records the FRS Martin Lister’s gifts of 17 November 1702. This is followed by a hasty, undated note in the hand of Bodley’s Librarian John Hudson ‘paid for ye Carriage of Dr Sloans books 0 – 1 – 00’. This in turn is followed by three small gifts of 6 January 1703. The page following Sloane’s gift list is dated to 27 January. The note on carriage, I suspect, was inserted into the convenient space in the middle of p. 60 after the small gifts of 6 January, and so Sloane’s shipment was recorded between then and 27 January.
6 eBLJ 2007, Article 6 A Fragment of the Library of Theodore Haak (1605–1690) of these can be identified today, as the majority were inserted into the ‘Th’ and ‘Linc’ series in continuous strings (see Appendix 1), and have remained there since without significant disruption. There are certain peculiarities to this list of ninety-five books. First, at no other time did Sloane gift a vernacular set of books to the Bodleian (in this case two related vernaculars).27 Sloane’s gifts were normally presented merely because they were duplicates; their language was purely accidental. Yet not only is this list of books united by language, but the majority is devotional in genre. Furthermore the binding of most of these books points to a common provenance impossible for a collection of arbitrary duplicates – alternatively stiff vellum or simple calf, in similar styles. When I lined up thirty or so of the octavos on my desk in Duke Humfrey’s Library, it was obvious that these objects, in a couple of subdivisions, had been together since binding, and had even suffered in concert from the same tribe of bookworms. Yet not a single item in this series bears one of Sloane’s distinctive accession codes, the alphanumeric mark that in theory all of Sloane’s books received as soon as they entered his library. There is no reason to doubt Sloane’s involvement with these books. He was well known to the Bodleian, he was well known to Thomas Hearne, he was clearly stated as the donor in DAR and then in BR, and he had already given the library closing on 600 titles by this date (of which again only around an eighth were declared in BR). There are two ways of interpreting this unique ejection from Sloane’s library. First, that the Bodleian strings represent a segment of a prior library acquired by Sloane, but unintegrated into his collections and eventually disposed of as a set. This approach assumes that Sloane would not have bothered to acquire books in which he had so little interest that he was happy not to own them at all; hence this must be the unwanted corner of an otherwise desirable collection. Further support for this hypothesis can be obtained by checking the titles below against the British Library’s holdings. Very few matches are achieved (books exclusive to the Bodleian are marked in the list below with a dagger). In other words, Sloane did not already own these titles when he acquired them; and, in a rare move for this bibliographical omnivore, he turned down the opportunity to do so, presumably because he was just not interested in their content.28 The second approach is not to assume necessarily that this is the unwanted portion of a larger acquisition. It is plausible, for instance, that Slare retained Haak’s academic or scientific books, but wanted shot of devotional texts largely in a language he no longer used. Sloane relieved him of these books, intending all along to add them to his Oxford legacy. Sloane took his gift-giving seriously enough to present the Bodleian with his own portrait in 1731; it now hangs in the Examination Schools.
27 In this connection it can be noted that four of the vellum-bound titles (nos 30, 36, 39, 56) bear the initially puzzling inscription on their spines ‘All Duch’ or just ‘Duch’. I propose that this is a comment on their language, hurriedly added in ink by the person surveying the stock from which these books derive: ‘Duch’ is simply ‘Dutch’, i.e. German or Dutch (‘High’ or ‘Low Dutch’). This is a licit orthographical variant for the time, though fast becoming obsolete (Oxford English Dictionary). This offers us one hint why this particular section was abstracted and ejected. 28 Sloane was not uninterested in theological books per se, merely in what must have looked to him like a heap of conventional Germanic books, many of which were simply psalters. For Sloane actively bidding for theological works, see T. A. Birrell, ‘Books and Buyers in Seventeenth-Century English Auction Sales’, in R. Myers, M. Harris, and G. Mandelbrote (eds.), Under the Hammer: Book Auctions since the Seventeenth Century (New Castle, Del., 2001), pp. 51-64, at p. 61 (on ‘some rather unusual books’ purchased at the Earl of Anglesey’s sale, 25 October 1686; the Anglesey hammer copy Birrell discusses is in Lambeth Palace Library).
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The first interpretation can be confirmed by locating Haak books of uncontested Sloanian provenance in the current collections of the British Library. The trouble is that very few such books have surfaced. Of the two Barnett mentioned in 1962 one is Traité des quantités incommesurables (Paris, 1640), pressmark 529.k.1(1).29 It was first examined by the editors of Mersenne’s correspondence, who recorded the inscription ‘Pour Monsieur Haac’ in Mersenne’s hand (fig. 1).30 The second volume, Mattheus Merian, Der Fruchbringende Gesellschaft (Frankfurt, 1646), press-mark C.127.b.2, is indeed signed ‘Theodori Haa[k]’ in Haak’s hand on the title page, and bears the cancelled Sloane code ‘m 993’ on the reverse flyleaf. (figs 2 and 3).31 But the second approach is not very plausible – it would be very irregular for Sloane to facilitate and fund a transfer of books he did not own himself, even if many were devotional in genre. At least one other Haak book has turned up as part of one of Sloane’s separate Bodleian shipments, 8o Z 89 (2) Th, a French life of Mersenne and also a presentation copy to Haak, evidence that not all his Haak acquisitions came to Oxford together, and perhaps some never went at all.32 This combined with Barnett’s two British Library sightings tips the balance in favour of the former interpretation. In other words, it is likely that there is a large quantity of Haak’s library lurking untagged in the British Library. We can next ask what happened to the books in Oxford. First, the German or Dutch title of each book was converted into a rough Latin equivalent and entered onto the blank page facing the title-page of each separate title.33 These inscriptions are once more in the hand of Thomas Hearne. Hearne then used these abstracts as the source for the entries into DAR, in turn the source for the drastically truncated list in BR. Hearne therefore handled these books at all the initial stages of their accession. His abstracts also provide us with copy-specific badges for matching current volumes to the DAR entries. The shelf-marks in these volumes were scribed later, so we do not know how long these books lay around in boxes before being mounted on the classified shelving, but it was probably not long after January 1703 that the Bodleian reader anxious to investigate seventeenth-century Germanic piety would have had a feast before him – few takers, though, to judge from the dust-swamped books I exhumed.
29 Barnett, Haak, p. 42, n. 38. 30 Marin Mersenne, La Correspondance, ed. Cornelius de Waard et al., 17 vols (Paris, 1933-88), vol. ix, p. 99. The text in question is not by Simon Stevin, as Barnett claimed, but is rather by Jacques Alexandre Le Tenneur, including a refutation of Stevin. But Mersenne’s editors note that the book itself appears to have been destined for John Pell, who recalled its receipt almost thirty years later in a letter to John Collins (cited from Harcourt Brown’s Scientific Organizations, but ultimately from Add. MS. 4278, ff. 127v-128r, letter of 28 October 1668). In this case, the deletion of Haak’s signature may reflect that fact that in Pell’s eyes Haak was the courier, not the final recipient, of the gift. 31 Olim 966.d.23, as Barnett: Mattheus Merian, Der Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft (Frankfurt, 1646) (Barnett, Haak, p. 70, n. 6). Barnett transcribed ‘Theodori Haak 87a’, but the ‘8Za’ [sic] is simply an early British Museum shelfmark, later than and unconnected to Haak’s inscription. Alison Walker of the British Library kindly informs me that her substantial index-in-progress of Sloane books in the British Library so far notes no Haak books, although this copy may be added, as well as the Le Tenneur title. On Haak and Merian, compare Birch, History, vol. ii, p. 187. 32 This is Hilarion [/Olivier] de Coste, La Vie du Marin Mersenne (Paris, 1649) signed by de Coste and ‘presenté à Theod. Haak’. This inscription is heavily deleted, and a lower line of script has been cropped away; nor is a Sloane accession code present, though its usual location, at the top of the title-page, has been damaged. For its acquisition by the Bodleian, see Bodleian Library, MS. Library Records b. 904, p. 56. 33 There are however examples in which DAR records only the first title in a collection, or when the contents of such a volume were incompletely abstracted in the volume itself. Hence the ninety-five entries of DAR represent a significantly higher number of actual titles. No. 8, for example, contains forty-two items, of which Hearne only managed the first six titles, a better job than subsequent Bodleian cataloguers, who have to this day simply ignored the volume altogether. In a very few cases, especially in the larger formats, no such title survives, either lost through rebinding, or rendered redundant by a prior printed Latin title. 34 On Hearne and the Bodleian see Theodore Harmsen, Antiquarianism in the Augustan Age: Thomas Hearne 1678-1735 (Oxford, 2000), pp. 109-15. 8 eBLJ 2007, Article 6 A Fragment of the Library of Theodore Haak (1605–1690)
Fig. 1. Marin Mersenne, Traité des quantités incommesurables (Paris, 1640). BL, 529.k.1(1), flyleaf.
9 eBLJ 2007, Article 6 Fig. 2. Mattheus Merian, Der Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft (Frankfurt, 1646). BL, C.127.b.2, title page.
10 eBLJ 2007, Article 2 A Fragment of the Library of Theodore Haak (1605–1690)
Fig. 3. Mattheus Merian, Der Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft (Frankfurt, 1646). BL, C.127.b.2, reverse flyleaf.
11 eBLJ 2007, Article 6 A Fragment of the Library of Theodore Haak (1605–1690)
IV. Part of the library of Theodore Haak?
Haak’s library has not been identified as surviving today in collected form. No title of a sale catalogue between the death of Haak and this Sloanian gift to the Bodleian mentions either Haak or a collection strong in German and/or Dutch holdings, so the library was not dispersed by public auction.35 The medium between these two extremes is the private sale en masse to a collector. For the terminus a quo for such a sale, we have the publication statistics of the whole list, which yield four books published in the 1680s (nos 7, 25, 26, 42), none later than 1686. No. 7 bears a 1687 purchase mark, giving us the latest internal date we can associate with the sample below. Although caution has to be exercised when dealing with fragments of larger libraries, this sample suggests dormancy of the entire library by the late 1680s.36 There is nothing to prevent us, then, from hypothesizing that the books presented by Sloane to the Bodleian in 1703 were acquired by him en bloc some time after their original assembler had ceased to augment his library, or had simply died, and that this was just shy of 1690. Even the apparent senescence of the sample after 1687 given the much later Bodleian accession date is not necessarily problematic: Sloane, for instance, is known to have acquired the library of the Elizabethan surgeon James Fenton some time after the death of his grandson Joseph Colston in 1675. Yet the Fenton/Colston books languished, without dispersal, probably for at least a decade before they passed into Sloane’s collections.37 Can we document a connection between Sloane and Slare? We can: they were good friends, and had known each other since their young adulthood in London. Very late in life, Slare, a dozen years Sloane’s senior, reminisced to the doctor:
It is a Great while since I had the Honr first to know you at Staphorsts Laboratory, what numbers of Professors of Physic haue we buried, how near am I to one of the most Ancientest of yr acquaintance in the faculty!38
‘Staphorst’ is Nicholas Staphorst, the Apothecaries’ fourth Chemical Operator and author of Officina Chymica Londinensis, sive exacta notitia medicamentorum spagyricorum (1685, 1697). Sloane had lodged with Staphorst in Walter Lane while he studied chemistry at the Apothecaries’ Hall; Staphorst was presumably his instructor as well as housemate.39 Sloane
35 A. N. L. Munby and Lenore Coral, British Book Sale Catalogues 1676-1800 (London, 1977). 36 Because we cannot always or even often distinguish second- from first-hand purchases, publication dates are ambiguous witnesses for the activity of a library. But, reckoning by whole volumes (or in the case of multi-title volumes solely by the latest publication date represented), we can tentatively note that 1620-1660 is the best represented publication period in the library, peaking in the ‘30s, with a sharp decline in holdings thereafter. 1600-20 is reasonably represented, but books printed before then are sparse. This data maps plausibly onto Haak’s biography: he purchased or received books most densely between the ages of about twenty, and about sixty. But a cautionary tale can be told by binding styles and date clusters in pamphlet collections: nos 5 and 24, for instance, in uniform early seventeenth-century German deluxe bindings, were published fifty years apart; and at least one collection (no. 19) looks like it was assembled in Haak’s father’s generation. 37 David Pearson, ‘Joseph Fenton and his Books’, Medical History, xlvii (2003), pp. 239-48. 38 Add. MS. 4060, f. 368r, 17 January [17??], written from Greenwich. 39 Add. MS. 4241, f. 2r: ‘Soon after his Recovery from his first violent Hæmorrhage, being desirous to improve himself in the severall branches of Physic ... he came into England, & liv’d in a House adjoining to the Laboratory of Apothecaries Hall with Mr. Staphorst, the Chemist, who had learn’d that art under Mr. Stahl his Kinsman’ (Birch’s biographical notes on Sloane, made in 1743). Compare also ff. 27v, 39v (printed), derivative French accounts of this meeting. On the obscure Staphorst see E. St John Brooks, Sir Hans Sloane: The Collector and his Circle (London, 1954), pp. 40-1, and the materials gathered in W. H. G. Armytage, ‘Nicholas Staphorst: Chemical Operator to the Society of Apothecaries’, N&Q, cxcviii (1953), pp. 58-60 [following correspondence in N&Q, cxcvii (1952), pp. 390-1, 481, 546-7]; Armytage, ‘The Royal Society and the Apothecaries 1660-1722’, Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, xi (1954), pp. 22-37, esp. pp. 26-8; T. D. Whittet, Clerks, Bedels, and Chemical Operators of the Society of Apothecaries (London, 1981), pp. 57-9.
