New Mexico Historical Review
Volume 83 Number 4 Article 2
10-1-2008
Rutas del Corazón: Pilgrimage and Cultural Commerce on the Camino Real de Tierra Adentro
Enrique R. Lamadrid
Miguel Gandert
Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/nmhr
Recommended Citation Lamadrid, Enrique R. and Miguel Gandert. "Rutas del Corazón: Pilgrimage and Cultural Commerce on the Camino Real de Tierra Adentro." New Mexico Historical Review 83, 4 (2008). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/nmhr/vol83/iss4/2
This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in New Mexico Historical Review by an authorized editor of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Rutas del Corazon PILGRIMAGE AND CULTURAL COMMERCE ON THE CAMINO REAL DE TIERRA ADENTR01
Enrique R. Lamadrid Photographs by Miguel Gandert
or over four centuries, the Camino Real de Tierra Adentro (Royal Road F ofthe Interior) served as the passageway for people, politics, and trade, linking New Mexico with Mexico and the rest of the world.zAs the oldest continually used historical route in North America, much of the initial re search on the Camino Real has concentrated on military history, commerce, technology, missions, and genealogy.3 On this foundation, the more elusive contours ofcultural history can be traced through the intangible heritage of the Camino Real. 4 During the early colonial period, the Spanish established missionary projects to convert the local Natives as New Spain expanded into the northlands. This legacy of intercultural spirituality still inspires the peoples ofa vast region now crossed by an international boundary. The lure of pil grimage, self-discovery, and renewal leads the people of Mexico and New Mexico back along the geographical and cultural corridors that join their destiny with their history. No need to cross the ocean to find the spirit of
Enrique R. Lamadrid's research on the contexts and corridors oftraditional Nuevomexicano culture has led him up and down the Camino Real and into its watersheds. He led the design team and was co-curator ofthe permanent exhibit at the International Camino Real Heritage Center south of Socorro, New Mexico. At the University ofNew Mexico, he teaches folklore, literature, and cultural history and directs the Chicano/Hispano/Mexicano Studies program. His research on cultural hybridity culminated in his acclaimed book Hennanitos Comanchitos: 423 lndo-Hispano Rituals ofCaptivity and Redemption (University of New Mexico Press, 2003)· 424 ~ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 83, NUMBER 4
Nuevo Mexico. Its cultural roots are still alive and well on the Camino Real between Santa Fe, Zacatecas, and points south into Mexico. Culture is so closely linked to identity that we must broaden the focus for a moment. Nuevomexicano students often ask ifwe are Spanish or Mexican. Instead of sharing personal perceptions, I direct them to the foundational documents of the second of New Mexico's three villas. A more comprehen sive sense of the collective first person emerges from the proclamation of Gov. Diego de Vargas on 19 April 1695, establishing the Villa Nueva de Santa Cruz de Espanoles Mexicanos del Rey Senor Carlos Segundo (New Villa of the Holy Cross ofSpanish Mexicans ofthe King Lord Carlos the Second).5 In this document, students discover that the intertwined roots of regional iden tity emerge and encompass both hispanidad and mexicanidad. In this cultural landscape, folk religion, ritual, dance, and music are key components that link north and south, past and future in one ofthe greatest intercultural legacies ofhumanity in North America. Catholic saints' devo tions such as Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe, Santo Nino de Atocha, San Antonio, San Lorenzo, and el Senor de Mapimi are central, as well as the confraternities that tend them, most important the brotherhood ofNuestro Padre Jeslis Nazareno (also known as the Penitentes).6 Ritualized folk dra mas include the Matachines (the dance of the conquest) and the plays of the Morisma (Christians and Moors) and Pastorela (Christmas shepherds).7 Both religious and secular folk traditions served to transmit cultural values and knowledge and satisfy the need for creative expression. In the last decades before the United States invasion ofnorthern Mexico in 1846, formal education and the democratic ideals and liberal values ofla Ilustraci6n (the Enlightenment) permeated the major cultural current flow ing northward from central Mexico. Between 1750 and 1850, dozens of N uevomexicanos from prominent and liberal families were educated in the Colegio Seminario de Durango, originally founded by the Jesuits, in the fields of science, metallurgy, government, humanities, letters, and theol ogy. They returned as leaders, engineers, educators, and clergy, and changed New Mexico.s To see one of our hijos ilustres (eminent sons), Padre Anto nio Jose Martinez, honored with a bronze statue with book and pen in hand, on the Plaza ofTaos is heartening.9 But the illustrious influence of the En lightenment is a subject for another article. The focus of this inquiry is on the popular traditions and first traveling devotions ofthe Camino Real, which serve as the clearest window into the emerging mestizo soul ofNuevo Mexico and the interconnection of its cultures. FALL 2008 LAMADRID ~ 425
Pilgrimage remains the most dynamic and unifying link of the intan gible cultural traditions of the Camino Real de Tierra Adentro. Broadly defined as the travel ofthe spirit, pilgrimage can also include heritage tour ism, the journeys of rediscovery of peoples separated by borders and other political obstacles. According to cultural anthropologist Victor Turner, the power of pilgrimage lies in its structural resemblance to rites of passage in
MAP OF THE CAMINO REAL DE TIERRA ADENTRO (Map from The Royal Road: EI Camino Real from Mexico City to Santa Fe [1998J. Map courtesy University of New Mexico Press) 426 ~ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 83, NUMBER 4 which the initiate departs the everyday world and passes physically and spiri tually through an intense liminal or threshold state into communitas, a new stage oflife and communal consciousness. 