Russia Intelligence” Be Conciliatory on the Gas Question
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Eastwest Institute
EASTWEST INSTITUTE Ukraine, EU, Russia: Challenges and Opportunities for NewRelations A conference initiated and organized by the EastWest Institute, in cooperation with the Carpathian Foundation and Ukrainian partners: the Institute for Regional and Euro-Integration Studies "EuroRegio Ukraine" and the National Association of Regional Development Agencies Kyiv, 10-11 February 2005 Venue: "European Hall", President-hotel "Kyivski", Hospitalna str., 12 Languages: English and Ukrainian **Please Note: The Chatham House Rule Applies** Thursday, 10 February 2005 8.30 - 9.00 Registration 9.00 - 09.15 Words of Welcome and Opening Remarks Mr John Edwin Mroz, President and CEO, EastWest Institute 9.15-9.45 Keynote speaker: Mr Borys Tarasyuk, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine 9.45-11.00 Session I Ukraine after the changes: new priorities for the new leadership Challenge of the session: What are the expectations, tasks and practical needs of Ukraine's leadership? Chair: 1 Dr Oleksandr Pavlyuk, Acting Plead of External Co-operation, OSCE, Vienna Speakers: Mr Oleksandr Moroz, Leader, Socialist party of Ukraine Mr Oleksandr Zinchenko, State Secretary of Ukraine (tbc) Mr Volodymyr Vdovychenko, Mayor of the City of Slavutych Mr Boris Sobolev, Vice President of the Kyiv Bank Union Respondents: Mr Ofer Kerzner, Chairman of First Ukrainian Development, Kyiv Dr. Bohdan Hawrylyshyn, Chairman of the International Centre for Policy Studies, Kyiv 7 /.00-11.30 Special address: President Viktor Yushchenko (invited) 11.30-12.00 Coffee Break 12.00-13.45 Session II European Neighbourhood Policy versus CIS integration: does Ukraine have to choose? Challenge of the session: May the two frameworks of integration work together? Chair: Dr Vasil Hudak, Vice President and Brussels Centre Director, EastWest Institute, Brussels Speakers: Mr Ihor Dir, Head of Department for European integration, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine Ms Ana Palacio, Chairwoman of the Joint Parliamentary Committee for European Union Affairs and Former Foreign Minister of Spain, Madrid Mr. -
Temptation to Control
PrESS frEEDOM IN UKRAINE : TEMPTATION TO CONTROL ////////////////// REPORT BY JEAN-FRANÇOIS JULLIARD AND ELSA VIDAL ////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// AUGUST 2010 /////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// PRESS FREEDOM: REPORT OF FACT-FINDING VISIT TO UKRAINE ///////////////////////////////////////////////////////// 2 Natalia Negrey / public action at Mykhaylivska Square in Kiev in November of 2009 Many journalists, free speech organisations and opposition parliamentarians are concerned to see the government becoming more and more remote and impenetrable. During a public meeting on 20 July between Reporters Without Borders and members of the Ukrainian parliament’s Committee of Enquiry into Freedom of Expression, parliamentarian Andrei Shevchenko deplored not only the increase in press freedom violations but also, and above all, the disturbing and challenging lack of reaction from the government. The data gathered by the organisation in the course of its monitoring of Ukraine confirms that there has been a significant increase in reports of press freedom violations since Viktor Yanukovych’s election as president in February. LEGISlaTIVE ISSUES The government’s desire to control journalists is reflected in the legislative domain. Reporters Without Borders visited Ukraine from 19 to 21 July in order to accomplish The Commission for Establishing Freedom the first part of an evaluation of the press freedom situation. of Expression, which was attached to the presi- It met national and local media representatives, members of press freedom dent’s office, was dissolved without explanation NGOs (Stop Censorship, Telekritika, SNUJ and IMI), ruling party and opposition parliamentarians and representatives of the prosecutor-general’s office. on 2 April by a decree posted on the president’s At the end of this initial visit, Reporters Without Borders gave a news conference website on 9 April. -
LNG and Natural Gas Supplies to Ukraine