12 eBLJ 2007, Article 6 A Fragment of the Library of Theodore Haak (1605–1690) was around nineteen when he moved to Walter Lane, and spent four years there before travelling overseas, so the connection between Slare and Sloane extended back right to 1679, the beginning of Sloane’s career as a medic and collector.40 But although Sloane was an aggressive bidder at public auctions from about 1682, he is unlikely to have been in the position of being able to effect the mass purchase of an entire library until at least after his return from Jamaica in May 1689.41 Haak was to die the following year. I propose that the 1703 Sloane gift is entirely from the library of Theodore Haak. Having established that there is no external objection to such a hypothesis, I shall offer some cumulative positive evidence based on the copies themselves. The first and surest grappling-hook in attribution is the proportion of the books listed below which bear Haak’s signature, often heavily deleted (about one eighth: nos 17, 27, 28, 37, 43, 48, 65, 71, 73, 76, 81, 91). Almost half were gifts specifically to Haak from their authors (nos 17, 27, 48, 71, 73). Next, we can observe the presence of a monogram/flourished doodle resembling an extended ‘W’ with handles, based on interlocking, flourished ‘V’s in several books bearing Haak’s signature. This monogram also appears on some unsigned volumes in this sample, which can now be added to the total of Haakian books (nos 30, 31, 53, 58). Haak sometimes wrote his name as ‘DHaak’ or just ‘DH’, both with a ‘DH’ ligature, both characters sharing the same left-hand stroke (nos 43, 49, 53, 78);42 he also wrote a verse in Hebrew on the fly-leaf in two cases (nos 28, 43), from Psalm 65:9, ‘the fountain of God has waters in abundance’. With these markers down we can also start to notice the number of books in the sample with red ink used for signaturing or underlining (e.g. nos 6, 24, 28, 43, 81), and with an ‘NB’ mark written as a ligature (e.g. nos 6, 9, 19, 93), and I propose these as further signs of Haak’s presence. Readers handling books, especially in the British Library, that bear any of the above markings in combination are encouraged to consider possible Haakian provenance.
40 In 1682 Sloane purchased what is now the first item of Sloane MS. 124 from Staphorst: a ‘Tyrocinii Chymici’ manuscript apparently of his own composition (following Ayscough’s catalogue of the Sloane manuscripts) for 2s. 6d. (from the code on its title-page); the second part of this MS. was also purchased at that date. M. A. E. Nickson, ‘Books and Manuscripts’, in Arthur MacGregor (ed.), Sir Hans Sloane: Collector, Scientist, Antiquary, Founding Father of the British Museum (London, 1994), pp. 263-77, p. 269, regards this as Sloane’s first acquisition of MS. chemical/medical notes from a fellow practitioner. Sloane’s earliest library catalogue is Sloane MS. 3995 (dated to February 1685 on f. 114v). The copy of Officina Chymica Londiniensis at BL printed book press-mark 1036.a.31-3 is Sloane’s, via Charles Midgley (signed by Midgley and with the Sloane code ‘a 638’). Compare BL printed book 777.a.48 (a copy of Staphorst’s appendix with a further Sloanian Catalogus Medicinarum marked ‘a 3469’). 41 Sloane’s behaviour at the 1682 sale of the library of Richard Smith can be observed in the hammer copy at BL Mic. A.1343 or the early transcription entered into Bodleian Library, Vet. A3. d. 187. This must have been one of Sloane’s first heavyweight outings, he and (Edward) Tyson slugging it out over the medical books. For other libraries or collections of papers acquired in bulk by Sloane, see Nickson, ‘Books and Manuscripts’, p. 269. 42 The ‘D’ is a Germanization of ‘Theodore’ as ‘Dietrich’; Haak signed his Scudder translation (no. 32), as D. H. P., i.e. Dietrich Haak Palatinus.
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Turning from marks of ownership to the texts themselves, we can next note that no. 32 is Theodore Haak’s own translation of Henry Scudder’s The Christians Daily Walk with God (1631) into German (1636).43 This copy disproves Haak’s biographer’s suspicion that the translation was never printed.44 Again, no. 45 is Haak’s translation into German of Daniel Dyke’s The Mystery of Selfe-Deceiving (1615), which he titled Nosce Teipsum (1660). Thus both Haak’s printed devotional translations appear in this sequence. The next texts connected to Haak in this sample are poetic. Haak’s acquaintance Ernst Gottlieb von Berge published a complete translation into German of Milton’s Paradise Lost in 1682, but, as Barnett demonstrated in her study of Haak’s translation, von Berge’s text depended heavily on Haak’s initial version. John Aubrey, the source of Anthony Wood’s account, reported in 1681 that Haak had translated ‘halfe’ of Paradise Lost into ‘High Dutch’ and that ‘Germanus Fabricius Professor at Heidelberg’ (i.e. Johann Seobald Fabricius, Professor of Greek and History) sent him a letter in praise of the translation.45 Haak, who had known Milton personally since at least 1648, had gifted to von Berge a manuscript of his own translation when the latter was in England 1678-80; von Berge himself in his prefatory remarks mentioned Haak’s version, and that it was unfinished.46 No. 42, von Berge’s Das Verlustigte Paradeis, is hence a suggestive inclusion here, and it is possible that the annotation throughout the early books is that of Haak himself, reacting to a translation that was after all an appropriation of his own. The annotations are of two types: a heavily smudged seam, now only partially legible, and a smaller-nibbed system, still largely legible. It is interesting to note that these annotations cease after book six, indeed ‘halfe’ way through Paradise Lost. Kathryn Murphy of Balliol College, Oxford, has examined the Milton annotations, and has kindly sent me some observations, which I summarize here: Von Berge’s ‘erleucht: gering / erhöh: und stärck was schwach’ (Book 1, line 24) has been annotated with the marginal ‘was ring’, to be inserted after ‘erhöh’, ‘gering’ being deleted. This makes the line identical (except in accidentals) to that in the Kassel MS of Haak’s translation reproduced in Barnett, Haak, p. 190: ‘Erleücht; erhöh was ring, u. stärck was schwach’. Again, Von Berge’s ‘und lehren mög / das Ewige Fürsehen’ (Book 1, line 26) has had the article adjusted to ‘die’ in the Bodleian copy. As
43 This work, along with Haak’s Dutch Annotations, was listed by the German bibliographer of English divinity in the period, friend of Haak, and eulogist of the Royal Society Martin Kempe: Charismatum Sacrorum Trias sive Bibliotheca Anglorum Theologica (Königsberg, 1677), p. 20 (the Dutch Annotations, translated by Haak, ‘amico meo colendo’), p. 484 (‘Scudderi quotidiana ambulatio cum Deo, per Dominum Theodorum Hakium Germanicè edita’). On Kempe and Haak, see Barnett, Haak, pp. 141-3; on Kempe and the Royal Society, see R. E. W. Maddison, ‘Studies in the Life of Robert Boyle, F.R.S. Part IV. Robert Boyle and Some of His Foreign Visitors’, Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, xi (1954), pp. 38-53, at pp. 44-6. While Kempe was in England, he was asked by the Royal Society ‘to make enquiries of the Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft [the Weimar society for the promotion of the German language, founded 1617, continued until 1670] concerning a complete Lexicon Linguae Germanicae which had been begun by G. H. Henisch’ (G. Waterhouse, The Literary Relations of England and Germany in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, 1914), p. 116); Henisch’s volume is no. 2 below. 44 Barnett, Haak, p. 14 (Barnett observes, p. 72, that Scudder was a member of the Assembly of Divines, the body that commissioned Haak’s Dutch Annotations). The Oxford Dictionary of National Biography assumes publication of Haak’s Scudder. 45 Bodleian Library, MS. Aubrey 6, f. 68r. 46 Haak told Harltib in 1648 that ‘Milton is not only writing a Vniversal History of England but also an Epitome of all Purcha’s volumes’ (The Hartlib Papers, ed. Judith Crawford et al, 2nd ed., 2 CD-ROMs (Ann Arbor, 1995 [hereafter HP]), 32/21/21A). See also Barnett, Haak, pp. 91, 147. Haak and Milton both served the Council of State as translators in this period.
14 eBLJ 2007, Article 6 A Fragment of the Library of Theodore Haak (1605–1690) this is ungrammatical as it stands, the annotator plausibly had Haak’s superior version in mind: ‘die ewige Fürsehung’, or eternal Providence. However, there does not appear to be a coherent rationale behind the annotations to the first six books, which have been made at different times, in different inks, and with little consistency of purpose or frequency. So while on balance we may attribute these annotations to Haak, they are not alas systematic. The collection also includes two volumes of the poetry of G. R. Weckherlin (nos 40, 62), the 1641 and 1648 Amsterdam editions. Weckherlin was John Milton’s predecessor in the English civil service, but had resigned his post after the execution of Charles I.47 Although neither of these Weckherlin volumes carries annotation, Haak was responsible for seeing both editions through the press, and not only did Weckerlin address some admiring poems in these collections to Haak, but the 1648 edition contained three poems by Haak himself.48 Another Haak connection is founded on a translation that Haak apparently never made. Haak wrote to John Pell on 14 September 1655: ‘I would fain know your Iudgemt Sr, about a little Waldenser Chronick. lately printed in your parts, & whether you hold it worth ye paines to English it.’49 This Waldensian Chronicle is no. 36 below. This copy once also belonged to Dury, as he has signed it twice. The author of this work, Johann Caspar Suter, was one of the six theologians deputed by the Senate of Zurich on 20 May 1654 to meet with Dury, as Dury reported to Hartlib.50 Suter also seems to have been a publisher, and produced in Schaffhausen in 1657 a German translation of the English ‘quasi-official defence of the Cromwellian regime’, dedicating it to Pell. Pell may have written the preface to this translation, although Noel Malcolm doubts that he had a hand in either the original text or the translation proper.51 Suter had also published an edition of Comenius’s Janua Linguarum in 1656. Haak’s interest here ties in with several discussions taking place between Hartlib and friends in 1655, as a result of news of the Piedmontese Massacre, an event that also moved Milton to a famous sonnet. Archbishop James Ussher had signalled to Hartlib early in the year that he owned an Italian manuscript Historia Waldensium that, given the current state of international affairs, deserved to be translated and published. By April, Moses Wall was also replying to a letter from Hartlib which had mentioned the translation, opining that the recent persecution heralded the ‘ruine of Rome’, and that he would ‘rejoyce’ to see Ussher’s Historia. Ussher’s manuscript, however, was ‘very imperfect’, as Hartlib wrote to John Worthington in November. Less than a fortnight before Haak’s letter to Pell, Pell had told Hartlib that he would attempt to secure a better manuscript at Berne, but the owner was out when he called, and nothing became of Pell’s manuscript or Haak’s offer.52 Perhaps, however, Pell did facilitate an eventual publication.