1O Before the European incursion into Mesoamerica, pilgrimage was al ready part of the cultural landscape. The migration oftribes from north to south was remembered and re-enacted in ritual. Holy routes to mountaintops, oceans, salt deposits, and water sources both celestial and terrestrial became part of indigenous religion." According to European Christian beliefs, un like rites ofpassage imbedded in the sacraments, pilgrimage was not inevi table or obligatory, but rather volitional. The peregrino (pilgrim) chose to hit the road and to explore the metaphorical realm ofhomo viator, the spiri tual traveler on the road of life. The reward remained communitas, a new and enhanced sense of life and shared purpose. The first Spanish Mexicans to venture north to found new communities in the farthest reaches of Nueva Espana faced formidable barriers. Their passage was so dangerous that divine favor and grace seemed as necessary and important as good planning and proper provisions. The motivations for travel under such difficult circumstances were by definition profound and compelling. When explorer Gaspar Perez de Villagra composed his poetic tribute to the settlement of Nuevo Mexico a mere decade after the entrada of 1598, he chose the heroic endecasyllabic verse of Renaissance epic po etry. In stirring hyperbole, Villagra sang of emerging dynasties and a shin ing new city on the banks of el Rio del Norte founded by the noble sons of Zacatecas. Legitimacy to possess the land was based on the illustrious Indo Hispano genealogy of don Juan de Onate's son Cristobal. Through his mother, dona Isabel, the scion of don Juan was also a direct descendent of Hernan Cortez and los Reyes mexicanos (the Aztec nobility). In full-blown literary and historical allusion, Villagra linked the remote events ofthe up per Rio Grande (referred to as the Rio Bravo del Norte in Mexico) to the founding of Rome, the most famous empire of yore, as established on the banks of the Tiber River in the verses of Virgil's Aeneid. ll To the greater glory of the Onate expedition's families, Villagra likened them to their Ro man and Greek forebears who survived their own ordeals to cross their great river into the "Elysian Fields."'3 Historian fray Angelico Chavez noted the biblical dimensions that underlie Villagra's references to classical antiquity. As people of God, the first Nuevomexicanos crossed a forbidding Sinai to the cool meadows and cottonwood groves of their River Jordan into their Promised Land.'4 FALL 2008 LAMADRID ~ 427
But the epic sensibility also had a more recent inspiration in la Reconquista (the reconquest ofSpain), which was the only Holy Crusade in which Spanish soldiers ofthe cross did not have to travel to foreign lands to fight. Morisma or "Moorish" celebrations are ritual reminders ofthis struggle; the mock battles and reconquest dramas are still celebrated on special occa sions and feast days in Mexico and New Mexico. In the spring and summer of 1598, "Juegos de Moros y Cristianos" (the plays of the Moors and Chris tians) commemorated two key moments during the Spanish entrada into New Mexico: the "First Thanksgiving" on 30 April after first crossing into New Mexico and the feast day ofSaint John the Baptist later in the summer at Ohkey Owingeh,. San Juan Pueblo. 15 In a similar vein, "The Moors and Christians" was performed in modern. day Alcalde, New Mexico, just north ofOhkey Owingeh through the 1950S, and in nearby Chimayo, New Mexico, through the 199os.16 Back in 1598, the epic struggle between Islam and Christianity was still fresh in the popular imagination. Reveling in the triumphs ofthe past helped with facing the threats ofthe present. As horses galloped back and forth and harquebuses and cannons were fired, Pueblo Indians watched the spectacles in fear and amazement. The modern Chimayo play shares motifs and epi sodes with other Morismas in Spain and the Americas: the Moors deceive the Christians, steal their cross, and hold it for ransom. After the battle with "ochenta mil soldados" (eighty thousand soldiers), as the script claims, the cross was recapturedY This claim may sound like fanciful exaggeration on the lips of the two dozen mounted actors in the New Mexico play, but a visitor to the Morisma de Bracho in Zacatecas for the Feast of the Martyr dom of Saint John the Baptist celebrated annually on 29 August might see legions approaching those outrageous numbers. In the summer of 2006, fifteen thousand participants took to the field in Zacatecas. 18 Morisma texts have survived in various forms in villages, towns, and cit ies between New Mexico and Zacatecas. The New Mexico play may last fifty minutes, complete with battles on horseback. With a labyrinthine plot that conflates eight centuries of Christian-Islamic relations, the Zacatecas play lasts for three days. In New Mexico, after the battle and the recapture· ofthe cross, the Moorish prisoners are freed by the merciful Christian king Alfonso. In the last scene, the Gran Sultan begs to become a Christian. Over the last eight centuries, this drama commemorates Christendom's ut most fantasy, and the sultan has had many names, including Suleiman, Abul Hassan, Argel de Ozman, Boabdil, Alf Pasha, Osama, and Sadaam. ATAQUE DE LOS TURCOS
The Turks advance on the Christians during the Morisma de Bracho in Zacatecas, 2006. (Photograph Miguel Gandert) FALL 2008 LAMADRID 7429
SULTAN: Cristiano, ya tu valor [Christian, your valor has me Me tiene a tus pies postrado. Prostrate at your feet. Te pido por westra Cruz I beg you by your Cross Y por tu Dios venerado And by your venerated God Que me des la libertad That you give me liberty Que estoy desengafiado Because I see the light Que s610 tu Dios es grande Only your God is great YMahoma todo engafio. And Mohammed is alllies.Jl9
The mercy bestowed by the Spaniards upon their repentant foes did not go unnoticed by Native American observers in New Mexico.20 Peace, inclu sion, and brotherhood were the rewards ofconversion. By implication those who did not submit to the True Cross could expect the flash and fury of Spanish cannons, steel, and horses. After the Chichimeca wars of the six teenth century, there were few local Natives to impress in Zacatecas, there fore the current Morisma is performed entirely by and for mestizos. Numerous scenes of conversion, baptism, and revenge lead into pitched battles. Since 2003 the obvious parallels with the U.S. occupation of Iraq add another level of irony for viewers and participants. The most grisly and violent scene is the conversion and execution ofKing Argel de Ozman after his defeat by the Christian knight don Armando de Guzman at the climax of the play on day three. Moments after the waters of baptism splash his brow, he is decapitated and his head is paraded in triumph across the battle 2 field, the final event of a three-day frenzy offolk plays and pitched battles. ! But enough ofhistorical fantasy; the realities and disappointments oflife on the northern frontier in the sixteenth century were more sobering than the pageant presented. The moors were a world away. Closer. at hand were the real threats ofwarfare and the specter ofprivation. In this grim context, the inventories of family possessions are a poignant reminder of hope and hopelessness. In the trunk ofone proud family was a selection of lace, em broidered silk dresses, and twenty-one pairs of Cordovan leather slippers to dance on the rough caliche plaza ofSan Gabriel Yungue Owingeh.22 As the search for new bonanzas ofsilver proved fruitless, the threat ofNative rebel lions loomed. In the early years, colonial authorities restricted travel and commerce. Only the permission of an alcalde gave license to travel within the prov ince. To venture beyond required the approval ofthe gobernador. In a closely