LNG and Natural Gas Supplies to Ukraine: New Business Opportunities November 15, 2013 LNG and Natural Gas Supply to Ukraine: New Business Opportunities TABLE OF CONTENTS PHASE I: SHORT-TERM BUSINESS OPPORTUNITIES 1. Current Sources of Natural Gas Supply to Ukraine. A. Gas Supply from Russia B. Gas Supply from Domestic Sources C. Gas Supply from Europe 2. Current LNG Supply to Europe A. Major European Importers of LNG and Countries of Origin B. Price of LNG in Europe 3. Feasibility of Short-Term LNG Supply from Texas to Ukraine A. Extraction of Shale Gas in Texas: Companies, Volumes and Costs B. Current Liquefaction Capacities in Texas and Nearby C. Current LNG Transportation Capacities from the US to Europe D. LNG Terminals in Europe with Free Re-gasification Capacity E. Gas Transportation Routes from Europe to Ukraine F. Possibilities for Gas Swaps (Non-Physical Deliveries) G. Potential Buyers of LNG in Ukraine and Trade Arrangements H. Calculation of the Cost of Gas Supply from Texas to Ukraine PHASE II: MEDIUM-TERM BUSINESS OPPORTUNITIES 4. Possibilities for Further Shale Gas Development in Ukraine 5. Development of Coalbed Methane 6. Development of Black Sea Offshore Natural Gas 7. Reverse-Flow Gas Supply from Europe 8. Building LNG Terminal in Ukraine LNG AND NATURAL GAS SUPPLIES TO UKRAINE: BUSINESS OPPORTUNITIES PHASE I. SHORT-TERM BUSINESS OPPORTUNITIES 1. Current Sources of Natural Gas Supply to Ukraine A. Gas Supply from Russian Russia supplies natural gas to Ukraine under the contract signed between Gazprom and Naftogaz of Ukraine in January 2009. According to the contract agreement, Naftogaz is the only importer of Russian natural gas in Ukraine. -
Russian Strategy Towards Ukraine's Presidential Election
BULLETIN No. 49 (49) August 19, 2009 © PISM Editors: Sławomir Dębski (Editor-in-Chief), Łukasz Adamski, Mateusz Gniazdowski, Beata Górka-Winter, Leszek Jesień, Agnieszka Kondek (Executive Editor), Łukasz Kulesa, Ernest Wyciszkiewicz Russian Strategy towards Ukraine’s Presidential Election by Jarosław Ćwiek-Karpowicz Dmitry Medvedev’s letter to Viktor Yushchenko is a clear signal of Russia’s intention to influ- ence internal developments in Ukraine, including the course of the presidential campaign. In the run-up to the January 2010 poll, unlike in the period preceding the Orange Revolution, Russia will very likely refrain from backing just a single candidate, and instead will seek a deepening of the existing divisions and further destabilization on the Ukrainian political scene, destabilization which it sees as helping to protect Russian interests in Ukraine. Medvedev’s Letter. In an open letter to Viktor Yushchenko, dated 11 August, Dmitry Medvedev put the blame for the crisis in bilateral relations on the Ukrainian president, and he explained that the arrival of the new ambassador to Kiev, Mikhail Zurabov—replacing Viktor Chernomyrdin, who was recalled last June—would be postponed. Medvedev accused his Ukrainian counterpart of having knowingly abandoned the principles of friendship and partnership with Russia during the past several years. Among the Yushchenko administration’s alleged anti-Russian actions, he listed weapons shipments and support extended to Georgia in last year’s armed conflict in South Ossetia; endeavors to gain -
Cleaning up the Energy Sector
10 Cleaning Up the Energy Sector Victory is when we won’t buy any Russian gas. —Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk1 Ukraine’s energy sector is well endowed but extremely mismanaged. Since Ukraine’s independence, it has been the main source of top-level corruption, and its prime beneficiaries have bought the state. This long-lasting policy has undermined national security, caused unsustainable public costs, jeopardized the country’s balance of payments, led to massive waste of energy, and capped domestic production of energy. It is difficult to imagine a worse policy. In- stead, conditions should be created so that Ukraine can develop its substantial energy potential and become self-sufficient in coal and natural gas.2 The solution to these problems is no mystery and it has been elaborated in a large literature for the last two decades. To check corruption energy prices need to be unified. That means raising key prices four to five times, which will eliminate the large energy subsidies and stimulate energy saving, while also stimulating domestic production of all kinds of energy. To make this politi- cally possible, social compensation should be offered to the poorest half of the population. The energy sector suffers from many shortcomings, and most of these need to be dealt with swiftly. Otherwise, new rent-seeking interests will evolve, and soon they will become entrenched and once again impossible to defeat. The new government has a brief window of opportunity to address the most important issues. 1. “Ukraina osvoboditsya ot ‘gazovoi zavisimosti’ ot RF cherez 5 let—Yatsenyuk” [“Yatsenyuk: Ukraine Will Free Itself from Gas Dependence on Russia in 5 Years”], Ekonomichna pravda, Sep- tember 8, 2014. -