47 Leo Miller, ‘Milton and Weckherlin’, Milton Quarterly, xvi (1982), pp. 1-3. 48 Barnett, Haak, pp. 28-32, 83-6. Sloane’s own copy, in passing, of the 1641 Weckherlin collection is BL printed book 1064 e. 17: it bears the accession code of ‘l: 1762’. 49 Add. MS. 24850, f. 1r. 50 HP 4/3/10A-12B. IDC Publishers, Netherlands, attribute the work to Suter in their online catalogue for their ‘Religious Minorities: The Waldenses’ series of microfilms (http://idc.nl/pdf/419_titlelist.pdf). Their attribution is based on A. A. Hugon and G. Gonnet, Bibliografia Valdese (Turin, 1953), no. 88 (p. 18), where it is in fact credited to one D. Sudermann. I am assuming either that Suter and Sudermann are the same man, or that the latter surname is incorrect, as the Queen’s College Oxford, British Library, and the two Strassburg copies listed by the Catalogue collectif de France, are all said to have been printed in Schaffhausen, Suter’s place of imprint. The Dictionnaire Historique et Biographique de la Suisse does not list this Suter under the article for that surname in the Canton of Zurich. 51 Malcolm and Stedall, John Pell, pp. 161-63. 52 Barnett, Haak, p. 106; Hartlib, Ephemerides for early 1655 (HP 29/5/20B); Moses Wall to Hartlib, 3 April 1655 (HP 34/4/11A), Hartlib to Worthington, 20 November 1655 (HP Worth/1), Pell to Hartlib, 5 September [?1655] (Add. MS. 4280, f. 166r). See also Pell’s letter copy-book at Add. MS. 4364, f. 136v (he has not read ‘one page in the Waldenser Chronic’ and has not obtained the MS., letters [to Hartlib], 5 September, 6 November [1655]). On Pell and the Waldenses see Malcolm and Stedall, John Pell, pp. 157-60.
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Samuel Morland, who had been sent out as commissioner-extraordinary to the Duke of Savoy in response to the Piedmontese situation, settled in Geneva, where he would have answered to Pell as the ambassador. There he gathered materials for his officially-sponsored History of the Evangelical Churches of the Valleys of Piedmont, which finally appeared in 1658. This large, luridly illustrated folio was based on dozens of contemporary and older documents, and far outstripped the little Waldenser Chronick. Morland subsequently gifted his source manuscripts to Cambridge University Library in twenty-one lettered volumes, accompanied by a black box of texts, bones, and even powdered Latte della Madonna, recovered from the pockets of dead Catholic soldiers. Alas not all of these manuscripts are in Cambridge today, and the black box and its Madonna’s Milk have disappeared.53 Some of the books in the Sloane gift are not however theological, devotional, or even political or historical in nature. Among these is a fine Dutch language copy of Jan Swammerdam’s celebrated Historia Generalis Insectorum (1669), and I think we can precisely date Haak’s reception of this very copy. In a letter (of which the bearer was John Pell’s son, John Pell Junior) to John Winthrop in New England of 22 June 1670, Haak reported in a postscript:
P.S. – Just now I receive a Book from Holland, in Dutch (called Historia Generalis Insectorum, ofte Allgemeene Verhandeling van de Bloedeloose Dierkens) printed at Utrecht, & set forth by one Jo. Swamerdam, Medic. Doct. in 4° abt 32 sheets with xiii cutts annexed, & yet but the First part. They tell me, ye author is a rare man, & asserts nothing but what he hath found himself by his own mature & curious observations: therefore I believe I may recommend it to your procurmt as a good book for to be also improoved in yor parts.54
In the copy now at 4° Z 34 Med (no. 93 below), we see extensive abstraction of proper names in the text into the margin, many of them known personally to Haak himself. And the comment in his letter to Winthrop on ‘& yet but the First part’ is especially suggestive in light of the ink underlining of Swammerdam’s promise in one place (p. 65) to explain himself more fully in a ‘second part’: ‘Soo als we het selve in ons tweede deel breeder verklaaren sullen.’ Finally, some pre-Haak provenances lend aid too. We have noted the volume once owned by John Dury. The ‘Joseph Avery’ named in the presentation inscription in no. 13 below, by the prominent Calvinist irenicist Johann Bergius, was Joseph Avery, English Resident in Hamburg and Secretary to the Merchant Adventurers there, with whom Haak had dealings when acting as a Parliamentary diplomat to Denmark.55 Avery is mentioned dozens of times throughout Weckherlin’s diary as one of his major political correspondents; on one occasion Weckherlin sent him multiple copies of a printed royal declaration.56 Avery and his London merchant brother Samuel are both names that occur with some frequency in the Hartlib Papers. Joseph corresponded with Dury, and also served as the English Ambassador to the Prince Elector of Brandenburg, the title under which no. 13 below was presented to him. There is a further Avery connection: no. 44 below was presented to John Kendricke by its author, and this John Kendricke
53 Morland says that he was independently encouraged to undertake the work by John Thurloe and James Ussher (Samuel Morland, The History of the Evangelical Churches of the Valleys of Piemont (London, 1658), sg. a2r). Morland presents a bibliography of his manuscripts sgs. g2v-[h3]v; the surviving ones are now Cambridge University Library MSS Dd. III. 25-38, Dd. XV. 29-34. 54 Correspondence of Hartlib, Haak, Oldenburg, and Others of the Founders of the Royal Society, with Governor Winthrop, 1661-1672, ed. R. C. Winthrop (Boston, 1878), p. 46; Malcolm and Stedall, John Pell, p. 215. 55 Barnett, Haak, p. 54. Avery’s letters and dispaches 1631-41 are preserved in Trinity College Dublin, MS. 707, 2 vols (not consulted). 56 Add. MS. 72433, e.g. f. 80r (22 April 1640): ‘I did write to Mr Avery & sent him 4 bookes of his Mat declaration’.
16 eBLJ 2007, Article 6 A Fragment of the Library of Theodore Haak (1605–1690) was the Alderman and sometime Lord Mayor of London of that name (d. 1661). In 1651 Kendricke had sat on a London committee for trade with Samuel Avery; Avery was also Kendricke’s successor as Governor to the Merchant Adventurers.57 One slight oddity here is that Haak knew Avery through his diplomatic work, but Avery was one of the Royalists in Hamburg, and so presumably did not recognize Haak’s mission.58 Joannes Bergius (1587- 1658) himself was the chief religious advisor to the first three Calvinist Electors of Brandenburg, and likewise corresponded with Dury. He is mentioned frequently in the Hartlib Papers from 1631 on, especially on account of his irenic hopes for the Lutherans of Prussia.59 Plans to communicate Bergius’s work to an English readership resulted in the publication in 1655 of The Pearle of Peace and Concord, dedicated to Cromwell and translated by Bergius’s nephew Mauritius Bohme, at that time residing in England, at Hallaton, where he was rector.60 If we add together all the copies affected by these factors, we arrive at a respectable turnout of Haak connections. About a third actively participate in proclaiming their Haakian provenance through textual means, whether printed, scribed, or doodled, although some of their voices only work in concert and would be quite inaudible as solo performances. Yet if we add in the powerful evidence of binding styles, then block provenance is the inescapable conclusion, and is symmetrical to the claims made earlier concerning the exclusive vernaculars of these books, and their uniform peculiarity when compared with examples of Hans Sloane’s normal gifting practices. And of course it is right to refer to this sample as part of the library of Haak, rather than, say, Slare, or even some previous partial owner. All the books surveyed were together in Haak’s library, many were presented specifically to him, and not a single title shows the readerly presence of Slare, or indeed Sloane.
Conclusion
When, in 1752, Richard Rawlinson gifted to Oxford University a portrait of Theodore Haak, neither donor nor recipient was aware that Haak, albeit at two removes, had also been a Bodleian benefactor.61 One function of this note has been to demonstrate this. The other function has been to reveal an atypical piece of bookhandling by Hans Sloane. This has brought into view both a section of a hitherto lost library and a side to Sloane’s collecting rarely seen – his rejects. I have been able in many places to correlate quite closely Haak’s
57 See J. R. Woodhead, The Rulers of London, 1660-1689: A Biographical Record of the Aldermen and Common Councilmen of the City of London (London, 1965), p. 101; J. E. Farnell, ‘The Navigation Act of 1651, the First Dutch War, and the London Merchant Community’, The Economic History Review, xvi (1964), pp. 439-454, at p. 447. John Evelyn called Kendricke, who was an Independent in politics, ‘a fanatic Lord Mayor’ (Diary, 25 May 1652). 58 Barnett, Haak, p. 54. 59 See Bodo Nischan, ‘John Bergius: Irenicism and the Beginnings of Official Toleration in Brandenburg- Prussia’, Church History, li (1982), pp. 389-404; and, e.g., HP 5/7/1A-2B (a 1631 letter of Bergius to Dury), 60/5/1A-8B (Dury’s 1632 account of his attempt while en route for Sweden to meet Bergius in Brandenburg), 20/11/15A-28B (including Dury’s attempts to use Bergius as a conduit to the Elector). Dury’s fortunes abroad are discussed by Scott Mandelbrote, ‘John Dury and the Practice of Irenicism’, in Nigel Aston (ed.), Religious Change in Europe 1650-1914 (Oxford, 1997), pp. 41-58. 60 Wing, Short-Title Catalogue, B1960. On Bohme see the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. 61 Mrs Reginald Lane Poole, rev. Kenneth Garlick, Portraits in the Bodleian Library (Oxford, 2004), p. 160 (LP 167), attributed to Jonathan Richardson the Elder, and based on the one in the possession of the Royal Society. Here one might note the presence of several Haak letters and signatures in the Bodleian, independent of this gift: e.g. MS. Add. D 105, fol. 82; MS. Ashmole 243, fols. 386v-9; MS. Ashmole 1136, fols. 120, 123; MS. Aubrey 6, fols. 53-54; MS. Rawlinson A 37, fol. 337; MS Rawlinson D 317, fol. 213; MS. Rawlinson D 933, fol. 164.
17 eBLJ 2007, Article 6 A Fragment of the Library of Theodore Haak (1605–1690) known social networks and activities with his books. This is especially welcome when we consider how potentially small a section of Haak’s total library these books represent. Haak ranged between professional competency and native fluency in German, Dutch, French, English, Spanish, Italian, Latin, Greek, and Hebrew; and his work on the Dutch Annotations, for which he employed two assistants, would surely have required a learned theological library far surpassing this largely domestic, devotional segment of his library. Apart from some miscellaneous folios, most of the titles listed below are rather the Libri Theologici, Germanicè et Belgicè, say, of a contemporary sale catalogue, and represent the practical divinity which underlies much of Haak’s known conduct. Moreover many of the holdings examined have a distinctly mystical, even unorthodox flavour (note the high number of books by Paul Felgenhauer), although libraries in an age of mass book-buying tend always to look more heterodox than their collectors. Despite the largely devotional nature of the books, there are some pleasing interruptions, such as a geometry textbook (no. 49), a gift to Haak of a new German translation of a popular French prose romance (no. 73), and a parallel German/French Du Bartas (no. 23). But there is one important type of data missing from this analysis. Methodical Haak – he was reputed to remark that ‘method is a kind of human omnipotence’ – has not left enough information for us to reconstruct how he methodized and navigated his library: in other words, the copies surveyed do not bear obvious shelf-marking protocols.62 Haak must have employed some such system, as his total library probably ran into an otherwise unmanageable four figures, and for many of Haak’s Royal Society colleagues, such as Robert Hooke or Francis Lodwick, we count their books in the thousands, not the hundreds. Yet despite these potentially cowing statistics, this modest sample illuminates well how provenance research and more mainstream historical enquiry can support one another, and indeed how the former can tie the attentions of the latter to precise copies.