'-: 430 ~ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 83, NUMBER 4 guarded world, pilgrimage was localized and increasingly polycentric. Holy journeys only ventured as far as the local calvaria (calvary), a hill or high spot near each settlement, where the crucifixion of Jesus was recalled in prayer and celebration. In a syncretic embrace, many calvarias were super imposed on already ancient sacred sites, as the contiguous petroglyphs and ruins attest.23 The journey to the holy places of the life and death of Christ were and are revisited ritually in las Estaciones (the Stations ofthe Cross), which are especially powerful when staged outdoors in the streets of a village leading uphill to a calvaria. Local pilgrimage is a complex surrogate for the journey to the source and holy lands ofla Santa Fe (the holy faith). The procession is a simulated pilgrimage that resanctifies spaces, boundaries, fields, water sources, and other sacred sites located just beyond the domestic sphere of families and households. 24 The sense ofNew Mexico as a tierra sagrada (sanctified land) is a sign of a new mestizo heritage forged after the great Pueblo Revolt of1680. Within a few generations, the settlers were spiritually possessed by the land. As they became Nuevomexicanos and indigenous to the place, their Campo Santo (the Sacred Ground) boundaries extended past the narrow churchyard and the bones ofthe dead toward valleys, plains, and mountains beyond.25 Cen tral to this sacred landscape are the Native and mestizo peoples who have survived the rigors ofthe northern desert and the historic encounter of Im perial Spain and the Pueblo world. Like their ancestors from Taos to El Paso del Norte, Zacatecas and beyond, the people of the northlands dance in unison to the insistent but gentle music ofdrums and rattles, guitars and violins. Matachines dancers are found in Indian Pueblos and Hispano vil lages alike. The fluttering ribbons that hang from their crowns and shoul ders are the colors ofthe rainbow. In proud formation they do battle against chaos and reenact the terms of their own capitulation to a new spirituality. A bull runs wild through their lines like the Minotaur through his laby rinth. With rain gourds in one hand and three-pronged lightning swords in the other, the dancers carve the wind in symmetrical arabesques. Christian souls or Aztec spirits? They dance in graceful reconciliation, now in lines, now in crosses. In their midst a great king receives the counsel ofa little girl. She is Malinche. In the south her name is synonymous with betrayal, but she is no traitor in New Mexico.26 Stumbling along the edges ofthe fray, the grotesque abuelos guard the dancers, make fun ofthe people, and ridicule the New World order. These old men ofthe mountains taunt FALL 2008 LAMADRID 4431
ABUELOS VIVOS, TaROS MUERTOS The bulls are castrated during the Matachines dance in Alcalde, New Mexico, 1999. (Photograph Miguel Candert) and overpower the toro (bull). They kill and castrate him. They cast his seed to the joyful crowd. Have they vanquished evil as the people say or has the savage bull ofEuropean empire met its consummation? Gracias a Dios it is a mystery, we all agree. Legend says that long ago Moctezuma himself flew north in the form of a bird bearing bad news and good adviceY He warned that bearded foreign ers were on their way north, but ifthe people mastered this dance, the strang ers would learn to respect them, join in, and come to be just like them. This lore is of course a poetic description of the Matachines dance and how it came to be shared between the cultures of New Mexico. 28 Ritual dance drama cannot be explained, only evoked.29 The yearly revival of the Fiesta de Santa Fe commemorates the Reconquista (1692) -the return of the Espanoles Mexicanos to New Mexico -and the Matachines dance is the truest celebration oftheir atone ment and reconciliation with their Pueblo neighbors. 30 The link between the triumph of the Reconquista of Spain in 1492 and the Reconquista of Nuevo Mexico in 1692 was resonant in the minds of Governor Vargas and 432 ~ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 83, NUMBER 4 his people. The final battle for Granada, Andalucia, was directed from the encampment christened Santa Fe north ofthe Moorish city. In this light, the fight for Santa Fe, Nuevo Mexico, two centuries later was doubly poignant. Ask the people of Bernalillo, New Mexico, about Governor Vargas. He died there in 1704, when he fell ill during a campaign against the Apaches in the Sandia Mountains. According to tradition and historical memory in Bernalillo, Vargas made a promesa (holy vow) to San Lorenzo when he returned to New Mexico, for the Pueblo Revolt had erupted on the feast day ofSan Lorenzo on 10 August 1680. According to this legend, he credited the saint with delivering the people ofNew Mexico from destruction, allowing them to escape to EI Paso del Norte, and enabling their return. The promesa was to remember forever their deliverance through ritual dance and fiestas. The people ofBernalillo have kept his promise and challenge the Fiesta de Santa Fe by hosting the other "oldest continuous community celebration of the state."l! Ask the people of EI Paso del Norte, now Ciudad Juarez, about San Lorenzo and the Pueblo Revolt. When their ancestors, the refugees from New Mexico, settled just a few miles southeast of the old Guadalupe mis sion, they named the new town San Lorenzo. Now it is a neighborhood and parish in the great border city. For their feast day, like the people of Bernalillo, they dance the Matachines, but in the southern style to drums and violins in brilliant red attire with embroidered reed aprons. They dance in lively but solemn procession, in faith and in remembrance.l2 There are many more links to a common heritage up and down the Camino Real de Tierra Adentro. With the advent of more peaceful relations with the Pueblo nations, increasing travel and trade cast the network of local pilgrimage wider. An thropologist Turner notes that the patterns of commerce and mercantilism that developed into capitalism owe just as much to the Catholic obligation of holy pilgrimage as to the Protestant work ethic.ll The great trade fairs of northern New Spain, such as San Juan del Rio, were synchronized with Catho lic pilgrimage and feast days. In New Mexico, trade fairs were sanctioned by the Paz de Dios (God's Truce), which created a framework ofpeace in which enemies could conduct their commerce. By the end ofthe eighteenth cen tury, Nuevo Mexico began to prosper.l4 The Bourbon Reforms brought ad ditional military protection, subsidies from the crown, diplomacy, and peace with the Comanches to the Provincias Intemas, which included Nuevo Mexico and Nueva Vizcaya. Production and trade diversified to include DANZA DE LA PLUMA The pilgrims dance for San Lorenzo in front of Iglesia de San Lorenzo in Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua, 2008. (Photograph Miguel Gandert) 434? NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 83, NUMBER 4 manufactured products like