Download Dallas Properties Complaint
Case 1:20-cv-23278-XXXX Document 1 Entered on FLSD Docket 08/06/2020 Page 1 of 41 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF FLORIDA CASE NO. UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Plaintiff, vs. JURY TRIAL DEMANDED REAL PROPERTY LOCATED AT 7505 AND 7171 FOREST LANE, DALLAS, TEXAS 75230, WITH ALL APPURTENANCES, IMPROVEMENTS, AND ATTACHMENTS THEREON, AND ANY RIGHT TO COLLECT AND RECEIVE ANY PROFIT, RENT, INCOME, AND PROCEEDS THEREFROM, Defendant. / VERIFIED COMPLAINT FOR FORFEITURE IN REM The United States of America, by its undersigned attorneys and in accordance with Rule G of the Supplemental Rules for Admiralty or Maritime Claims and Asset Forfeiture Actions, brings this complaint for forfeiture in rem and alleges the following: NATURE OF THE ACTION 1. This is a civil action in rem to forfeit assets that facilitated, were involved in, and are traceable to an international conspiracy to launder money embezzled and fraudulently obtained from PrivatBank. 2. The misappropriated funds were used to purchase real property in Dallas, Texas, namely, a roughly 19.5-acre office park comprising three buildings, parking areas, and undeveloped land known as the CompuCom Campus and located at 7505 and 7171 Forest Lane, Dallas, Texas 75230 (together with all appurtenances, improvements, and attachments thereon, 1 Case 1:20-cv-23278-XXXX Document 1 Entered on FLSD Docket 08/06/2020 Page 2 of 41 and any right to collect and receive any profit, rent, income, and proceeds therefrom, the “Defendant Asset”). 3. The United States seeks forfeiture of the Defendant Asset pursuant to 18 U.S.C. § 981(a)(1)(C), because the Defendant Asset is traceable to violations of U.S. -
Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock Or Re-Start? Ukraineukraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine Has Over the Past Ten Years Developed a Very Close Partnership with NATO
Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start? UkraineUkraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine has over the past ten years developed a very close partnership with NATO. Key areas of Deadlock or Re-start? consultation and co-operation include, for instance, peacekeeping operations, and defence and Deadlock or Re-start? security sector reform. NATO’s engagement serves two vital purposes for Ukraine. First, it enhan- Jakob Hedenskog ces Ukraine’s long-term security and serves as a guarantee for the independence of the state; and JAKOB HEDENSKOG second, it promotes and encourages democratic institutionalisation and spreading of democratic norms and values in the country. JAKOB HEDENSKOG Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start NATO’s door for Ukraine remains open. The future development of the integration depends on Ukraine’s correspondence to the standards of NATO membership, on the determination of its political leadership, and on an effective mobilisation of public opinion on NATO membership. This report shows that Ukraine has made progress in reaching the standards for NATO membership, especially in the spheres of military contribution and interoperability. However the absence of national consensus and lack of political will and strategic management of the government hamper any effective implementation of Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration. It is also crucial to neutralise Russia’s influence, which seriously hampers Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic course. Leading representati- ves of the current leadership, especially Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych and his Party of Regions of Ukraine, prefer for the moment continued stable relations with Russia rather than NATO mem- ? bership. Jakob Hedenskog is a security policy analyst at the Swedish Defence Re- search Agency (FOI) specialised on Ukraine. -
Comparative Connections: East Asian Bilateral Relations, 2Q 1999
