How “Neo-Platonism” Gave Plato a Bad Name
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World Without End Nicholas of Cusa's View of Time And
WORLD WITHOUT END NICHOLAS OF CUSA’S VIEW OF TIME AND ETERNITY Matthieu van der Meer* In his preface to the first printed edition of Apuleius’ works, Giovanni Andrea Bussi, librarian of the Vatican Library, praised his former patron Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa (1401-1464) as a connoisseur, not only of authors from an- cient times, but also from the media tempestas.1 Until recently, Bussi’s remark was considered to be the first witness of Renaissance self-awareness.2 No doubt, many authors (e.g. Petrarch, Salutati, Bruni) at that time were striving for the realisation of a new concept of man in which human dependence on God (oratio) and independence through man’s own rational powers (ratio) were united.3 Subsequently, the study of what it means to be human, the studia hu- manitatis, changed the traditional curricula and opened new intellectual hori- zons. Even if Bussi’s phrase media tempestas is less new than it has been pre- sumed to be, it characterises Nicholas of Cusa as a figure at the crossroads of the middle ages and the age of humanism.4 Ever since the renewed interest in * The author wishes to thank Anthony Lewis, Daniel O’Connell and Albrecht Diem for their comments. 1 M. Miglio, Giovanni Andrea Bussi. Prefazioni alle edizioni di Sweynheym e Pan- nartz (Milan, 1978), p. 17: “Vir ipse, quod rarum est in Germanis, supra opinionem elo- quens et latinus, historias idem omnes non priscas modo, sed mediae tempestatis, tum veteres, tum recentiores usque ad nostra temp ora, memoria, retinebat”. 2 T. -
Plotinus, Epicurus, and the Gnostics: on Plotinian Classification of Philosophies
PLOTINUS, EPICURUS, AND THE GNOSTICS: ON PLOTINIAN CLASSIFICATION OF PHILOSOPHIES Andrei Cornea 1. When we try to figure out what Plotinus might have looked like, it is a Byzantine icon that usually comes up in our mind: a slim, tall, highly- spiritualized figure, floating in out-of-this-world space, intensively gazing upon us, totally detached from the things below. Yet such an image over- simplifies this philosopher’s life. For instance, although one does not expect a Byzantine icon to be involved in heavy polemic, polemic plays an impor- tant role in Plotinus’ life and philosophy. So the icon has got cracks. In fact, because Plotinus, like many in his epoch, denied that his ideas had any basic originality,1 considering them (despite obvious and essential innovations) to be but the unfolding of one master’s ultimate truth, polemic mainly con- cerned the question of whether or not his own interpretation of this master, Plato, was the most faithful of all. Besides, Plotinus believed, Plato had to be defended against all misinterpretation and outright contestation which were never in short supply. So Plotinus had a lot of potential adversaries; but of course he could not afford to take on all of them at once. Therefore, he needed politics. In fact, there is no polemic without some politics, and that prompts me to invoke Carl Schmitt’s famous definition: The political is the art of distinguishing friends from enemies. In other words, politics usually establish a divide between the former and the latter that must be appropriate to the occasion. -
Corrupted Platonism in Astrophil and Stella: the Expression of Desire
Corrupted Platonism in Astrophil and Stella: The Expression of Desire Sonia Hernández Santano UNIVERSIDAD DE HUELVA [email protected] Astrophil’s love for Stella is not the conventional Platonic love of Petrarchist poems. We cannot fully consider him the romantic lover who aspires to a spiritual enjoying of his lady’s virtues and beauty for, though he attempts to represent his feelings according to the parameters of Platonism, he also makes his basest sexual desire flourish in many of the sonnets or songs of Astrophil and Stella. It is not that his begins by being a pure love that progressively degenerates into a blatant expression of his sexual needs due to an increase of his desire. The material nature of his love as opposed to spiritual love is obvious from the very beginning of the sequence. It is, however, a fact that Astrophil does frequently express his amorous feeling by means of Platonic topics such as the correspondence between physical beauty and spiritual virtue, as in sonnet 48 when he refers to Stella’s eyes as “where Virtue is made strong by Beautie’s might” (l. 2) or that he identifies himself with the agonizing lover of Petrarchist sequences who suffers the wounds of Cupid as in sonnet 20: “Fly, fly, my friends, I have my death wound” (l. 1) or with the slave of his beloved as in sonnet 47: “What, have I thus betrayed my libertie?” (l. 1). But the Platonic representation of his love is continually corrupted by frequent ironic allusions to it and to sexual desire. -