the beautiful banded RIo Grande style sarapes, which were used as blankets and rugs. Born in 1771 during these prosperous times, Bernardo Abeyta was an enterprising individual from the emerging weaving center ofChimayo, New Mexico. His knowledge of the intangible heritage of the Camino Real de Tierra Adentro reached far beyond Nuevo Mexico. Whether he or some one close to him traded or traveled south on the Camino is not specifically documented, but through him, two new religious traditions came north. First, in 1813 he petitioned to build a new Santuario (Sanctuary) on top of an ancient Tewa sacred spring in the Potrero area of Chimayo to be dedi cated to the miraculous Senor de Esquipulas. The veneration of Senor de Esquipulas originated with the Chorotega Mayans in Guatemala where a miraculous Christ hung crucified on a green Tree of Life sprouting from holy earth, which pilgrims collect, anoint, and ingest to sooth their ills. 35 After Abeyta's death in 1856, a nearby chapel was dedicated to another santo of the Camino Real, Santo Nino de Atocha. This devotion to the child Jesus dressed as a pilgrim on the road to his twin brother's shrine at Santiago de Compostela proliferated in Chimayo. In subsequent decades, except for the collateral benefit of the holy earth that could be obtained at the same site, the devotion to Esquipulas was eclipsed by Santo Nino who became the unofficial patron saint of Chimayo, and therefore, New Mexico. As a pilgrim, Santo Nino is free to wander far beyond the confines ofthe altar to help people in the places where they need him. He is remembered as a protector of travelers and rescuer of captives. By the end of the century, Chimayo began attracting a large variety of pilgrims, both Christian and secular, and grew into the largest and most important pilgrimage destina tion in twentieth- and twenty-first-century North America.36 This legacy of intercultural spirituality still inspires people from the vast regions of El Norte, which is currently divided by the U.S.-Mexico border. American claims for Manifest Destiny imposed the international boundary upon the region in the nineteenth century. Now, in the twenty-first century, a globalized economy dictates that many people adopt transnational strate gies for survival, but people displaced by migration never forget their roots and places of origin. Just as commerce and pilgrimage interconnect on the Camino Real, the phenomenon of heritage tourism, which entices people to travel in search ofthemselves, has become another element drawing people along the Royal Road. By the 1990S, more than half of the people born in Zacatecas lived in the United States. They are anxious to teach their chil- FALL 2008 LAMADRID ?435
LA CAMINANTE QUIERE CAMINAR The pilgrims offer their prayers in the Santuario de Chimayo in Potrero,.New Mexico, 2000. (Photograph Miguel Gandert) dren about their homeland in Mexico and their historical connections to America. Another International Camino Real Heritage Center has been proposed in Zacatecas, as well as in Chihuahua, following the lead of New 3 Mexico. ? The family history ofone ofmy students at the University ofNew Mexico is a case in point. After losing their ranch and land near Chalchihuites, Zacatecas, to drought and poverty, parents, brothers, and sisters of the Banuelos family gravitated first to cities in Mexico and then traveled across the border to EI Paso, Texas, then California, and finally settled in Albu querque, New Mexico, to secure sustenance and stability. One by on~, over fifteen years, each attained residency status in the United States. After years of daily prayers, their mother's dream was fulfilled and their promise to Santo Nino de Atocha could be repaid with a visita (holy visitation). The mother had vowed to return a treasured picture of the Holy Child to the altar where it was originally blessed at Plateros, Zacatecas.38 Parents, children, cousins, and grandchildren piled into a second-hand recreational vehicle and made the pilgrimage south. Adventures on the road 436 -+ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 83, NUMBER 4 included mechanical breakdowns and near disasters, but the manda (holy vow) was completed. The holy picture and a five-page handwritten note of thanks were left with tens ofthousands ofother ex-votos (offerings ofthanks, including texts, photos, locks of hair, etc.) on the walls of the convent of Plateros. The earliest offerings date from the late eighteenth century. All are stories and histories ofthe Camino Real de Tierra Adentro, despite the present barriers and challenges of transnationalism. Now the family, like increasing numbers of Mexican families in New Mexico, maintains the devotion to Santo Nino, the pilgrim saint, by walking to the Santuario de Chimayo for Semana Santa (Holy Week). Bernardo Abeyta's second contribution has also persisted into contem porary times. Well before 1853, he introduced the Reglas (constitutional documents), which established the autonomy and authority of the Santa Hermandad de la Sangre de Nuestro Senor Jesucristo, the influential Catho lic lay penitential brotherhood.39 The brotherhood is dedicated to and now named for Nuestro Padre Jesus Nazareno, which celebrates the aspects of the Passion that recall Ecce Homo (Jesus at his trial) and the Man of Sor rows (Jesus scourged, crowned, wounded, and humiliated). This suffering Jesus is supremely human, a man still standing with all the strength neces sary to fulfill his transcendental burdens. As the Son ofGod, he takes on the role of his Father and exemplifies suffering humanity. In each community, the hermano mayor (head brother) embodied pa triarchal authority and fostered cooperation and mutual aid. After the U.S. invasion, hermanos (brothers) in Nuevo Mexico were deeply involved in politics and supported cultural resistance to the American occupation. Religion was a refuge and source of strength for the larger struggle at hand. The hermanos were and still are in charge ofcommunity resources like land, water, and agriculture-responsibilities long taken away from them in Mexico during the modernization programs of La Reforma in the 1860s. 40 In March 2006, a group of Hermanos de Nuestro Padre Jesus Nazareno from northern New Mexico made a historic pilgrimage to Durango, the capital city of the Mexican state of the same name. The carefully self-se lected group, inc!uding craftsmen, singers, santeros (saint makers), and schol ars, comprised representatives and officers from different Morada chapels and chapters. The spiritual quest of these hermanos was as strong as their desire to take charge oftheir own cultural representation and interpret their own history. FALL 2008 LAMADRID ~ 437