U.S.-Russia Relations: A Time of Troubles Keith Bush he Kosovo crisis dominated relations between the U.S. and Russia during this period. TEven before the U.S.-led NATO force commenced its aerial bombardment of Serbia, anti-U.S. and anti-Western sentiment within Russia was running at the highest pitch in recent memory, and certainly since the end of the Cold War. Whereas Russian antipathy to the expansion of NATO had been confined largely to the Moscow and St. Petersburg chattering classes, the assault on Serbia struck a chord among the broader public and indignation was also expressed among the younger generation and the intelligentsia. It brought to a head the growing sense of frustration, impotence, and irrelevance felt by most Russians as their nation was sidelined on the international stage by the sole remaining superpower, and their economy continued to deteriorate--for which many blamed Western advisers and international financial institutions. The NATO bombing campaign exacerbated these sentiments to the extent that most polls showed over 80 percent--and sometimes up to 98 percent--of respondents condemning the U.S. and NATO. Russian Domestic Politics Although the elections for the State Duma are currently scheduled for mid- December 1999, and the presidential elections for June 2000, both election campaigns are already under way. This has manifested itself in the deeds, and especially the words, of the principal Russian protagonists during the Kosovo crisis. Thus then-Prime Minister Primakov gave vent to bitter recriminations against the U.S. and NATO, even while doing his best to accommodate the IMF and its most prominent member. -
Russia's Islamic Diplom
Russia's Islamic Diplom Russia's Islamic Diplomacy ed. Marlene Laruelle CAP paper no. 220, June 2019 "Islam in Russia, Russia in the Islamic World" Initiative Russia’s Islamic Diplomacy Ed. Marlene Laruelle The Initiative “Islam in Russia, Russia in the Islamic World” is generously funded by the Henry Luce Foundation Cover photo: Talgat Tadjuddin, Chief Mufti of Russia and head of the Central Muslim Spiritual Board of Russia, meeting with the Armenian Catholicos Karekin II and Mufti Ismail Berdiyev, President of the Karachay-Cherkessia Spiritual Board, Moscow, December 1, 2016. Credit : Artyom Korotayev, TASS/Alamy Live News HAGFW9. Table of Contents Chapter 1. Russia and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation: Conflicting Interactions Grigory Kosach………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….5 Chapter 2. Always Looming: The Russian Muslim Factor in Moscow's Relations with Gulf Arab States Mark N. Katz………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 2 1 Chapter 3. Russia and the Islamic Worlds: The Case of Shia Islam Clément Therme ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………... 25 Chapter 4. A Kadyrovization of Russian Foreign Policy in the Middle East: Autocrats in Track II Diplomacy and Other Humanitarian Activities Jean-Francois Ratelle……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….3 1 Chapter 5. Tatarstan's Paradiplomacy with the Islamic World Guzel Yusupova……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….3 7 Chapter 6. Russian Islamic Religious Authorities and Their Activities at the Regional, National, and International Levels Denis Sokolov………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 41 Chapter 7. The Economics of the Hajj: The Case of Tatarstan Azat Akhunov…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..4 7 Chapter 8. The Effect of the Pilgrimage to Mecca on the Socio-Political Views of Muslims in Russia’s North Caucasus Mikhail Alexseev…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 5 3 Authors’ Biographies……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….5 9 @ 2019 Central Asia Program Chapter 1. -
Gazprom: Gas Giant Under Strain
Gazprom: Gas Giant Under Strain Nadejda Makarova Victor Working Paper #71 January 2008 The Program on Energy and Sustainable Development at Stanford University is an interdisciplinary research program focused on the economic and environmental consequences of global energy consumption. Its studies examine the development of global natural gas markets, the role of national oil companies, reform of electric power markets, international climate policy, and how the availability of modern energy services, such as electricity, can affect the process of economic growth in the world’s poorest regions. The Program, established in September 2001, includes a global network of scholars—based at centers of excellence on five continents—in law, political science, economics and engineering. It is based at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies. Program on Energy and Sustainable