Platonic Love for Persons Vlastos (1973) Raises a Famous Critique of Plato's Account of Love in the Symposium. the Highest
Platonic Love for Persons Vlastos (1973) raises a famous critique of Plato’s account of love in the Symposium. The highest form of erōs, as it is described in Diotima’s scala amoris, is not for any particular individual but takes as its object the form of beauty itself (211a1-d1). Furthermore, erōs for an individual features in this account purely as stepping-stone to the philosopher’s comprehension of beauty. Not only is it difficult to understand what this impersonal erōs is, but it is difficult to understand why Plato thinks it is such an important part of a life well lived. So puzzled is Vlastos by the impersonality of erōs on this account that he ultimately finds it lacking in “kindness, tenderness, compassion,” and “respect for the integrity of the beloved” (30). What is missing, he claims, is an account of love for “persons who are themselves worthy of love for their own sake.” Since the publication of Vlastos’ critique, many have attempted to save Plato’s account by showing that love of particular individuals is consistent with or important to the philosopher’s pursuit of beauty (i.e. Price 1981, Nehamas 2007, Sheffield 2009, Urstad 2010). In other words, scholars have attempted to show that the impersonal love of the Symposium is not so impersonal after all. This paper takes a somewhat different approach; it argues that the impersonal nature of erōs in the Symposium is consistent with an overarching lack of esteem for personal relationships elsewhere in the dialogues. In the Crito, for example, Socrates appears largely unconcerned with the care of his sons, ranking his obligation to them well behind his duty to the laws (54b2-3). -
Cusanus, on Learned Igorance-17Z8dxd
On Learned Ignorance Harries 1 Karsten Harries Nicholas of Cusa On Learned Ignorance Seminar Notes Fall Semester 2015 Yale University Copyright Karsten Harries On Learned Ignorance Harries 2 Contents 1. Introduction 3 Book One 2. Learned Ignorance 17 3. The Coincidence of Opposites 30 4. The Threat of Pantheism 47 5. The Power of Mathematics 61 6. Naming God 76 Book Two 7. The Shape of the Universe 90 8. Matter and Becoming 105 9. The Condition of the Earth 118 Book Three 10. The Need for Christ 131 11. Death and Resurrection 146 12. Faith and Understanding 162 13. Death, Damnation, and the Church 176 On Learned Ignorance Harries 3 1. Introduction 1 Many philosophers today have become uneasy about what philosophy has become and where it has led us. Nietzsche and Heidegger, Derrida and Rorty are just a few names. Their uneasiness mirrors widespread concern about the shape of our modern culture. As more and more begin to suspect that the road on which we have been travelling may be a dead end, attempt are made to retrace steps taken; a search begins for missed turns and for those who may have misled us. Among these Descartes has long occupied a special place as the thinker whose understanding of proper method helped found modern philosophy, science, and indeed the shape of our technological world. It is thus to be expected that attempts to question modernity, to confront it, in order perhaps to take a step beyond it, should have often taken the form of attempts to confront Descartes or Cartesian rationality. -
Images of Homeric Manuscripts from the Biblioteca Marciana1
2008 Annual Conference of CIDOC Athens, September 15 – 18, 2008 Christopher W. Blackwell IMAGES OF HOMERIC MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE BIBLIOTECA MARCIANA1 Christopher W. Blackwell Classics University or Organization: Furman University Address: 3300 Poinsett Highway Greenville, SC 29609 USA E-Mail: [email protected] URL: http://chs.harvard.edu/chs/homer_multitext Abstract This paper describes the manuscript Marcianus Graecus Z.454 (=822), the “Venetus A” and the work of capturing high-resolution digital images of its folios. The manuscripts is a masterpiece of 9th Century “information technology”, combing a primary text, the Homeric Iliad, with secondary texts in the form of scholiastic notes, and other metadata in the form of critical signs. Thus the images of this manuscript provide wide access to an invaluable window into two millennia of the history of the Homeric tradition. INTRODUCTION In May of 2007 an international team of Classicists, conservators, photographers, and imaging experts came together in the Biblioteca Marciana—the Library of St. Mark—in Venice, in order to bring to light a cultural treasure that had been hidden away for over 100 years. The Venetus A manuscript of the Iliad (Marcianus Gr. Z. 454 [=822]), the 1 The following paper is about a collaborative project, of which I am one of four primary editors. We have worked together to produce a number of presentations and publications connected to the project over the past year, including the forthcoming book: Recapturing a Homeric Legacy: Images and Insights from the Venetus A Manuscript of the Iliad. For this reason, this paper should be considered to be co-authored by Casey Dué, Mary Ebbott, and Neel Smith. -