Durango is deeply significant to the Hermandad because the Archdiocese for Nuevo Mexico was headquartered there until 1851. Considered as the Ath ens ofthe Camino Real de Tierra Adentro, the city attracted students from all over northern Nueva Espana and Mexico. As mentioned already, the most famous graduate ofDurango's Colegio Seminario was Padre Martfnez ofTaos, a key advocate and mentor to the Hermandad.41 For the journey in 2006, three cofradzas (brotherhoods) in Cuencame, Durango city, and Nombre de Dios were identified and contacted with the support of Mexican colleagues, including anthropologist Tomas Martinez Saldana and historian Jose de la Cruz Pacheco Rojas of the Instituto de Investigaciones Hist6ricas who helped arrange formal visitas for the hermanos to meet, pray, and break bread with each other. Heated controversies exist regarding the origins and devotional practices ofthe Penitentes, with some scholars veering as far afield as Andalucfa in search ofclues. The curiosity of some writers verges on obsession. Others have been openly critical and even hostile to the brotherhood. No need to cross the ocean because just down the Camino Real, cofradfas abound. By 1790 there were over 150 cofradfas registered in Nueva Vizcaya. 42 As in Nuevo Mexico, their responsibilities included ensuring the general spiri tual and material well being ofthe community, plus maintaining the devo tions dedicated to their patron saints. Some cofradfas in mining areas accumulated capital in silver. Other cofradfas controlled farms, sources of water, orchards, livestock, and even property in urbanized areas. Besides economic resources, the cofradfas also had political influence. Hermanos often held political and administrative posts such as alcalde mayor. Despite the similarities, by the nineteenth century the Hermandad located north of the international border faced a new crisis as they dealt with an American political system intent on the subordination ofthe Hispano and Native popu lation. In Mexico the Hermandades confronted a triple crisis: the Bourbon and Jansenist reforms of the late eighteenth century; la Reforma in the lat ter nineteenth century, which eliminated traditional systems of land and water governance; and the Mexican Revolution of 1910 and the counter revolutionary Cristero wars from 1926 to 1929. The Church recruited hermanos to challenge the new revolutionary government and its armies with tragic and disastrous results. In Mexico it is remarkable thatany cofradfas survived at all. The first visita of the hermanos Nuevomexicanos in 2006 was to Cuencame, an old mining settlement on the Camino Real as it winds north 438 -+ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 83, NUMBER 4
HERMANOS DEL SENOR DE MAPIMI: BROTHERS OF OUR LORD OF MAPIMI FROM CUENCAME, DURANGO, 2006 (Photograph Miguel Gandert)
ofZacatecas and into eastern Durango state. The devotions and rituals in Cuencame center on Nuestro Sefior de Mapimf, a miraculous crucified Christ that is especially significant to miners and to frontline communi ties that fought the Indians during the colonial period. On Jueves Santo (Holy Thursday) in 1715, the Toboso Indians attacked a procession at Mapimf and killed over three hundred people. Two soldiers managed to escape to the east with the Cristo to the Sierra de Jimulco, where they hid the santo in a mesquite tree by a spring. A pious Indian woman found and guarded the saint, and notified the nearest village. On 6 August 1715, the Cristo was brought to Cuencame and a cofradfa was soon organized. When the saint was loaded for transport to Mapimf, the wagon became too heavy to move, a sign that the Cristo wanted to stay in Cuencame. Because many of its members were miners, the Cofradfa del Sefior de Mapimf grew and prospered. In a 1790 register, its assets totaled 3,825 pesos, a size able fortune. The devotions to San Antonio, Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores, and Jeslls Nazareno are also prominent in Cuencame, with societies of Matachines and Pluma dancers all around. An identical ritual cluster can be found in FALL 2008 LAMADRID ~439 the villages of the Sandia and Manzano mountains, complete with the color ful Matachines conquest dance drama. In 2005 mayordomos (fiesta stewards) from San Antonito in the Sandia Mountains made their own visitas to Cuencame to make personal contact with their patron saint, el Senor de Mapimf. The Mexicanos were amazed that Nuevomexicanos from the other side of the border shared their devotion, which dates to the late eighteenth century in New Mexico.43 In Cuencame on their pilgrimage in 2006, the Nuevomexicano hermanos were received by their Mexicano hermanos with a reZiquia (reliquary) or communal meal ofcaZda duranguefio, known as green chile stew in Nuevo Mexico. They learned that since the parish priest serves as hermano mayor, the Hermandad del Senor de Mapimi is effectively under the control of the Catholic Church. The lack oflocal autonomy sets this cofradia apart from the New Mexico cofradfa, although devotions, customs, foodways, and even music share so many commonalities. In Durango the next visita was the Iglesia de San Agustin, home to a size able congregation of hundreds of Hermanos de Nuestro Padre Jesus Nazareno divided into seven caTOS (choruses), each in charge ofspecific devotions, music, and days ofSemana Santa. In 1673 the Cofradfa del Dulce Nombre de Jesus and its prominent Spanish and criollo members brought a stunning image of Jesus Nazareno in the Escuela Montanesa style from Sevilla.44 If the strategy of Counter Reformation art was to persuade and impress, this Nazareno fulfilled its TRISTEZA DEL VIERNES SANTO: SISTER function and attracted many new AND LITTLE BROTHER OF OUR FATHER members to the devotion. Abp. Pedro JESUS IN IGLESIA DE SAN AGUSTIN IN Tamar6n y Romeral was especially CIUDAD DURANGO, DURANGO, 2008 moved by the sculpture. When Au (Photograph Miguel Gandert) gustinian friars selected a group of 440? NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 83, NUMBER 4
pardos brothers to be in charge of the church in 1746, there was a struggle for ownership of the image, which still resides there today. The cuadernos (notebooks) of alabado hymns sung at San Agustin in Durango contain many of the same hymns used in Nuevo Mexico, per formed in the same a capella musical style sung in unison and in antipho 4 nal dialogue between prayer leaders and the congregation. \As in Cuencame, governance of this cofradfa is dominated by the church, with the Augustin ian order clearly in charge. Again, autonomy and governance are the key distinctions between this cofradfa and the Nuevomexicano cofradfa. In stark contrast, the Hermandad de Nuestro Padre Jesus in the town of Nombre de Dios has always been autonomous and inde pendent. As with the Her mandad of the same name in Nuevo Mexico, the clergy visits by invitation only. An early Franciscan outpost was established here in a well watered valley south of Durango in 1561, the first mission north ofZacatecas.46 On each side ofa river, twin communities emerged; Nom bre de Dios was where Span ish Mexicans and criollos lived, and San Francisco del Malpafs was the Indian town. The first brotherhood to take root was la Cofradfa de la Santa Vera Cruz. The Native cofradfa was named Dulce Nombre de Jesus, founded in 1671.