Appendix 1: Notes on shelving
Haak’s folios were not shelved together but inserted into the Bodleian faculty classifications as appropriate. His quartos and octavos were mainly shelved in three locations: Linc, 8o Linc, and Th:
1) F 1.6 Linc to F 1.17 Linc (excluding 1.15, 1.16). OLIS (http://library.ox.ac.uk/) has no entry for 1.8, which can be identified as no. 8 below. 1.15 Linc is Johannes Smetius, Oppidum Batavorum (Amsterdam, 1644). 1.16 contains two works by Jonathan ben Uzziel (Paris, 1559). Neither of these works is in German or Dutch. F 1.5 Linc is a Latin Florus and F 1.18 is a collection of Latin tracts, one published as late as 1703, and so combined with the contents of DAR we can be content with these limits for the Haakian portion. 2) 8° X 10 Th to 8° X 40 Th (excluding 38). 38 is an unconnected book: Charles Robotham, Disquisitio in Hypothesin Baxterianam de Foedere Gratiæ (London: Robert Clavell, 1694). On the fly-leaf is the inscription: ‘Ex dono R. Clavering A. Mri è Coll. Univ.’ Robert Clavering, the celebrated orientalist, who was at University College between 1701 and 1715 (Joseph Foster, Alumni Oxonienses (Oxford, 1891-92), vol. i, p. 286), donated this single book 6 January 1703 (Bodleian Library, MS. Lib. recs. d. 423, p. 60) at the same time as Sloane’s shipment arrived, so it is natural that it was shelved among Sloane’s gifts, even if it is unconnected in provenance. 3) 8° G 63 Linc to 8° G 100 Linc.
62 Eg. MS. 1633, f. 101v (‘Mr Haack was wont to say, Methodus est humana quaedam omnipotentia’, recalled by Haak’s colleague Sir Robert Southwell).
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There is a small pocket elsewhere in Linc (E 2.30 Linc to E 2.32 Linc); and there are some singletons, dissociated from works on either side on the shelf, in Linc and Th (D 2.5 Line, D 2.20 Line, D 10.6 Linc, D 5.18 Linc; P 5.10 Th). The division of Haak’s octavos between Th and Linc does not correspond to any obvious generic division, and so was probably carried out for the practical purpose of distributing the burden of new acquisitions.
Appendix 2: Books presented to the Royal Society through Haak63
Note: Haak occasionally translated Royal Society correspondence, not always noted in Birch’s History (e.g. ‘Haak translated Lewenhook’, as Robert Hooke recorded 13 January 1678; see also ‘A Letter from Paris to Mr. Bernard Rendred into English by Mr Haak Containing an Accont of Some Books’).64
Acta Eruditorum (the first issue presented by Haak 12 April 1682 (Birch, History, vol. iv, p. 142))65 (Not traced) Balbinus, Bohuslaus. Miscellanea Historica Regni Bohemiæ (Prague, 1679f.) (19 October 1681 (Birch, History, vol. iv, p. 98)) (Not in RS; two copies in BL; two copies in Bod. The complete text is in 5 vols, printed 1679-88; Haak must have presented the first alone.) Beutelius, Tobias. Electorale Saxonicum (Dresden, 1671 [German/Latin parallel text]) (23 February 1681 (Birch, History, vol. iv, p. 71)] (Not in RS; BL 786.e.1(1, 2); Bod. 4° W 27 Jur. The Bodleian copy is part of a Sloanian collection of eighteen items, and follows two works Sloane acquired from the library of Robert Hooke.) Conradus, Israel. De frigoris natura et effectibus (Gdansk, 1677) (23 June 1682 (Birch, History, vol. iv, p. 252)) (RCN 34144, signed ‘R. S. Donum Dni Theod. [...]’)66 Elsholt, Joannes Sigismund. De phosphoris observationes (Berlin, 1681) (Haak displayed ‘two sheets’ and an accompanying illustration 21 December 1681 (Birch, History, vol. iv, p. 114; see also Hooke’s exposition of a letter from Elsholt via Haak on p. 109)) (RCN 38168 / Tracts 93/2, no signature)67 Mayer, Johann Daniel. Consideratio ferri radiantis (Schleswig, 1679) (Haak ‘shewed’ a book ‘of the radiation of iron’ 14 December 1681 (Birch, History, vol. iv, p. 112; Hooke
63 I have indicated the Royal Society RCN number where the title is still listed in the Royal Society library. If it is not, I supply notice of British Library and Bodleian Library holdings, giving shelfmarks for sole holdings, but I have not examined every copy thus traced. All shelfmarks apply to printed books. 64 Royal Society Archives, Letter Book 8 (Copy), pp. 11-14, undated, some time in September or October 1677. This letter (to Edward Bernard, author of the Samaritan table solicited by Haak in 1689) contains what is probably the earliest and so far unnoted news to reach England of the printing of Richard Simon’s controversial Histoire Critique du Vieux Testament (Paris, 1678), which edition, at the instigation of Cardinal Bossuet, was almost entirely combusted upon publication: ‘there is a Book in the Press now which will make some Noyse intituled the History of the Text of the Bible which the Author holds to be Corrupted and alter’d ... The Author is a Roman Catholick and writes in the French Tongue he mentions our Protestants with respect ... This Treatise Coming forth in 4to will Contain abundance of Curious and noe less usefull Matters’ (p. 12). The letter is not signed, but is presumably from Henri Justel in Paris, who regularly communicated such information to the Society. In March and April of the following year Justel was writing to Henry Compton Bishop of London, enclosing copies of the work for him and for Clarendon, who had known Simon in Paris. These are among the mere handful of copies known to have survived Bossuet’s bonfire. 65 Haak was basically inactive at Royal Society meetings between the cessation of Birch’s transcript and his death (i.e. 1688-90) (see Susan Bray’s card index in the Royal Society library to the Journal Books of the Royal Society post-1687). 66 The work cites several Royal Society fellows, including Christopher Merret, Isaac Vossius, Kenelm Digby, Nehemiah Grew, Robert Hooke, Robert Boyle, and Thomas Willis. 67 Bodleian Library, D 12.5 (27) Linc is a Sloanian duplicate, bearing on its fly-leaf the duplication code ‘in f: 100’. Bodleian Library, 8o L 83 (10) Med, another Elsholt work on phosphor, is probably a further Sloanian duplicate. 19 eBLJ 2007, Article 6 A Fragment of the Library of Theodore Haak (1605–1690)
had described it 7 December (p. 110)) (Not in RS; one copy at BL 1033.h.12(3)) Papin, Denis. La maniere d’amolir les os, et de faire cuire toutes sortes de viandes en fort peu de temps, et a peu de frais (Paris, 1682) (19 October 1681 (Birch, History, vol. iii, p. 98)) (RCN 57931, signed ‘Presented to ye Royall Society by Th. Haak. Esq. Oct 19. 1681’. Papin’s epistle is also addressed to the Royal Society) Rudbeck, Olaus. Olf Rudbeks Atland, eller Manheim / Olavi Rudbeckii Atlantica, sive Manheim, vera Japheti posterorum sedes ac patria (Uppsala, 1679) (19 October 1681 (Birch, History, vol. iii, p. 98)) (RCN R70531 (not signed), see also R61524, the atlas itself, no presentation signature, but ‘Rudbeckius’ inscribed on engraved title-page) Spanheim, Ezekiel. Les Césars de l’Empereur Julien, 3rd ed. (Paris, 1683) (6 February 1683 (Birch, History, vol. iv, p. 253)) (Not in RS; three copies in BL (including one annotated copiously by Spanheim himself); Bodleian Arch. Num. II. 17) Sturm, Johan Christoph. Diss[ertatio] de mathematicis (3 April 1679, from the author, this and the four following ‘small books’ (Birch, History, vol. iii, p. 475))68 (Not identified) - - - [/Augustus Huss], De authoritate interpretum naturæ ac speciatim Aristotelis (Altdorf, 1672) (RCN 45470 / Tracts 77/4, no signature) - - - [/Hieronymus Mueller], De clepsydrarum phaenomenis et effectibus (Altdorf, 1674) (RCN 56352 / Tracts 93/6, no signature) - - - [/Georgius Sebastianus Kraus], De Cartesianis et Cartesianisma (Altdorf, 1677) (RCN 47306 / Tracts 77/5, no signature) - - - [/Johann Andrea Volland], De visionis organo et ratione (Altdorf, 1678) (RCN R67023 / Tracts 73/5, no signature) - - - , Cometarum natura, motus, et origo (Altdorf, 1681) (19 October 1681 (Birch, History, vol. iv, p. 98)) (Not in RS, one copy at BL 532.e.25(12,13))69 - - - , – Epistola invitatoria ad observationes magneticæ variationis ([Altdorf], [1682]) (1 November 1682 (Birch, History, vol. iv, p. 163-64))70 (copy not traced, but it was reviewed in the Philosophical Transactions xiii (1683), pp. 22-24) Walker, Obadiah. Propositions concerning Optic Glasses (Oxford, 1679) (24 July 1679 (Birch, History, vol. iii, p. 499)) (RCN R67437 / Tracts 73/1, no signature)
68 Certain of these Sturm tracts are Altdorf academic exercitationes over which Sturm merely presided, and Sturm republished four (De authoritate, De Cartesianis, De clepsydrarum, De visionis (as Oculus Theoskopos) as exercitationes II, III, VII, IX respectively in Philosophia Eclectica (Altdorf, 1686). Sloane’s copy of this work is probably BL printed book 536.c.20 (black British Museum stamp, but no Sloane code); Hooke’s copy, purchased in the year of publication, is Bodleian Library, 8o I 7 Linc. Haak presented Sturm’s portrait to the Society (Birch, History, vol. iv, p. 261, for 2 February 1684). Sturm’s Mathesis Enucleata was translated into English and published in 1700 by the FRS and mathematician Joseph Raphson. 69 The Cometarum Natura is dedicated by Sturm ‘Viro ... DN. Danieli Wülfero Ecclesiæ Christi ad Div. Laur. in Urbe Norica Antistiti Meritissimo [etc]’; this is the Wülfer who wrote no. 71 below and presented it to Haak. The Bodleian copy (Savile G 18 (2)) is part of a very interesting composite printed/manuscript collection assembled by Haak’s colleague the mathematician and F.R.S. John Wallis. 69 Compare Hooke to Sturm, 6 April 1680: ‘Your Aduertisement concerning the variation of the magneticall needle came very opportunely euen when we were vpon that very Inquiry’ (Sloane MS. 1039, f. 173r).
20 eBLJ 2007, Article 6 Appendix 3: The List
General notes: 1. All the books listed below unless otherwise indicated bear a Latin abstract of the German or Dutch title written onto the fl y-leaf facing the title-page (i.e. the verso of the second fl y-leaf) or occasionally onto the title-page itself. These Latin abstracts correspond exactly to and were the source of the entries into the draft accessions register, thus enabling exact identifi cation of copies. 2. The vellum bindings are typically undecorated, while the calf bindings have simple double fi llets and corner fl eurons. Copies listed as bound in vellum often have their contents written onto their spine perpendicular to the long edge, typically now faded beyond legibility. Good examples are nos 9 and 10 below. Many volumes are badly wormed, and the eBLJ 2007, Article 6 eBLJ 2007, books bound in calf are typically in poor condition with pitted bindings.
Number Title. Current shelf- Notes on copy (Brief description of binding; miscellaneous notes, if any.) (+ signifi es (Transcription of register entry, followed by author, mark a book not opening of the vernacular title from copy in square duplicated in brackets, and place and date of publication. Where the British necessary, author names have been supplied from OLIS Library) or other sources. I have not attempted to impose strict capitalization standards for the three languages primarily witnessed, but have generally followed the forms on OLIS unless the title-pages have suggested a better form. Superscript ‘e’ has been replaced with an umlaut.)
Given by Dr Sloan. A.D. 1702/3
Fol.