Concepts of Love and Some Implications for Education
CONCEPTS OF LOVE AND SOME IMPLICATIONS FOR EDUCATION Dina Andersen A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the Department of Theory and Policy Studies in Education, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the Universis. of Toronto Copyright 0 Dina Andersen 1998 National Library Bibliothèque nationale of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to ~ibliothequenationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de rnicrofiche/fïlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otheMrise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimes reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS When 1 decided to undertake a study of love 1 did not realize that rnany would express hesitations and personal reservations about the topic. 1 am therefore doubly grateful to Dr. Clive Beck, chair, for his continuous support, and to Dr. Grace Feuerverger as well as Dr. -
Nicholas of Cusa and Modern Philosophy
//FS2/CUP/3-PAGINATION/HRP/2-PROOFS/3B2/9780521846486C09.3D 173 [173–192] 2.5.2007 8:03AM 9 DERMOT MORAN Nicholas of Cusa and modern philosophy ‘‘Gatekeeper of the modern age’’ Nicholas of Cusa (Niklas Krebs, known as Cusanus, 1401–64), one of the most original and creative intellects of the fifteenth century,1 has been variously described as ‘‘the last great philosopher of the dying Middle Ages’’ (Alexandre Koyre´), as a ‘‘transition-thinker’’ between the medieval and modern worlds (Frederick Copleston),2 and as the ‘‘gatekeeper of the modern age’’ (Rudolf Haubst).3 He is a lone figure with no real successor although he had some influence on Copernicus, Kepler, Bruno, and, tangen- tially, on Descartes. The German Idealists showed some interest in Nicholas of Cusa but the real revival of his thought was stimulated by the neo-Kantian philosopher Ernst Cassirer (1874–1945) who called him ‘‘the first modern thinker’’ and by the existentialist Karl Jaspers.4 Cassirer compared him to Kant for his view that objects have to be understood in terms of the categories of our own thought.5 Other scholars, notably Alexandre Koyre´,6 Hans-Georg Gadamer7 Hans Blumenberg,8 Werner Beierwaltes,9 and Karsten Harries,10 all see him in a certain way as a harbinger of modernity.11 Yet his outlook is essentially conservative, aiming, as Hans Blumenberg has recognized, to maintain the medieval synthesis.12 Cusanus was a humanist scholar, Church reformer – his De concordantia catholica (On Catholic Concord, 1434) included proposals for the reform of Church and state – papal diplomat, and Catholic cardinal. -
Chryssa Maltezou Still More on the Political Views of Bessarion
Chryssa Maltezou (Venedig) Still more on the political views of Bessarion An imposing universal figure, Bessarion, metropolitan of Nicaea and in later life a cardinal of the Catholic Church, was undoubtedly one of the most important personalities of the 15th century. He played a key role in the renewal of intellectual life in Italy, offering the western community the benefit of his own special perspective on the world and, along with other Byzantine men of letters, familiarising Western Europe with what has aptly been called ‘Proto- Europe’, i.e. the thousand-year-old Byzantine Empire1). The nature of Bessa- rion’s conduct and deeds in general have tended to create an ideologically loaded picture as regards his political conscience: his actions lay beyond the normal pattern of the Byzantine or Western world, suggesting a broader European synthesis. According to his contemporary, the Italian humanist, Loren- zo Valla, Bessarion was “in Rome the most Latin of the Greeks and in Constantinople the most Greek of the Latins” (Latinorum graecissimus, Graeco- rum latinissimus),2) while Bessarion’s protégé, the scholar and scribe Michael Apostoles, considered the cardinal to be among the “last of the Greeks” and the “first of the Europeans” (eön tvqn Graikvqn toiqw uÖstaßtoiw kaöntoiqw prvßtoiw tvqn Euörvpaißvn).3) Modern scholars have since emphasized from time to time either the Greek or the Latin dimension of his personality. His decision to embrace the Latin Church and his stance on the issue of the union of the churches explains why western -
Libraries: Architecture and the Ordering of Knowledge