Development Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies Encina Hall East, Room E415 Stanford University Stanford, CA 94305-6055 http://pesd.stanford.edu About the National Oil Company Study While the role of the state is declining in nearly every sector of world economic activity, in hydrocarbons the pattern is quite different. State-controlled oil companies—so-called national oil companies (NOCs)— remain firmly in control over the vast majority of the world's hydrocarbon resources. Some NOCs are singular in their control over their home market; others engage in various joint ventures or are exposed to competition. PESD’s study on National Oil Companies focuses on fifteen NOCs: Saudi Aramco, NIOC (National Iranian Oil Co), KPC (Kuwait Petroleum Co), PDVSA (Petróleos de Venezuela) , ADNOC (Abu Dhabi National Oil Company), NNPC (Nigerian National Petroleum Co), PEMEX, Gazprom , Sonatrach, CNPC, Petrobras, Petronas, ONGC, Sonangol, and Statoil. -
Oligarchs After the Maidan: the Old System in a 'New' Ukraine
Centre for Eastern Studies NUMBER 162 | 16.02.2015 www.osw.waw.pl Oligarchs After The Maidan: The Old System In A ‘New’ Ukraine Wojciech Konończuk There have been major changes in the balance of forces among the key Ukrainian oligarchs, rep- resentatives of big business with strong political influence, since the victory of the Maidan revo- lution. However, these changes have not undermined the oligarchic system per se. Over the past decade or so, the oligarchs have been key players in Ukrainian politics and economy, and they have retained this position until the present. One of the effects of the change of the government in Kyiv and the war in the Donbas was the elimination of the influence of ‘the family’ – the people from Viktor Yanukovych’s inner circle who formed the most expansive oligarchic group in Ukraine at the time of his presidency. The influence of Rinat Akhmetov, the country’s wealthiest man, has also weakened significantly; Akhmetov was one of the most influential people in Ukraine for more than ten years, partly owing to his close bonds with Yanukovych. Dmytro Firtash’s group has also lost a great deal of its influence since Firtash was arrested in Austria in March 2014. The elimination (‘the family’) or the reduction in influence (Akhmetov and Firtash) of what were until recently the most powerful oligarchic groups has been accompanied over the past few months by an unprecedented increase in the influence of Ihor Kolomoyskyi. The present governor of Dnipropetrovsk oblast has become Ukraine’s most powerful oligarch, and has am- bitions to expand his influence. -
The Future of Ukrainian Oligarchsdownload
Ukrainian Institute for the Future is an independent analytical center that: • forecasts changes and models possible scenarios for events in Ukraine; • makes a competent assessment of the Ukrainian events; • makes specific recommendations for actions; • offers effective solutions; • offers a platform for discussions on current topics. It is a project of representatives of Ukrainian business, politics and the public sector. Founded in summer 2016. AUTHORS Victor Andrusiv Executive Director of the Ukrainian Institute for the Future, PhD in Political Science, analyst and opinion journalist, author of the book “Change the future” Oleg Ustenko Executive Director of the Bleyzer Foundation, President of Harvard Club of Ukraine alumni association Yurii Romanenko Co-founder of the Ukrainian Institute for the Future, head of the International and Domestic Policy programme, editor-in-chief of the portal Hvylya Ihar Tyshkevich Expert of International and Domestic Politics programme of the Ukrainian Institute for the Future (UIF) © Art-direction D!VANDESIGN © Idea and design INCOGNITA INTRODUCTION. THE BRITISH DISEASE IN UKRAINE Content 05 THEORY AND STRUCTURE OF THE UKRAINIAN OLIGARCHY 06 INFLUENCE OVER ENERGY INDUSTRY 14 INFLUENCE OVER METALLURGY 26 INFLUENCE OVER TRANSPORT INFRASTRUCTURE 38 INFLUENCE OVER MEDIA 50 INFLUENCE OVER POLITICS 62 THREE SCENARIOS FOR THE FUTURE OF THE OLIGARCHS 72 Victor Andrusiv Executive Director of the Ukrainian Institute for the Future, PhD in Political Science, analyst and opinion journalist, author of the book “Change the future” Introduction: the British disease in Ukraine After the fall of the Soviet Union, the starting conditions for economic development in Ukraine were advanta- geous. However, after 27 years of independence, we continue to be the most backward country of the post-Sovi- et bloc.