1.+ Christiani Hoburgi Postilla Evangelior. Mystica fo. E 1.4 Th Calf, marbled edges. Germanicè. Franc. ad M. 1663. Compare nos 68, 86, 88. [Christian Hoburg, Postilla Evangeliorum Mystica: das ist, verborgener Hertzenssaffe aller Sontags und Fest-Evangelien durchs gantze Jahr (Frankfurt, 1633)]
2. Georg. Henischij Thesaurus Linguæ & Sapientiæ G 3.9 Art, olim Calf, rebacked with modern endpapers. Germanicæ. Aug. Vind. 1616. [alt. from 1617] fo. [del] M. 7.18 Art No Latin abstract. [Georg Henisch, Teütsche Sprach und Weissheit. Thesaurus Linguæ et Sapientiæ Germanicæ (Augsburg, 1616)] 21 3.+ Epistolæ per Langravius Hessiæ Wilhelmius Principi C 10.18 Th olim Reversed calf. Darmstadiensi Georgio &c. scriptæ, ob edictum S 8.10 Art Imperatoris ao. 1629. emissum, de bonis Ecclesiasticis. Germanicè. Cassaliæ 1632 [William V, Landgrave of Hasse-Kessel, Wechsel- Schrifften uff das im Jahr 1629 wegen der geistlichen Güter auszgelassene käyserliche Edict ergangen (Kassel, 1632)] eBLJ 2007, Article 6 eBLJ 2007, 4. Joh. de Laet Descriptio Indiæ Occidentalis. Belgicè L. H 2.14 Art olim Stiff vellum, red leather gold-tooled title-piece on spine. Bat. 1625. O 2.19 Art Note on rough piece of paper loose after p. 412, with ‘Historia General del Peru ... 1616’, a note of the title- [Johannes de Laet, Nieuwe Wereldt, ofte Beschrijvinghe van page of that volume. West-Indien (Leiden, 1625)]
5.+ Romani Imperij Comitia omnia, &c. ab ao 1356. ad 1603. A 6.7 Jur olim F Pigskin, with deluxe concentric panel-stamping. Compare the binding of no. 24. &c. Germanicè Mogunt. 1607. 1.10 Jur Fly-leaf has a damaged Greek inscription (el uyx uof DW˛ ...¨, and ‘Spiræ Ao 1609’. [[German Reichstag], Aller des heiligen Römischen Reichs Ordnungen (Mainz, 1607)]
6. Remberti Dodonæi Herbarius. Ger [del] Belgicè. Lug. B. E 3.1 Art olim E Original calf, later title-label; blind fi llets, inner frame with roll tools and corner fl eurons. 1618. 3.6 Art. Some annotations in Greek and Latin mainly to the fi rst book, some underlining in red. Ligatured ‘NB’ [Rembert Dodoens, Cruydt-Boeck van Rembertus annotation, e.g. p. 290. Dodonæus, volgens sijne laetste verbeteringe (Leiden, 1618)]
Quarto.
7.+ Petri Jurieu Complementum Propheticum de futura F 1.6 Linc Calf, spine decorations. Redemptione Ecclesiæ. Belgicè. Ultraject. 1686. Front paste-down, upper right-hand corner: ‘1/9 1687’ [Pierre Jurieu, De vervulling der prophetien of de aanstaande verlassinge der Kerke (Utrecht, 1686)]
8. 1-42. A Collection of 42 Pamphletts in German, either relating F 1.8 Linc Stiff, yapp vellum. to History or Politie. This collection of forty-two pamphlets was uncatalogued on OLIS at the point of consultation. Items are not (Strassburg etc., 1631 etc.) individually listed here. The fi rst six titles only bear typical Latin scribal abstracts on their title-pages, and the whole set is preceded by a manuscript list of all forty-two titles. All were printed in 1631, although item 33 is spuriously dated 1550, and see item 38. There is practically no annotation throughout (but see two instances in item 35). Many of the title-pages bear a small inked letter from ‘a’ to ‘g’ at the base of the title-page, with a small cross beneath. 22 9. 1-9.+[?] Religionis Fundamenta in Concione quadam exposita per F 1.12 (1[-9]) Stiff, yapp vellum, title on spine. J. Rulmannium. Linc [Joannes Rulmannus, Einfältige und kurtze Erklärung der Item 2: Facing the title-page is an inked list of twenty biblical texts. Some marginalia and underlining. Hauptstück christlicher Religion (Herborn, 1610)] Item 3: Some marginalia, including the ligatured ‘NB’ (compare e.g. no. 93 below). Items 4-9 inclusive (counting 7 and 8 as one item) are marked A2 to A6 inclusive below the publisher’s line on 2: Conciones quædam [...] the title-page. [Rulmann, Bettagspredigten, das ist kurtze und einfältige eBLJ 2007, Article 6 eBLJ 2007, Erklärung (Herborn, 1611)] 3: Dialogi Sex, quomodo se subditus geret in Magistratum Schismate notatum [Einfältige Bericht wie sich ein jedes Christliches hertz jetziger Zeit (Hamburg, 1614)] 4: Statum Hollandicorum Decretum de pace in Ecclesiam reducenda [...] [Verdedigingh vande Resolutie der Mog. Heeren Staten van Hollant ende West-Vrieslant (‘s-Gravenhage, 1615)] 5: Casparis Schwekhfeldi Dissertatio de Perfectione Christi [...] [Von der Gantzheir Christ [...] (s.l., 1593)] 6: [No Latin title] [Von der Anbettunge Christi [...] (s.l., 1594)] 7: Hucusque progrediuntur Scripta Schwenckfeldi [Gründtliche und bestendige überweisung] Kassel, 1607 8: [No Latin title] [Epistola Admonitoria das ist Vermahnungs Schrift [...] (Kassel, 1607)] 9: [No Latin title] [Kurtze unnd Barhaffte Erzehlung [...] (s.l., 1594)] 23 10.1-6.[] Demonstratio Quod Theologi Heidelbergenses &c. nihil E 2.32 (1) Linc Stiff vellum, titles on spine. doceant verbo Dei &v. contrarium Heid. 1594. Daniel Tossanus, author of item 3, was Haak’s maternal grandfather. [Phillipus Caesar, Gegenbeweisung dass die Heidelburgische Theologen Gottes wort der Augspurgischen Confession [etc] (Heidelburg, 1594)]
2: De morte Christi adversus Pelagium et Epicurum eBLJ 2007, Article 6 eBLJ 2007, [Gülden Kleinot vom Todte Christi (Neustadt, 1592)] 3: Conciones Sacræ Dan. Tossani [Drey Christliche Predigten Danielis Tossani (Heidelburg, 1591)] 4: Expositio Religionis Catholicæ per Dav. Pareum [Summarische Erklärung der wahren Catholischen Lehr (Heidelburg, 1593)] 5: [No Latin title] [Kurze Ablainung der newlicher Tagen zu Tübingen ... (Heidelburg, 1594)] 6: Aurea Bulla Karoli IIII [In Latin] (Heidelburg 1594)
11.+ Justitia Causæ Palatinæ. Germ. D 5.18 Linc Early rebind, marbled paper over boards. [[Johann Joachim von Rusdorf], Justitia Causæ Palatinæ, das ist gründliche Behauptung der Pfaltzgrafschafft bey Rhein Regals dess Wildfangs und der Leibeygenschafft (s.l., 1666)]
12.+ Fr. Burgkardus de varijs per Germaniam Religionib. & F 1.11 Linc Stiff vellum. Sectis. Monast. 1602. Slight corrections to text, in a contemporary Dutch hand (e.g. pp. 1, 2, 12, 15, 21, 22 etc). These corrections [[Franz Burgkard], De Autonomia, das ist von Freystellung are solely to the poetic sections of the text, and are often genuine recastings rather than corrections of mehrerley Religion und Glauben (Munich, 1602)] perceived errors.
13.+ Regula Apostolica, per Joh. Bergium, Germanice. Elbing F 1.13 Linc Stiff, tooled vellum, with black inked fi llets and a centre-piece. 1641. MS. Latin title on upper title-page, as the facing fl y-leaf verso bears an ornamental MS. German inscription [Joannes Bergius], Apostolische Regell, wie Man in Religions to Joseph Avery, presumably from Bergius. See discussion above. sachen recht richten solle (Elbing, 1641)]
14. Emblemata Sacra Belgicè – 1631. F 1.14 Linc Stiff vellum. [B[artholomeus] H[ulsius], Emblemata Sacra, dat is, Eenighe geestelicke sinnebeelden (s.l., 1631)] 24 15. Beginning and Progress of ye Dutch East-India Companie. E 2.30, 31 Linc Stiff, yapp vellum, oblong format. Belg. in 2 pts. Many fi ne engravings and maps. The second volume has the remains of upper and lower lozenges on the [[Isaak Commelin, ed.], Begin ende voortgangh van de spine, and ‘G. 63.’ in a ring inked onto the top centre of the engraved title-page. The work was probably vereenighde Nederlantsche geocrtroyeerde Oost-Indische published in Amsterdam. Compagnie (s.l., 1646)]
16. Acta Bohemica &c. Germ. F 1.10 Linc Yapp vellum.
[Acta Bohemica, das ist grundliche, warhaffte unnd eigentliche Some pages badly damaged with much loss of text, and repaired in paper. The Latin abstract divides this into Article 6 eBLJ 2007, beschreibung [etc] (s.l. [Nuremberg? – but see colophon], three works, but it is an integral impression. 1620)]
17. Trajani Boccalini Relationes ex Parnasso. Germ. Franc. F 1.7 Linc Stiff, yapp vellum. 1644. ‘Theodori Haak, ex dono Christophori Cisneri.’ (right-hand bottom corner of engraved title-page). Heavily [Traiano Boccalini, Relation aus Parnasso, erster, zweyter deleted signature on title-page. Some annotation in italic and German hands. Christopher Cisner was one of und dritter Theil (Frankfurt, 1644)] the Pastors of the London French Church. In the mid-1650s he clashed badly with Jean Jurin, a merchant of the congregation, who published a tract against Cisner and the consistory in 1657 (see Wing, Short-title Catalogue J1213A). W. H. Manchée (‘Huguenot Clergy List 1548-1916’, Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of London, xi (1915-18), pp. 262-92, at p. 273) lists Cisner as serving from 1647-59, but Manchée in a subsequent article (‘Samuel Pepys and his Link with the Huguenots’, Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of London, xv (1934-37), p. 320) notes that Pepys heard Cisner preach in the French Church as late as 11 December 1664.