ESCLAVOS DE JESUS This latter group coa Three generations of faith come before God in lesced around an image of the Templo de Jesus de Nazareth in Nombre Jesus Nazareno named de Dios, Durango, 2006. Dulce Nombre de Jestls. (Photograph Miguel Gandert) The devotion to this santo FALL 2008 LAMADRID ~ 441
CONCILIO DE LOS HERMANOS The council of the brotherhood met in Nombre de Dios, Durango, in 2006. (Photograph Miguel Candert) became a focus ofresistance and social opposition to the civil and ecclesias tical authorities. The independence of the Templo de Jesus de Nazareth was never fully respected, but persists to this day. Its struggle for land and water is personified by Urajen de Luna, a legendary Indian leader from the beginning of the eighteenth century. In a water rights dispute he sustained a massive skull injury from which he miraculously recovered. His battered but intact skull still guards the church ofhis brotherhood, just as the carved death cart figures guard the Morada chapels of Nuevo Mexico. During their Lenten visita in 2006, the Nuevomexicano hermanos recited the Estaciones and participated in a communal meal and meeting with their Mexicano counterpartsY In the church, they were astounded to find the same constellation of devotions that are now found in the north, including Jesus Nazareno, el Santo Entierro, Nuestra Senora de los Dolores, Nuestra Senora de la Soledad, la Virgen de Guadalupe, Santo Nino de Atocha, las Animas Benditas del Purgatorio, San Francisco, San Antonio, San Ysidro, Santiago, and the memento maTi (reminder ofdeath in the form ofa skull or ofa carved death image). In our Semana Santa rehlfn visita in 2008 we observed an ancient full-scale santo with flexible leather shoulder joints in use for 442 ~ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 83, NUMBER 4
multiple aspects ofthe Passion, the Prendimiento (arrest and imprisonment of Jesus), the standing Nazareno figure for his trial, the Crucifixion itself, the Descendimiento (descent from the cross), and the buried Christ in the glass pane coffin ofthe Santo Entierro (Holy Sep ulcher).48 Bearing witness to these venerable rituals and the accompanying music and pray ers gave the distinct sensation of returning into a distant past to witness Nuevomexicanos' cul- tural origins. Heritage tourism cast in the tradition ofpilgrimage and visi tas led these hermanos and col leagues past regional horizons fixed in place by the tradition GUARD lANES DEL TEMPLO San Francisco and the skull of Urajen de ofpolycentrism and the barrier Luna are the guardians of the Templo de of the border to reaffirm and Jesus de Nazareth in Nombre de Dios, rediscover the intangible heri Durango, 2006. tage of the Camino Real de (Photograph Miguel Gandert) Tierra Adentro, break the illu sions of the Spanish fantasy heritage, and connect Hispano and Native peoples again to the Greater Mexico that unites us all. For Nuevomexicanos, travel up and down the Camino Real de Tierra Ade~tro offers a poignant sense of deja vu, knowing that ancestors have trod the same routes, sought their fortunes in the same towns, eaten the same foods, and prayed in the same sanctuaries. The same plazas and edifices remain, a tangible heritage waiting to be rediscovered. Intangible traditions are less overt, more fleeting, and easily overlooked. In the fiesta and pilgrim age, however, cultures in conversation are on full display, negotiating identi ties, filling byways and public spaces. Pilgrims and heritage travelers are mindful ofseason and calendar, so their efforts are rewarded with finding and encountering the human communities from which they sprang. FALL 2008 LAMADRID ~ 443
Appendix. Nos vemos en eJ Camino . ..
We close with a brief list of the northern pilgrimages along the Camino Real de Tierra Adentro, which unite the people ofnorthern Mexico and the Southwest United States in a common transnational legacy. This partial list is a call for travel and discovery, for a reconnection with Mexico, for future research, collaboration, and celebration: • To Tepeyac and the Virgen de Guadalupe from Queretaro (and many other points of departure), all year round, but especially for the feast day on 12 December • To Cerro la Bufa and la Virgen del Patrocinio in Zacatecas, who is credited for delivering the city from the U.S. Army in 1847 • To Aguascalientes and the feast ofSantiago on 25 July and la Asuncion de Marfa on 15 August, which features a miraculous appearance of Santiago on a white horse bringing an army ~f dead Moors back to life • To Zacatecas for the feast of the Martyrdom of San Juan Bautista and the phenomenal Morisma de Bracho in the hills east of the city on 29 August (Morisma battles and celebrations also occur in many other cities and towns of the state of Zacatecas; the feast of San Juan on 24 June and the feast of Santa Cruz on 3 May are examples.) • To Plateros, Zacatecas, and the Santo Nino de Atocha from all points of the compass, which is the second largest pilgrimage in Mexico all year round, but especially at Christmas • To Cuencame, Durango, and el Senor de Mapimf, from Mapimf and all northern Mexico, on 6 August • To EI Tizonazo, Durango, and el Sei'ior de Guerreros, a Chichimeca shrine and missio~ (with no accompanying village) on the first Friday of March • To El Zape, Durango, and la Virgen de la Macana, a wounded survivor of Indian rebellions, on the feast of la Virgen de Inmaculada Concepcion, 8 December • To the San Lorenzo church in Juarez, where refugees of the Pueblo Revolt of 1680 settled, with Matachines in procession from the Guadalupe Mission in central Juarez, on New Years Day and 10 August • To the Guadalupe Mission at the central plaza ofJuarez, from barrios, towns, and villages all over Chihuahua for the feast ofGuadalupe on 12 December 444 ~ NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 83, NUMBER 4
• To Monte Cristo Rey, a monumental Christ figure on a mountain near El Paso where Texas, New Mexico, and Chihuahua meet for Holy Week (The U. S. Department ofHomeland Security has fenced offthe routes of this pilgrimage in fear of international terrorism.) • To Tortugas Mountain near Las Cruces, New Mexico, for the feast of
Guadalupe on 12 December • To the large Calvaria at Cerro de Tome near Belen, New Mexico, for Holy Week (In this pilgrimage, people have symbolically reclaimed the lost common lands of the Tome land grant.) • To Zuni Pueblo, New Mexico, and a Santo Nino figure rescued from the Pueblo Revolt of 1680, probably the oldest santo in New Mexico, all year round • To Bernalillo, New Mexico, for the grand fiesta of San Lorenzo, 10 August • To the Santuario de Chimayo and Santo Nino de Atocha for the holy earth of el Senor de Esquipulas, all year round but especially for Holy Week • To all points of the compass, every town and city, and all the local sa cred sites for Holy Week in our polycentric pilgrimage tradition-the center is everywhere • And finally back to Santa Fe to more fully understand its fiesta, which in spite of cultural differences and the contradictions of our history, would seek to join us together in celebration • After visiting primos and hermanos along the Camino Real, then we will finally be truly ready to visit our abuelos in Spain
Notes
1. Preliminary versions of this essay were originally delivered at the Coloquio del Camino Real de Tierra Adentro in Socorro, New Mexico, and the 2006 Santa Fe Fiesta Lecture.