Libraries: Architecture and the Ordering of Knowledge English text of March 29, 2009, by J. Connors for “Biblioteche: l’architettura e l’ordinamento del sapere,” with Angela Dressen, in Il Rinascimento Italiano e l’Europa, vol. 6, Luoghi, spazi, architetture, ed. Donatella Calabi and Elena Svalduz, Treviso-Costabissara, 2010, pp. 199-228. All the texts describing ancient libraries had been rediscovered by the mid-Quattrocento. Humanists knew Greek and Roman libraries from the accounts in Strabo, Varro, Seneca, and especially Suetonius, himself a former prefect of the imperial libraries. From Pliny everyone knew that Asinius Pollio founded the first public library in Rome, fulfilling the unrealized wish of Juliuys Caesar ("Ingenia hominum rem publicam fecit," "He made men's talents public property"). From Suetonius it was known that Augustus founded two libraries, one in the Porticus Octaviae, and another, for Greek and Latin books, in the temple of Apollo on the Palatine, where the sculptural decoration included not only a colossal statue of Apollo but also portraits of celebrated writers. The texts spoke frequently of author portraits, and also of the wealth and splendor of ancient libraries. The presses for the papyrus rolls were made of ebony and cedar; the architectural order and the revetments of the rooms were of marble; the sculpture was of gilt bronze. Boethius added that libraries were adorned with ivory and glass, while Isidore mentioned gilt ceilings and restful green cipollino floors. Senecan disapproval of ostentatious libraries, of "studiosa luxuria," of piling up more books than one could ever read, gave way to admiration for magnificent libraries. -
Numenius and the Hellenistic Sources of the Central Christian Doctrine
! Numenius and the Hellenistic Sources ! of the Central Christian Doctrine Marian Hillar Center for Philosophy and Socinian Studies Houston, TX 77004 Paper published in A Journal from the Radical Reformation. A testimony to Biblical Unitarianism. Vol. 14, No.! 1, Spring 2007, pp. 3-31. Quis obsecro, nisi penitus amens logomachias has sine risu toleraret? Nec in Thalmud, nec in Alchoran, sunt tam horrendae blasfemiae. Haec nos hactenus audire ita sumus alsuefacti, ut nihil miremur. Futurae vero generationes stupenda haec iudicabunt. Stupenda sunt vere, plusquam ea daemonum inventa, quae Valentinianis tribuit Irenaeus. I implore you, who in his sane mind could tolerate such logomachias without bursting into laughter? Not in the Talmud, nor in the Qu’ran can one find such horrendous blasphemies. But we are accustomed to hear them to the point that nothing astonishes us. Future generations will judge them obscure. Indeed, they are obscure, much more than the diabolic inventions which Irenaeus attributed to the Valentinians. ! Michael Servetus Christianismi Restitutio, De Trinitate, lib. I. p. 46. Si locum mihi aliquem ostendas, quo verbum illud filius olim vocetur, fatebor me victum. Christianismi Restitutio, If you show me a single passage in which the Son was called the Word, I will give up. Michael Servetus, Christianismi Restitutio, De Trinitate, lib. III p. 108. ! Abstract This paper attempts to explain the sources of the central Christian doctrine about the nature of deity. We can trace a continuous line of thought from the Greek philosophy to the development of the doctrine of the Trinity. The first Christian doctrine was developed by Justin Martyr (114-165 C.E.). -
Platonic Love in a Colorado Courtroom: Martha Nussbaum, John Finnis, and Plato's Laws in Evans V
Articles Platonic Love in a Colorado Courtroom: Martha Nussbaum, John Finnis, and Plato's Laws in Evans v. Romer Randall Baldwin Clark* I. RELEVANT FOR FIFTEEN MINUTES-OR THIRTY CENTURIES? To the ridicule of the highbrow popular press' and the surprise of classical scholars,2 Plato's Laws,3 a work which was mocked, even in * University of Virginia School of Law, Class of 2002. Ph.D., University of Chicago, 1998. Research Associate, Dartmouth College Department of Government, 1997-99. Author, THE LAW MOST BEAUTIFUL AND BEST: MEDICAL ARGUMENT AND MAGICAL RHETORIC IN PLATO'S LAWS (Rowman & Littlefield - Lexington Books, forthcoming 2001). This article has benefited from the comments of many friends, colleagues, and teachers. For their assistance, I would like to thank Danielle Allen, Larry Arnhart, Richard 0. Brooks, Robert A. Burt, Allison D. Clark, Andrew P. Clark, Elizabeth A. Clark, Glenn W. Clark, Matthew Crawford, Richard Dougherty, Martha A. Field, Shawntel R. Fugate, Martin P. Golding, L. Kent Greenawalt, A.E. Dick Howard, Leon R. Kass, Matthew Kutcher, Melissa S. Lane, Mark J. Lutz, Roger D. Masters, Lynn Mather, Angelia K. Means, Ted H. Miller, S. Sarah Monoson, David Peritz, Richard A. Posner, Christopher Rohrbacher, Ariel C. Silver, Nathan Tarcov, Bradley A. Thayer, Elizabeth E. Theran, Paul Ulrich, Eduardo A. Velasquez, Lloyd L. Weinreb, Martin D. Yaffe, and the members of my edit team at the Yale Journal of Law & the Humanities. I only regret that I was unable to address all of their criticisms. Particularly profound appreciation is owed to my friend and colleague, James B. Murphy, whose queries helped me conceive this work and whose encouragement brought it to light: aneu gar phil6n oudeis heloit' an zen.