18. Descriptio & Responsio ad Capita, negotia & puncta Copy untraced Diss. K 213 (20) is the only copy in the Bodleian recognized by OLIS and the Pre-1920 Catalogue, but is primaria Archivi Bavaro-Anhaltini, &c. Germ. – 1623. unconnected in provenance. Not in the 1843-51 catalogue; Fysher unchecked. This work is thus probably [Bericht vnd Antwort off die vornembste Capita, Pätz either adrift in the Lincoln series, or was sold as a duplicate. und Puncten der Bayer-Anhaltischen geheimen Cantzley ([Anhalt], 1623) (title supplied from British Library 8072 bb. 5, unconnected in provenance)] 25 19.1-6.[] De Servo hominis arbitrio per Tilleman Hesshusium. 4o L 93 (1-6) Th Stiff vellum, titles on spine. Magdeb. 1562. Lat. Item Genuinus formulæ concordiæ Item 1: title-page has italic inscription ‘Eccl.4: Certa vsque ad mortem pro justicia & ceritate, et dominus erit intellectus. Germ. adiutor tuus.’; verso, also in neat italic, slightly different script: ‘P. M. ex lüca 24. Vespera iam venit, nobiscum [Tilemannus Heshusius, De servo hominis arbitrio Christe maneto, Extingui lucem nec patiore tüam.’ Extensive Latin annotation and underlining, including (Magdeburg, 1562)] ligatured ‘NB’ e.g. sg. F1r. Item 2: title-page has quotation from John (‘Hic est fi lius dilectus’ etc). Underlining, Latin marginalia, 2: Zacharias Praetorius, Confessio Ecclesiae Quae est in same hand as last. But note that it is the chapter on ‘De Osiandricis’ in the text proper that is most heavily eBLJ 2007, Article 6 eBLJ 2007, ditione comitum Mansfeltiorum (In Arce Islebiensi, 1560) underlined. 3: Responsio ad Confessionem D. Sam. Huberi de Item 3: cropped, no markings. absoluta Prædestinatione, Germanic[e] per Facultatem Item 4: some annotation, ligatured ‘NB’ e.g. pp. 10, 141. Theol. Wittembergens. Franc. ad Moenum 1595. Item 5: no marks. [Bescheidentliche Antwort auff das kurtze Teutsche im Item 6: some underlining. Druck aussgesprengete Bekentniss d. Samuel Hubers [etc] (Frankfurt, 1595)] 4: Genuinus Formulæ Concordiæ Intellectus. Germanice ex Scriptis variorum hic seculis defunctus [Abtruct Etlicher Schrifften Daraus numehr der vorlängst gehoffte [etc] (s.l., 1597)] 5: Concio Funebris Illyricum habita per Gasp, Lindavi ensem. [Eine Christliche predigt uber der Leiche des Ehrnwürdigen und hochgelerted herrn M. Matthiae Flacii Illyrici [etc.] (s.l., 1575)] 6. [no Latin title] [Carolstadius Redivivus Dsputatio Theologica qua in Ditione Anhaldina Gentem Sacramentariam in Turbando deformandoque Ecclesiæ statu [etc] (Wittenberg, 1597)]
20. Alcoranus Mahomet. Germ. p[er] Salom. Schweiggerum. D 10.6 Linc Stiff but dirty vellum. [Salomon Schweigger, tr., Alcoranus Mahometicus, das ist Fly-leaf has the disinfecting MS. note: ‘In the name off the Father the sonne And the Holy Ghost’. Back p.d. der Türcken Alcoran Religion und Aberglauben (Nuremberg, bears the peculiar MS. inscription: ‘mrs gady booke / that, gode, and / roke, and akuve / and, a. nefte / a [1616])] kokskome, a froug / na, more a tortos / shell a toud / a eknuman a / gorgasits a amarit / a goebusit a leuit / a hittit no, move / at this time’ 26 21. Altera Apologia Statuum Regni Bohemici, Carnum & F 1.9 Linc Stiff, yapp vellum with leather ties. Sanguinem Xti sub utroque elemento externo recipientium. Tiny (price-?) code in date line: a mercury symbol with a curved tail. Germ. – 1619. [Die Grosse, oder andere Apologia der Stände dess Königreichs Böheimb (Prague [colophon], 1619)]
+ 22. Concio Funebris in Sophiam Danor. &c. Reginam per Nic. D 2.20 Linc Black goatskin, gold fi lletes, fl eurons and simple centrepiece. Article 6 eBLJ 2007, Vismarum. Rostochi. 1632. Germ. A notably more ornate binding than usual for the quartos or octavos. [Nicolaus Vismarus, Regina Sophia laudata, deplorata, & verè demum felix æstimata: von ... Sophia zu Dennemarcken (Rostock, 1632)]
23. Du Bartas Septimana 2da Germ. D 2.5 Linc Slightly dirty limp, yapp vellum. [Guillaume de Saluste du Bartas, La Seconde Semaine ... Paste-down from an English newspaper concerning affairs in the Low Countries (hence bound in England). Die andere Woche (Goethen [Köthen?], 1622)]
24.+ Dieterici Postilla Pueror. Germ. Norimb. 1556. P 5.10 Th Pigskin, with deluxe concentric panel stamps. Compare no. 5. These two volumes, which may have been [Vitus Theodorus, Kinder Postilla uber die Sontags und der bound in the same workshop some time after 1608, are in the classic German style of panel stamps upon fürnembsten Fest (Nuremberg [colophon], 1556)] tawed pigskin. The Bodleian has many other examples of this style, unconnected in provenance, of which P 6.18 Th is one. Compare also the more ornate 8o C 26 Art. Some underlining and marginal abstraction, in Latin, German, and English. Some of the underlining is in red. Some of the linguistic mix in the background of the annotator can be seen in the orthography of the English annotation to fp. CCXLVIIv: ‘Magistrates haue receivd of godde, not a fox-tayle, butt a sharpe schwort’ (translating ‘ein schneytend schwert’).
Octavo
25.+ S. Puffendorfi j Introductio ad Historiam Europeam Germ. 8o G 63 Linc Calf. Fr. ad Mæn. 1684. [Samuel Pufendorf, Einletung zu der Historie der vornehmsten Reiche und Staaten (Frankfurt, 1684)]
26.+ Continuatio ejusd. Franc. ad M. 1686. 8o G 64 Linc Calf. Uniform with previous. [Samuel Pufendorf, Continuirte Einletung zu der Historie der vornehmsten Reiche und Staaten (Frankfurt, 1686)] 27 27.1-2.+ Pet. Fremautij Tractatus de Reformatione Ecclesiæ. 8o X 36 (1) Th Stiff, yapp vellum. Belgicè. Embdæ 1658. ‘Theodori Haak [del] ex dono Authoris’ (title-page). Fremaut was minister of the French Church at Emden. [Pierre Fremaut, Een tractaet nopende de reformatie van de Kerke (Emden, 1658)] Item 2: Pierre Fremaut, Gods toet-steen. Tot Beproevinge van Jobs lijdsaemheyt (Emden, 1658).
+ o 28.1-3. Ambrosij Lobwassers Psalterium Metricum. Germ. Amst. 8 X 24 Th Reversed calf. Article 6 eBLJ 2007, 1646. ‘Theodori Haak’ on upper right-hand of the engraved title-page, in the same red ink as the Hebrew [Ambrose Lobwasser, D. Psalmen Davids (Amsterdam, inscription. Fly-leaf has a Hebrew quotation, with vowel pointing, from Ps. 65:9, in red ink (compare no. 43). 1646)] In modern transliteration this is peled eloh¯ım male’¯ may¯ım¯ (‘the river of God, which is full of water’ (KJV)). Above is the monogram of interlocking ‘V’s here resembling a heart with loops. Another hand has identifi ed Item 2: Gesänge Aus Gewissen Psalmen Davids (Amsterdam, the Hebrew as Ps. 65:10 [actually Ps. 65:9]: ‘Gottes brünnlein hat wassars die fülle’ (‘the fountain of God has 1646) waters in abundance’). These items were presumably sold as one by Louis Elzevier. Haak owned them as one, Item 3: Catechismus, oder Kurtzer Underricht Christlicher as he decorates the fi nal ‘Ende’ of the volume with his red ‘V’ monogram. Items 2 and 3 have not had their lehr (Amsterdam, 1646). independence recognized by OLIS.
29.+ Hymni & Cantica Sacra, per Corn. Sigefridum. Argent. 8o X 22 Th Calf. 1604. Germ. [Cornelius Sigefridus, Newe Christliche Gesäng und Geistliche Lieder (Strassburg, 1604)]
30.1-2.+ Psalmi Davidici Metrice per Lobwasser. Germ. 8o X 25 (1) Th Dirty vellum. Spine has (now hard to read) ‘All Duch’ roughly written on it. Compare nos 36, 39, 56 below. [Ambrose Lobwasser, Psalmen Davids nach frantzösischer Title-page bears a variant of Haak’s interlocking ‘V’ monogram. melodey und Reymen art in teutsche Reymen verstendlich und Item 2: dried leaves between pp. 10-11, 134-35. deutlich gebracht (Siegen, 1596)]
Item 2: Catechismus, oder Kurtzer unterricht christlicher Lehr (Neustadt, 1596 [colophon 1595]).
31.+ Psalterum Davidis Rythmicum per Lobwasser. Germ. 8o X 29 Th Calf. Herbornæ 1634. Haak’s monogram on title-page. Table in sol-fa in endpapers. [Ambrose Lobwasser, Psalmen Davids nachfrantzösischer melodey und reimen art in Teutsche reimen verstendlich und deutlich gebracht (Herborn, 1634)] 28 32.+ Henr. Scudder admonitio & Instructio seria, quo modo 8o G 66 Linc Calf. unusquisque in hac mortalitate tranquillam & beatam Haak’s translation (‘D.H.P.’ = Dietrich Haak Palatinus). Some slight MS. emendation (e.g. pp. 5, 22, 27-9, vitam agat. Franc. ad M. 1636 etc) and underlining. [Henry Scudder, Eines wahren Christen Täglicher Wallfart ... durch D.H.P. (Frankfurt, 1636)]
33.+ Joh. Penon Meditatio alt[e]ra in verba Pauli Aph. v. 16. 8o X 40 Th Sheep with gold double fi llets, rebacked.
Embdæ 1663. Belg. For other Penon items see nos 48 and 76. Article 6 eBLJ 2007, [Johannes Penon, Tweede meditatie over de woorden des apostels Pauly (Emden, 1663)]
34. Statum Belgicor. Strictior unio &c. Belgice. Arenhemiæ 8o G 92 Linc Stiff, yapp vellum. 1657. Appended to this but of the same impression is a Tractaet van de marine. [Naerdere unie, in’s Gravenhage op de groote Zael van’t Hoff There is a BL copy of this title, but listed as printed in 1652 (1568/8664). van Hollandt den 21. Augusti 1651, geslooten (Arnhem, 1651) [sic]]
35.1-2+ The Practice of Piety in German. Franc. ad M. 1631. 8o X 34 (1) Th Stiff, yapp vellum. 8o X 34-6 Th in uniform binding. [Lewis Bayly, Praxis Pietatis das ist Ubung der Gottseligkeit Address to the Christian Reader is signed G.F.P.D. (Frankfurt, 1631)]
Item 2: [Lewis Bayly], tr. by C. Drelincourt [into French] and Balthasar Faber [into German], Ubung der Gottseligkeit Dritter Teil: Creutz-Triumph der christlichen Kirchen (Frankfurt, 1633).
36. Chronica Waldensium. Germ. 8o G 97 Linc Stiff, yapp vellum. The spine has ‘Duch’ written on it. Compare nos 30, 39, 56. [Waldenser Chronick. Das ist von der Harkommen, Lehr und Title-page has ‘Joh. Duræi lukna’ (‘property of John Dury’) with the signature deleted, and ‘sum Joh. Leben wie auch vielfaltigen Verfolgungen der evangelischen Duræi’ on the verso, also with the signature deleted. Haak had an abortive plan to translate this work Christen ([Schaffhausen], 1655)] (Barnett, Haak, p. 106, and above).
37.+ Xtophori Rudolphi Arithmetica Philosophica Germ. 8o G 69 Linc Stiff, yapp vellum. [Christoff Rudolff, Die Coss Christoffs Rudolffs ‘DHaak’ (heavily deleted, in upper right-hand corner of title-page). Very slight annotation (e.g. p. 9), and (Amsterdam, 1615)] some rough calculations on a loose scrap between pp. 195-96.
38. Psalmi Davidis metricè Germ. per Joh. Van Chandelier. 8o X 26 Th Calf, with inner frames. Belg. Amst. 1674. Appended catechism. [Jan six van Chandelier, Davids Psalmen, op de gewoonelikke wysen (Amsterdam, 1674)] 29 39.+ Joani Jersini Agon & Victoria Fidei Germ. Hafniæ 1640. 8o G 95 Linc Stiff vellum. Spine has ‘All Duch’ written roughly on it. Compare nos 30, 35, 56. [Jens Jersin, Des Glaubens Kampff und Sieg, das ist von allen den Versuchungen mit welchen der Glaube (Copenhagen, 1640)]
40. Georg. Rudolphi Weckherlini Poëmata Profana. Germ. 8o G 84 Linc Reversed calf. Amst. 1648. After sg. )(vi, pagination runs pp. 336-876, but sg. Qqvi register demonstrates that the volume is complete.
[Georg Rudolf Weckerlin, Weltliche Gedichte oder Oden und Haak directed the publication of this volume, as he had for Weckherlin’s 1641 volume (no. 62). Article 6 eBLJ 2007, Gesänge. Das Erste Buch (Amsterdam, 1648)]
41.+ Meditationes Sacræ, de SS. Trinitate, per Principem 8o G 65 Linc Bound in marbled paper over boards. quandam in Germaniam Celsissimam Norimb. 1674. Haak appears to have been very keen on Felgenhauer, holding more titles of his in this sample than of any Germ. other author: compare nos 55 (2), 64, 66, 77, 82 (1-5) (no further cross-references). [[Paul Felgenhauer], Himmlisches Kleeblat, oder Betrachtungen der Allerhöchstheiligsten dreyeinigen Gottheit (Nuremberg, 1674)]
42. Milton’s Paradise Lost in German. 8o G 100 Linc Modern rebind. [John Milton, Das Verlustigte Paradeis auss Johann Miltons Remains of older fl y-leaf: ‘[Jo]h. Miltons Paradise translated into Germane.’ A good deal of MS. emendation Zeit seiner Blindheit (Zerbst, 1682)] to the verse up to book 6. Books 1-4 and possibly 5-6 of this translation were based on Haak’s own MS. translation, published in Barnett, Haak, pp. 189-260. See discussion above.