2. Carninos reales (royal roads) linked regional capitals. From 1598 to 1610 the capital of New Mexico was San Gabriel (across the river from Ohkay Owingeh Pueblo and north of Espanola), which operated as the official terminus of the Camino Real de Tierra Adentro for twelve years. With independence from Spain in 1821, the caminos reales officially became carninos nacionales (national roads). How ever, communities from El Paso to Taos still call local routes "El Camino Real" as a kind of popular anachronism. 3. Max L. Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road: Trade and Travel on the Chihuahua Trail (Norman: University ofOklahoma Press, 1995); Jose de la Cruz Pacheco Rojas FALL 2008 LAMADRID + 445
y joseph P. Sanchez, eds., Memorias del Coloquio Intemacional El Camino Real de Tierra Adentro (Mexico, D.F.: Instituto Nacional de Antropologfa e Historia, 2000); Gabrielle G. Palmer, comp., june-el Piper and LouAnn Jacobson, eds., El Camino Real de Tierra Adentro, vol. 1, Cultural Resources Series, no. 11 (Santa Fe: Bureau ofLand Management, New Mexico State Office, 1993); Gabrielle G. Palmer and Stephen L. Fosberg, comps., June-el Piper, ed., El Camino Real de Tierra Adentro, vol. 2, Cultural Resources Series, no. 13 (Santa Fe: Bureau of Land Man agement, New Mexico State Office, 1999); and Christine Preston, Douglas J. Preston, and jose Antonio Esquibel, The Royal Road: El Camino Real from Mexico City to Santa Fe (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998). 4- Article 2 of the United Nations Education Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Convention for the Safeguarding ofthe Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2003 defines the intangible cultural heritage as "The practices, representations, expressions, knowledge, skills-as well as the instruments, objects, artefacts and cultural spaces associated therewith-that communities, groups and, in some cases, individuals recognize as part of their cultural heritage. This intangible cultural heritage, transmitted from generation to generation, is constantly recreated by com munities and groups in response to their environment, their interaction with na ture and their history, and provides them with a sense of identity and continuity, thus promoting respect for cultural diversity and human creativity.... The 'intan gible cultural heritage' ... is manifested inter alia in the following domains: (a) oral traditions and expressions, including language as a vehicle of the intangible cultural heritage; (b) performing arts; (c) social practices, rituals and festive events; (d) knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe; (e) traditional craftsmanship." UNESCO, "Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cul tural Heritage" (Paris, 17 October 2003). 5. J. Manuel Espinosa, Crusaders ofthe RIO Grande: The Story ofDon Diego de Vargas and the Reconquest and Refounding of New Mexico (Chicago: Institute of Jesuit History, 1942), 225-26. 6. See Marta Weigle, Brothers ofLight, Brothers ofBlood: The Penitentes ofthe South west (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1976). 7. Tomas Lozano, Cantemos al Alba: Origins ofSongs, Sounds, and Liturgical Drama ofHispanic New Mexico, trans. and ed. Rima Montoya (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2006); and Marta Weigle and Peter L. White, The Lore of New Mexico, Publications of the American Folklore Society (Albuquerque: Uni versity of New Mexico Press, 1988). 8. Research on the impact of Durango's Colegio Seminario on New Mexico and the identification of Nuevomexicanos in academic records is ongoing at the Instituto de Investigaciones Hist6ricas de Durango. See jose de la Cruz Pacheco Rojas, ed. Los Jesuitas en el norte de Nueva Espana: sus contribuciones a la educaci6n y el sistema misional (Durango, Mexico: Universidad Juarez del Estado de Durango, Instituto de Investigaciones Hist6ricas, 2004). 9. Karla Baca, "TheTaos Priest: A Monument to Honor Father Antonio jose Martinez is Unveiled," Santa Fe New Mexican, 17 July, 2006. 446 + NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 83, NUMBER 4
10. Victor Turner and Edith Turner, Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture: An
thropological Perspectives, Lectures on the History of Religions, no. 11 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1978), 1-39. 11. Leslie A. White, The Acoma Indians: f
24. Sylvia Rodriguez, "Procession and Sacred Landscape in New Mexico," New Mexico Historical Review 77 (winter 2002): 1-26. 25. Anthropologist Alfonso Ortiz fully develops the parameters of sacred space in the Puebloan cosmos. See Alfonso Ortiz, The Tewa World: Space, Time, Being, and Becoming in a Pueblo Society (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1969)' 26. Max Harris, "Moctezuma's Daughter: The Role ofLa Malinche in Mesoamerican Dance," Journal ofAmerican Folklore 109 (spring 1996): 149-77. 27. Enrique R. Lamadrid, "From Santiago at Acoma to the Diablo in the Casinos: Four Centuries of Foundational Milagro Narratives in New Mexico," in Express ing New Mexico: Nuevomexicano Creativity, Ritual, and Memory, ed. Phillip B. Gonzales, 42-60 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2007), 52. 28. Two styles ofMatachines dance exist in the Borderlands. Danza de la Pluma (Dance ofthe Feather) in Mexico, also referred to as Matachines in northern New Mexico, features mitre-shaped headdresses, trident-shaped wands, violin and guitar music, and two unique characters-Monarca (also known as Moctezuma) and the torito (little bull). The other type, called "Chichimeca" or "Apache" style Matachines, includes dancers dressed in red wearing aprons embroidered with horizontal reeds, drum accompaniment, and a clacker that resembles a bow and arrow. Both Matachines styles use gourd rain rattles and have ancestral figures called abuelos or viejos (grandfathers or old men). Little girls also play the main role ofMalinche in both Matachines dances. See Sylvia Rodriguez, The Matachines Dance: Ritual Symbolism and Interethnic Relations in the Upper R(o Grande Valley, Publications of the American Folklore Society (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1996). 