43.+ Dolor dolorem superans, & Solamen Solamini præstans 8o G 90 Linc Limp vellum with green ties. Germ. ‘DHaack’ [DH ligatured] on the fl y-leaf in black ink with a red underline (one similar underline in text, p. [Trawren uber Trawren und Trost uber Trost (s.l., 1628)] 39). Hebrew quotation from Ps. 65:9, as no. 28 above, but with no vowel pointing.
44.+ Refutatio Articulor. quorund. nuperrimè in gremium 8o G 82 Linc Black goatskin. Ecclesiæ Romano-Catholicæ introductor. Germ. Author supplied from MS. presentation note in German, from Johannes Wilhelm to ‘Johan Kenrich’. [[Johannes Wilhelm], Cave, oder Kurtze Wahrnung gegen Kenrich (sc. John Ken[d]ricke) is described as a vorsteher (director, superintendant, etc) in London. It seems Bericht und Betrachtung und Wiederlegung (s.l., s.d.)] most likely that this man is the John Kendricke (d. 1661) who was a London Alderman and who rose to be Lord Mayor in 1651. See discussion above.
45.+ The true Repentance Germ. 8o G 70 Linc Stiff vellum. [Daniel Dyke, tr. Theodore Haak, Nosce Te Ipsum, oder Haak’s translation, signed ‘D.H.P.’ German and Latin annotations and underlinings in opening sections, in Selb-Betrug (Frankfurt, 1660)] different hands and inks. Prefatory poem in German by Herman Adolphus.
46.+ Hymni & Cantica sacra per Corn. Sigefridum. Germ. 8o X 23 Th Calf. Argent. 1602. OLIS adds to date ‘[really 1605]’. [Cornelius Sigefridus, Kirchen Gesäng, Psalmen und Geystliche Lieder (Strassburg, 1602)] 30 47.+ Theophili Neubergij Liber seu Formulæ Precationum. 8o X 18 Th Polished calf, gilded edges. Early rebind. Identical binding to X 19, and like that book rather heavily wormed. Castal. 1634. Germ. There are various letters from the Kassel minister Theophilus Neuberger to Dury dated 1632-34 in the [Theophilus Neuberger, Newes Betbuch (Kassel, 1634)] Hartlib Papers; Neuberger evidently also corresponded with Bergius (for Bergius see nos 33, 48, 76). Other Neuberger titles are nos 72 and 75.
48.+ Meditationes nonnullæ Textus Ephes. 5. 16. per Joh. 8o G 85 Linc Stiff vellum. Penon. Embdæ 1662. Second fl y-leaf has an inscription in German dated 13 October 1662, with the addressee and scribe’s names
[Johannes Penon, Wyse coopmanschap van de seer kostelyke heavily deleted. These are probably ‘Theodore Haak’ and the ‘J Penon’. Article 6 eBLJ 2007, waere des tijdts (Emden, 1662)] Penon, also the author of nos 33 and 76, was a minister in Emden.
49.+ Bernhardi Cantzlern Compendiosa Geometriæ Institutio. 8o G 88 Linc Stiff, yapp vellum. Germ. Norimb. 1622. ‘DH’ ligature on front paste-down. This is a geometry textbook. [Bernhard Cantzler, Vom Feldmässen: kurtzer unnd gründlicher Bericht (Nuremberg, 1622)]
50.+ Philandri Moralia, seu scripta ad Civilitatem morum 8o G 68 Linc Stiff, yapp vellum. ducentia. Germ. Argent. 1650. [Hans Michael Moscherosch, Wunderliche warhafftige Gesichte Philanders von Sittewald das ist Straff-Schrifften Hanss-Michael Moscheroschen von Wilstäde (Strassburg, 1650)]
51.1-5.+ Sigismund. Scherertzij Manuale Parentum & alior. 8o G 93 (1-5) Stiff, yapp vellum. lugentium. Germ. cum ejusd. Manuale Militantium. Linc Contains fi ve separately signatured items with separate title-pages. All were printed in Luneburg in 12o in [Sigismund Scherertz, Manuale parentum lugentium. 1628. Only item 1 has the Latin MS. description, which also notes item 4. Tränen-Tüchlein für christliche Eltern (Luneburg, 1628)] 2: [Scherertz], Biblisches Rosengärtlein 3: [Scherertz], Manuale Peregrinantium 4: [Scherertz], Manuale Militantium 5: [Scherertz], Kriegsgebet und Andachten
52.+ Sanctæ Ecclesiæ Romanæ Apiarium. Belg. Lugd Bat. 1600. 8o G 67 Linc Limp, yapp vellum. [Philip van Marnix van Sant Aldegone, De byen-corf de H. Roomscher kercke (Leiden, 1600)]
53.+ Hymni & Precatiunculæ Germ. Norimb. 1622. [sic] 8o X 10 Th Calf. [Johan Cundisius, Andæchtiges teutsches Handbuchlein, mit lateinischer Schrift (Nuremberg, 1672)] 31 54.+ Hieron. Dyreri Meditationes Mortis. Amst. 1678. 8o X 12 Th Stiff, green-washed vellum. [Hieronymus Dürer, Hieronymus Dürers Evangelischen Fly-leaf bears two inscriptions: Predigers zu Harlem (Amsterdam, 1678)] 1: ‘Henrÿ Leighton his book bought in Köningsberg ÿe 27 June Anno 1679 Cost 30 gross or 18 ds’ [‘ds’ unsure] 2: a later German inscription, ‘Liebet einer frind ...’ Second fl y-leaf, recto and verso, bears a transcript in English of 2 Samuel 22:1f. ‘And David spake unte ÿe Lord the words of this song ... and I will sing praises unto thÿ name.’ eBLJ 2007, Article 6 eBLJ 2007, The German hand has used the endpapers for German devotional verse.
55. 1-2.+ Augustini Furhmanni Liberatio Religionis Evangelicæ &c. 8o X 13 (1) Th Calf. Germ. Amst. 1658. 8o X 13-15 Th are bound in a uniform style. [Augustin Fuhrman, Rettung der alten wahren christlichen catholisch-evangelischen Religion (Amsterdam, 1658)]
Item 2: Paulus [Felgenhauer], Palma Fidei & Veritatis in Cruce Christi ad Salutem. Palmbaum dess Glaubens und der Warheit in Creutze Christi zur Seeligkeit (s.l., 1656)
56.+ Historia Reformationis & Bellor. adversus Hispanos. Belg. 8o G 87 Linc Stiff, yapp vellum. Spine bears ‘All Duch’ twice. Compare nos 30, 36, 39. – 1657. [Geeraert Brandt, Kort verhael van de Reformatie, en van den oorlogh tegen Spanje (s.l., 1657)]
57. Psalmi Davidici metrice per Dathenum & de Brune. Belg. 8o X 27 Th Calf, gold fi llet and centre-piece. Amst. 1650. Appended catechism. Compare no. 81. Dathenus was the prescribed Psalter of the London Dutch Church [Johan de Brune and Petrus Dathenus, Davids Psalmen (Corpus Disciplinæ: or the Discipline together with the Form of all Ecclesiastical Administrations used in the Dutch- (Amsterdam, 1650)] Churches within this Kingdom (London, 1645), p. 7).
58.+ Balthas. Trebsdorfi j Summaria omnium Evangelior. 8o X 33 Th Stiff vellum. & Epistolar. per omnia anni Testa usitator. ad metrum redacta. Haffniæ 1640. [Baltzer Trebsdorff, Kurtzer Begriff über die Episteln und Evangelia (Copenhagen, 1640)]
59. Dan. Heinsij Canticum de Jesu Xto unigenito & æterno 8o X 20 Th Stiff vellum. Dei Filio. Belg. [Daniel Heinsius, Lof-Sanck van Jesus Christus (Amsterdam, 1622)] 32 60.+ Psalmi Davidis per Dietericum Camphuyzium Metr. Belg. 8o X 21 Th Stiff vellum. [Dietrich Camphuyzen, Uytbreyding over de psalmen des Front paste-down: ‘act / [symbol for Jupiter] [/] l – ct [/] l – tp’ in upper left-hand corner; back paste-down: propheten Davids (‘sGravenhage, 1650)] ‘2 h 2’ in middle upper edge. Not on OLIS at time of consultation.
61.+ Nov. Testamentum Germ. per Lutherum. 8o X 37 Th Panel-stamped black goatskin, gilded edges. [Das Neue Testament unsers Herrn Jesu Christi (Hanau, Shopping list and arithmetic in endpapers.
1605)] Article 6 eBLJ 2007,
62. Rodolf. Weckherlini Poemata Sacra & Profana Germ. 8o G 75 Linc Limp vellum. Amst. 1641. Haak directed the publication of this volume, as he would for Weckherlin’s 1648 edition (no. 40). [Georg Rodolf Weckherlin, Gaistliche und weltliche Gedichte (Amsterdam, 1641)]
63.+ Ger. Vogelij Cochleatio novissima &c. Germ. 8o G 98 Linc Calf. [[David Seladon, expanded by Gerardus Vogelius,] Cochleatio Novissima. Das ist Ware Abbildung (Liebstadt, 1648)]
64. Mysterium& Templi Hierosolymitani vestibulo sancto, & 8o G 96 Linc Stiff vellum. Scto Sctor. revelatum [[Paul Felgenhauer], Das Geheymnus von Tempel des Herrn in seinem Vorhof, Heyligen und Allerheyligsten (s.l., 1631)]
65.+ Psalterium Davidij Metrice per Mareschallum Germ. 8o X 28 Th Dirty stiff vellum. [Ambrose Lobwasser, Der gantz Psalter von Herrn Fly-leaf has heavily deleted inscriptions, including pencil versions of Haak’s monogram and ‘Theodori Ambrosio Lobwasser (Basel, 1606)] Haak ex transmissione Joh: Mor[iaen?] Decemb. 1649.’ Versions in pencil of Haak’s monogram, here and on title-page. MS. list of the duplications among the psalm melodies in end papers, reckoning only 124 separate melodies. These are Lobwasser’s Psalms with Mareschall’s additions. Haak and Moriaen were friends (see John T. Young, Faith, Medical Alchemy and Natural Philosophy: Johann Moriaen, Reformed Intelligencer, and the Hartlib Circle (Aldershot, 1998), pp. 12, 63), and it was through Haak that Moriaen comunicated the news that Hortensius had died, freeing up the Amsterdam mathematics professorship for Pell (Bodleian Library, MS. Aubrey 6, fol. 53v).
66.+ Speculum Monarchiar. 3um Diaboli, Xti, Dei. 8o G 99 Linc Rebound, with loss of fl y- and endleaves. [[Paul Felgenhauer], Monarchen-spieg[el] von dreyerley Probably in a bad condition at accession, as the Latin abstract is written onto the title-page. 3-leaf clover Reich (s.l., 1633)] annotation at p. 459. This work of the unorthodox mystic Felgenhauer was the title that Johann Moriaen was trying to get hold of in 1634: see Young, Moriaen, pp. 16-17 (see more generally pp. 87-88).
67.+ Meditatio Vitæ æternæ Germ. per Jerem. Apfelium. 8o X 16 Th Limp vellum. Bremæ 1639. [Jeremias Apfelius, Meditatio vitæ æternæ, das ist Eine kurtze betrachtung (Bremen, 1639)] 33 68.+ Xtiani Hoheburgij Judaismus Germano-Evangelicus. 8o G 94 Linc Limp, yapp vellum. Franc. 1644. Germ. Compare nos 1, 86, 88. [Christian Hoburg, Teutsch-evangelisches Judenthumb, Das ist Gründlicher Beweiss auss den h. Propheten Gottes (Frankfurt, 1644)]
69.+ Hymni, Precatiunculæ &c. singulo diei septimanæ 8o X 39 Th Badly damaged calf. Ornate tooling and gilding. di adaptata Germ. Fly-leaf has ‘No. 228 : Canput [?] xii [?] [/] i: 6:4:9: [/] September:’ Article 6 eBLJ 2007, [Johan Holtzman, New geistlich Bergwerck (Schleswig, 1636)]
70.+ Psalterum Davidij Germ. 8o G 77 Linc Dirty vellum. [De nie Düdesche Psalter mit den Summarien. Marth. Luth. Annotations in Latin italic throughout. (Magdeburg [colophon], s.d.)]
71. Dan. Wülferi Fatum Stoicum debellantum. Germ. 8o G 86 Linc Stiff, yapp vellum. Norimb. 1666. ‘Theodori Haak [deleted] ex Dono Authoris.’ (engraved title-page, at bottom); ‘Theodori Haak [deleted] ex [Daniel Wülfer, Fatum, das ist das vertheidigte Gottes- dono Rev. Dr. Authoris’ (title-page below date-line). Wülfer, the Nuremberg poet, signs himself as ‘Prediger geschicht (Nuremberg, 1666)] zu St. Lorenz’, one of the main churches in Nuremberg.
72.+ Theoph. Newbergij Liber Consolationis. Germ. Cassel. 8o G 74 Linc Stiff vellum. 1634. Various different title-pages, but signatured as one throughout. See nos 47 and 75 for other Neuberger titles. [Theophilus Neuberger, Newes lang gewünschtes Trostbüchlein (Kassel, 1634)]
73. Domini des Marets de Saint Sorlin, Ariana. Germ. Lug. 8o G 83 Linc Stiff, yapp vellum. Bat. 1644. 2 paginations, but signatured as one. [Jean Desmarets de Saint Sorlin, Ariana, vom Herren Des ‘Theodori Haak [del] ex dono Authoris’ (title-page), with Haak’s monogram on front paste-down. Richter Marets, tr. Georg Andreas Richter (Leiden, 1644)] signs the preface with his name, and the title-page with the initials G.A.R.G.L. Presumably the ex dono inscription refers to Richter, not Desmarets. Desmartes’s popular French prose romance was also translated into English in 1636 and republished in 1641.
74.+ Institutio Ger. qui ad pœnitentiam & Baptism. accedunt, 8o X 15 Th Calf. per Matth. Weyer. Germ. Amst. 1658. For Weyer see also no. 78. Hartlib noted in 1635 that ‘Mathias Weyer is the chief Regular divine of Mystical [Matthes Weyer, Gründliche Unterrichtung von or Spiritual divinity. Written only Wurd-Spruche vnd Sendbrieffe, wherin amongst other particulars vielen hochwichtigen Articuln (Amsterdam, 1658)] hee opens though by the by the whole nature of Regeneration Repentance and selfe-denial, and the true justifi cation of a Man. Mr Dury communicated 5. Rixdollars for the printing of it. Hee commends him for one of the best set and most regular Spiritual divines, et communicated to our English divines.’ (HP 29/3/30B-31A)
75.+ Theoph. Newbergij Soliloquia. Germ. 8o X 19 Th Early rebind. Polished calf, gilded edges. See notes on 8o X 18 Th. [Theophilus Neuberger, Soliloquia vom göttlichen leben See nos 47 and 72 for other Neuberger titles. eines wahren Christen in dieser welt (Kassel, 1633)] 34 76.+ Schola ultimi Iudicij aperta, in Meditationib. quibusd. in 8o X 17 Th Stiff vellum. Es. 26. 9. per J. Penon Belg. ‘Theod. Haak’ (heavily deleted, top right-hand corner of title-page) [Johannes Penon, Gods gericht-schole geopent in eenige On Penon see above, nos 33 and 48. meditatien over de woorden Esa. 26. vers. 9 (Antwerp, 1652)]
77. Liber Adam seu Apocalypsis Hominis Germ. 8o X 32 Th Calf. [[Paul Felgenhauer], Das Büchlein Adam, das ist Some underlining.
Offenbahrung dess Menschens (s.l., 1635 [colophon])] Article 6 eBLJ 2007,
78.+ Institutio eor. qui ad Sacrum Baptismum accedunt per 8o X 11 Th Stiff, yapp vellum. Wyerum. Germ. ‘DH [ligature]. 1635’ (front paste-down, upper left-hand corner) [Matthes Weyer, Gründlicher Unterrichtung von vielen For Weyer see also no. 74. hochwichtigen Articuln (Frankfurt, 1633)]
79.+ Math. Abelis de Lilienberg Metamorphosis telæ 8o G 73 Linc Stiff, yapp vellum. Judiciariæ. Norimb. 1655. Germ. MS. note to verse facing engraved title-page cross-referencong to a mention of the author in the text (p. 500). [Matthias Abele von Lilienberg, Metamorphosis Telæ Judiciariæ, das ist Seltzame Gerichtshändel (Nuremberg, 1655)]
80.+ Admon[i]tio Clero per Germaniam Evangelico data. 8o X 31 Th Calf. Uniform binding with 8o X 32 Th. Germ. Endpapers are from an English-to-Latin thesaurus. [Trewhertzige Erinnerung an die evangelische Priesterschafft in Deutschland (s.l., 1637)]
81.+ Psalterium Davidis Metrice per Dathenum. Belg. Amst. 8o X 30 Th Stiff vellum, fi llets and panel stamp on covers. 1634. ‘Theodori Haak’, in red ink, upper right-hand corner of title-page. Compare no. 57. [Petrus Dathenus, De CL Psalmen Davids, uyt den Françoysen in Nederlantsen dichte overgeset (Amsterdam, 1634)] 35 82.1-5.+ Varij Tractatus per Paul Felgenhawer Germanicè 8o X 14 Th. Calf. [Paul Felgenhauer, Ecclesia Catholica, das ist Information The Latin abstract of contents lists all fi ve tracts. und Gewissheit von der wahren catholischen allgemeinen christlichen Kirchen und rechten Glauben und Religion (s.l., 1656)] [Paul Felgenhauer, Probatorium Theologicum, oder Theologischer Prokier-Ofen (s.l., 1656)] eBLJ 2007, Article 6 eBLJ 2007, [Paul Felgenhauer, Clavis Sapientiæ, Schlüssel der Weisheit (Amsterdam, 1656)] [Paul Felgenhauer, Confession und Glaubens-Bekenttnus in dreyen Puncten (s.l., 1658)] [Paul Felgenhauer, Refutatio Paralogismorum Socinianorum das ist Gründliche Widerlegung der betrieglichen Reden (Amsterdam, 1656)]
83.1-2. Ortus & Origo Belgij. Belg. L. Bat. 1662. 8o G 89 [1-2] Calf. [[Pieter de la Court], Hollands Op-komst, oft Bedenkingen Linc Item 1 is not on OLIS. (Leiden, 1662)]
2: without Latin title: V. H. [i.e. Pieter de la Court], Historie der gravelyke regering in Holland (s.l.: s.n., s.d.).
84. Joh. Ristij Hortus Poëticus. Germ. Hamburgi 1638. 8o G 79 Linc Stiff vellum. [Johann Rist, Poetischer Lust-Garte (Hamburg, 1638)] Small inked ‘H:’ below date line. Rist is also author of one of the commendatory poems to no. 71.
85.+ The Practise of Piety Germ. 8o X 35 Th Stiff, yapp vellum. [Lewis Bayly, Praxis Pietatis, das ist Ubung der Gottseligkeit A later edition of no. 35. (Basel, 1633)]
86.+ Diutinum & qd hodienum geritur bellum in Germania, 8o G 91 Linc Yapp vellum. dialogicè propositum à Xtiano Hohenburgk. Germ. Franc. Compare nos 1, 68, 88. ad Moen. 1644. [Christian Hoburg, Heutiger langwieriger verwirreter teutscher Krieg (Frankfurt, 1644)]
87.+ Totius Scripturæ S. Epitome per Joach. Aberlinum Germ. 8o G 76 Linc Limp, green-washed vellum. Compare the green wash of 8o X 12 Th. Tig. 1557. A musical compression of the Bible. Not on OLIS at time of consultation. [Joachim Aberlin, Bibel oder heilige geschrifft gsangsweyss (Zurich, 1557)] 36 88.+ Colloquia inter Reformatum quend. Evangelicum, 8o G 72 Linc Reversed calf. Papistam, Anabaptistam &c. Belgicé. Occasional Latin annotations. Haak’s monogram on front paste-down. ‘Ao 1666’ in Green ink in endpapers. [Christian Hoburg, Teutsch evangelisches ärgerliches Compare nos 1, 68, 86. Christenthumb in einem wunderbaren Gespräch eines Evangelischen (s.l., 1645)]
89.+ Dav. Marien Regula falsi Mercatoribus Papisticæ 8o G 81 Linc Limp dirty vellum, damaged.
Religionis addictis &c. Belgicé. Article 6 eBLJ 2007, [David Marien, Faulse position ofte calschen regel van practijcke der paepscher cramers ende cooplieden (Middelburg, 1616)]
90.+ Speculum Franciscanor. Germ. 8o G 78 Linc Dirty vellum. Same style as no. 89. [Rinonichi de’ Bartholomaeus de Pisa, Der Barfüsser Münche Eulenspiegel und Alcoran (s.l., 1573)]
91.+ Lectiones nonnullæ Ant. du Verdier in Pet. Mestiam Belg. 8o G 80 Linc Yapp vellum. Rot. 1613. ‘Theod. Haak’, upper right-hand of title-page: [Antoine Du Verdier, Het tweede deel Petri Messiæ dat ist De verscheyden lessen Antony du Verdier (Rotterdam, 1613)]
92.1-3.+ Descriptio Literar. &c. inter summum Suecor. Ducem F 1.17 (1-3) Early rebind, partial calf (?) with marbled boards. Axelium Oxenstierna & Johan. Georgium Saxoniæ Ducem Linc No Latin abstract. 3 items. The Latin title on item 2 confi rms the provenance. Germanice. Only item one recognized on OLIS. [Nachricht und Information wegen der in Namen der königlichen Man und Cron Schweden (s.l., 1635)] 2: ‘Pax et Pacta Pirinisii et Pragæ restituta. Germ.’ (s.l., 1636) [Pirnische und Pragische FriedensBacten] 3: Copen eines Schreibens Der Churf. Durchl. zu Brandenburgk (s.l., 1636) 37 93. Joh. Swammerdami Historia Generalis Insectorum Belg. 4o Z 34 Med Calf. Upper (square) and lower (rhomboid) lozenges, unmarked. (Such lozenges bear comparison to Ultraj. 1669. those often surviving on Sloane’s books, as well as to lozenges on Rawlinson gifts arriving at the Bodleian [Jan Swammerdam, Historia insectorum generalis ofte throughout this period.) Algemeene verhandeling van de bloedeloose dierkens (Utrecht, No Latin abstract. Some corrections and underlining in text, and abstraction of names into the margin 1669)] (Harvey (pp. 33, 144, Part 2, p. 8), Goedaert (p. 46), Hoefnagel (pp. 70, 82, 120), Hollar (p. 70), Hooke (pp. 73, 109), Duiseaus (p. 109), Steno (p. 121), Piso (p. 125), Columna (p. 130), Thevenot (p. 131), Malipigi (p. 132), Magalotti (p. 133), Bauhin (p. 137), Senguerdius (p. 138), Redi (p. 144), Descartes (Part 2, p. 6), Boyle (Part 2, eBLJ 2007, Article 6 eBLJ 2007, p. 9)). There is a ligatured ‘NB’ mark on p. 73. Note that a further Bodleian copy of this work was donated by Sloane too: probably 4o F 14 (3) Med; this volume contains six items all named in close proximity in BR (see Bodleian Library, MS. Library Records b. 904, p. 120).
94.+ Gul. Fabricij Chirurgia Nova. Germ. 4o Z 35 Med Rebound, quarter-calf with marbled boards. [Wilhelm Fabricius, Nieuwe veldt-chirurgye tracterende van cranckheden ende ghebrecken die in crijgh en oorlogh den chirurgijns ghemeenlijck voor-vallen (Leeuwarden, 1628)]
95. Kesslerus Redivivus. Germ. 8o G 71 Linc Stiff vellum. [Thomas Kessler, Keslerus Redivivus. Das ist Fünff hundert ausserlesene chymische Process und Artzneyen (Frankfurt, 1641)] 38