29. Rodriguez, The Matachines Dance; and Lozano, Cantemos al Alba. 30. For an analysis of the symbolism and public ritual of the Fiesta de Santa Fe, see Ronald 1. Grimes, Symbol and Conquest: Public Ritual and Drama in Santa Fe, New Mexico, Symbol, Myth, and Ritual Series (1976; repr., Alburquerque: Univer sity ofNew Mexico Press, 1992). Although Matachines dances can o~casionallybe seen in Santa Fe, they are not a central component of this fiesta, which is largely civic in character. The fiesta triumphantly celebrates the "peaceful" Reconquest and excludes elements centered on atonement or reconciliatiol. These latter themes are present in Bernalillo, the other Hispano New Mexican fiesta, which references the Reconquista in a traditional and religious manner. Picuris Pueblo also cel ebrates San Lorenzo's feast, but from a decidedly Puebloan perspective. 31. Lamadrid, "From Santiago at Acoma to the Diablo in the Casinos," 51-52. 32. Dolores Araceli Arceo Guerrero, San Lorenzo, los que cuentan su historia: memo ria hist6rica y tradici6n oral (Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua: CONACULTA, 1997)' 33. Turner and Turner, Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture, 234. 34. Ross Frank, From Settler to Citizen: New Mexican Economic Development and the Creation ofVecino Society, 1750-1820 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), 119-75· 35. Stephen F. de Borhegyi, "The Miraculous Shrines of Our Lord of Esquipulas in Guatemala and Chimayo, New Mexico," El Palacio 60 (1953): 83-111. 448 -7 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW VOLUME 83, NUMBER 4
36. Sam Howarth and Enrique R. Lamadrid, Pilgrimage to Chimayo: Contemporary Por trait ofa Living Tradition (Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico Press, 1999), 13-25. 37. Tomas Martinez Saldana (scholar on the Tlaxcalan Diaspora and the Camino Real de Tierra Adentro, Colegio de Post Graduados de la Escuela Nacional de Agricultura), in discussion with the author, Mexico, D.F., January 2005. 38. Jose Banuelos (trained scholar of Mexican and Latin American literature), in dis cussion with the author, Sombrerete, Zacatecas, May 2006. 39. The oldest surviving record of the Reglas is dated 1853, but this version is assumed to be a second or third generation copy. Thomas J. Steele, S.J. and Rowena A. Rivera, Penitente Self-Government: Brotherhoods and Councils, 1797-1947 (Santa Fe, N.Mex.: Ancient City Press, 1985), 18. 40. La Refonna was a revolutionary period of liberal reforms in Mexico from 1854 to 1876, led principally by Pres. Benito Juarez. The Catholic Church lost vast land holdings and power. Land grants and other traditional forms of government and resource management were abolished as the modern state took control. 41. Michael P. Carroll, The Penitente Brotherhood: Patriarchy and Hispano-Catholi cism in New Mexico (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002), 178. 42. These data and discussion points derive from the research and presentations ofthe Seminario Internacional sobre la Cofradia de Nuestro Padre Jesus Nazareno, and the dialogues they have produced are the result of research and an ongoing semi nar between scholars and hermanos from New Mexico and Durango at the Instituto dc Investigaciones Hist6ricas, Universidad Juarez del Estado de Durango in March 2005 and March 2008. See also Pacheco Rojas, Los Jesuitas en el norte de Nueva Espana. 43. Contacts were made in Cuencame in 2004, when Enrique Lamadrid and Tomas Martinez Saldana led a research expedition and University ofNew Mexico (UNM) class to Zacatecas with the purpose ofcollecting photographs, interviews, and maps for the permanent exhibit ofthe International Camino Real Heritage Center south ofSocorro, New Mexico. The next summer, UNM graduate student David F. Garcia led a pilgrimage to Cuencame for Dorela and Roberto Perea and family, longtime mayordomos of el Senor de Mapimf in San Antonio, New Mexico. They were given a santo of el Senor de Mapimf to replace the one stolen from their church during the folk art boom of the 1970S. 44. Jose Ignacio Gallegos, Historia de la Iglesia en Durango, Colecci6n Mexico Heroico, no. 100 (Mexico: Editorial Jus, 1969), 181. 45· During a visit to the San Agustin church and its hermanos in 1994, Cecile Turrieta collected a number of cuadernos with alabado hymns. See "Inventory of the Hermandad de Nuestro Padre de Jesus Semana Santa Songbooks, 1912-1979:' MSS 608 BC, Center for Southwest Research, University Libraries, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque. 46. Jose de la Cruz Pacheco Rojas, Breve Historia de Durango, Secci6n de obras de historia (Mexico: Colegio de Mexico, Fideicomiso Historia de las Americas, Fondo de Cultura Econ6mica, 2001), 44-45. 47. In March 2008, the New Mexico/Durango research team reassembled to revisit FALL 2008 LAMADRID -+ 449
Cuencame, San Agustin, and Nombre de Dios for a full documentation of the rituals of Semana Santa. 48. Scholar William Wroth discusses how the eighteenth-century innovation ofarticu lated santos allowed for multiple uses in various rituals and processions. In New Mexico, they were produced through the 1860s and used into the early twentieth century. See William Wroth, Images of Penance, Images of Mercy: Southwestern Santos in the Late Nineteenth Century (Norman: University ofOklahoma Press for Taylor Museum for Southwestern Studies, Colorado Springs Fine Arts Center, 1991).